İlkay Canan

Öğretim Görevlisi Dr.

II. Meşrutiyet Dönemi Resim Sanatında Nesne ve Özne Olarak Kadın

Seda

First thirty years of the 18th century was a milestone for the Ottoman society, culture, and architecture because when the Treaty of Passarowitz was signed, a long period of peace started between the Ottoman and Western civilization. Besides, the superiority of Western societies was accepted by the Ottoman Empire. Therefore, the first envoys were sent to Europe. Yirmisekiz (twenty-eight) Mehmet Çelebi is the first envoy sent to France. Mehmet Çelebi observed a lot of palaces, gardens, cities, military postures, press housings in France, and on his return to the homeland, he brought with him the plans of these structures in his travel guide. He even had the plans of some important French palaces and gardens. When Sultan Ahmed III and his Grand Vizier Damat Ibrahim Pasha read this travel guide, they were impressed a lot. Therefore, they immediately commissioned public works in Istanbul. For this reason, new palaces, kiosks, pavilions, medium-sized complexes, a lot of fountains, and sebils (Sebil is a public donation, for the distribution of cold drinking water, sweet drinks or fruit juice to passers-by in cups) were started to be built. Instead of grand mosques and social complexes of the 16th and 17th century’s Ottoman architecture, in 1718-1730, the so-called Tulip Era, public structures were built. Until the end of the 16th century, the Ottoman Empire’s economy was in good condition. However, in the 17th century, it entered a recession. Therefore, only medium-sized complexes, a lot of fountains, kiosks, and summer palaces could be built in the first thirty years of the 18th century. Uskudar Ahmediye Complex, built in 1722 or during the Tulip Era, was one of these buildings. Eminzade Haci Ahmed Aga, a chamberlain of the navy yard in the Ottoman Empire, commissioned Ahmediye Complex. Uskudar Ahmediye Complex consists of a mosque, primary school (Islamic monastery), madrasah, library, two fountains, WC, tomb, burial area reserved for special people, and a room to show azan times. These units are located around a court. The court has a small pond, as well. If we look at the location plan, we can see that the Uskudar Ahmediye Complex has an asymmetrical composition. Buildings of the complex are built according to specific geometrical shapes like square, octagon, and polygon. Almost all the buildings are covered by domes. In addition to this, vaults are used in some places, as well. Although Uskudar Ahmediye Complex generally shows classical Ottoman architecture features, some parts exhibit Western and Eastern styles. For instance, the sebil has a polygonal plan like Early Baroque style. Besides, Uskudar Ahmediye fountain and minbar of the mosque have some flower motifs from Eastern cultures. Also, the Ahmediye fountain and the sebils have multifoil arches coming from the Antiquity and Early East culture. We know that Uskudar Ahmediye Complex have neither entirely Western nor Eastern architecture features. It is a classical Ottoman architecture example but, in some parts of this complex, the reflections of the Eastern and Western architectures can be seen. Indeed, the first thirty years of the 18th century were a transition period for the Ottoman architecture. During the first thirty years of the 18th century, there was the Baroque and Rococo style in Europe. Notably, the Baroque style was the most prominent style in France during Louis IV’ time, which is famous for the palaces built. The exterior facades of these palaces are generally plain, but the interior design is more elaborate. In the decorations, which bears traces of the Baroque style, is seen botanical patterns like leaf Frisians, seashells, and flyaway figures. After the Baroque style, the Rococo style, which was a decorative art, emerged in Louis V’s period in France. The number of columns and pilasters, which had been used as exterior architecture, had decreased. The rococo style includes S and C crimped branches, toothed medallion, seashells, and acanthus leaves. Versailles Palace is the most notable example of Baroque and Rococo style in France. The baroque and rococo styles did not enter in the Ottoman Architecture until after the transition period called the Tulip Era, which began in 1718 and continued until 1730. Indeed, it could be said that the effects of this era can be seen in the Ottoman architecture until 1740. The Tulip Era brought some novelties (such as wide eaves and more decorations) to the Ottoman architecture. These new decorations were from Persian and especially Indian and Mughal cultures. Another novelty was polygonal buildings which were generally seen at the sebils of this period. This was coming from the West and called the Early Baroque style. Although some parts of Uskudar Ahmediye Complex reflects Eastern and Western architectures, the architectural elements and details of the buildings in the complex are traditional. In other words, the buildings in the complex generally have Classical Ottoman architecture features. Also, some details and decorative motifs of the complex are from the Eastern and Western architectures. In conclusion, Uskudar Ahmediye Complex is a building that displays the features of the transition period from the classical Ottoman architecture to the Baroque style.

Üsküdar Ahmediye Külliyesi ve Lale Devri Mimarisi İçindeki Yeri

@JOURNAL_BOX_MOSTREAD

İbrahim

Hakan

Assoc. Prof. Dr.

This study comprehensively analyzes the Nabataean sundial, inventory number 7664 (ESEM), which was unearthed during archaeological excavations in Mada’in Salih (ancient Hicr) in 1907 and is currently on display at the Ancient Orient Museum of Istanbul Archaeological Museums. Rather than offering a mere description of a single artifact, it considers the sundial as a tangible manifestation of scientific and technological exchange between the Nabataeans and the Roman world, while also illuminating the broader intellectual and cultural context of the region.The article begins by situating the sundial within the historical development of timekeeping devices. The origins of sundials are traced back to simple shadow-casting sticks (this method was called gnomon in Ancient Greece) used in early civilizations such as Mesopotamia and Ancient Egypt. The Greeks and Romans developed these early forms by applying geometric and astronomical theories, producing highly complex sundials. This intellectual heritage spread throughout the Roman Empire and reached the Nabataeans through trade, diplomacy, and cultural proximity.The Nabataean Kingdom, which flourished from the 1st century BCE to the 1st century CE, benefited from outstanding geopolitical and economic advantages due to its location at the crossroads of the incense, spice, and precious stone trade routes between Arabia and the Mediterranean. This geographic advantage not only facilitated commercial interactions but also placed the Nabataeans at the heart of an extensive network of cultural and intellectual exchange. Beginning in approximately the 4th century BC, this Arabian-origin, semi-nomadic people started to settle in the northwestern part of the Arabian Peninsula -present day Jordan, northern Saudi Arabia, southern Syria, and parts of Palestine. Over time, they entered a complex urbanization process, establishing magnificent capitals such as Petra and important cities such as Mada’in Salih (ancient Hegra).Spanning a vast region of northwestern Arabia, the Nabataeans were known for their openness to external influences and their remarkable ability to integrate these with their own cultural, architectural, and technical knowledge. Cities such as the capital Petra and Mada’in Salih were not just trade centers but also dynamic crossroads of intellectual and cultural exchange between East and West. In these cities, artistic styles, cultural differences, engineering techniques, and scientific knowledge converged and evolved. The Hellenistic-style sundial discovered at Mada’in Salih is a striking example of this synthesis, demonstrating the Nabataeans’ interaction with advanced astronomical and mathematical knowledge from the Hellenistic world and their integration of this knowledge into their cultural context.&nbsp;The sundial is carved from local reddish sandstone and has a concave quarter-spherical surface divided into 12 hourly segments by radial lines. The geometric precision indicates not only the tracking of the solar movement but also specific calibration information based on a particular geographical latitude. Scholars (particularly John F. Healey) have calculated that the ideal length of the shadow stick (gnomon) should be approximately 13.48 cm based on the latitude of Mada’in Salih (26°47′ N). However, the shadow stick installed during the museum’s restoration is only 12 cm long, indicating a historical inaccuracy. This discrepancy raises essential questions about the preservation and&nbsp;interpretation of ancient artifacts. Subsequently, museum officials acknowledged their mistake and removed the rod from the artifact, highlighting the challenges and responsibilities in preserving and presenting historical objects.The dial also features curved lines indicating the solstices and equinoxes, serving not only measure the time of day but also track the solar year’s progression. This sophisticated design demonstrates that the creators of the artifact possessed both astronomical and geometric knowledge. This situation reveals that scientific literacy in pre-Islamic Arabia was at a much higher level than traditionally assumed. This accumulation of knowledge shows that Hellenistic mathematical astronomy was not only passively transmitted but also actively adapted and applied.&nbsp;The inscription on the sundial is particularly noteworthy. Written in Nabataean Aramaic, it is inscribed as follows: “Nathan son of Manasseh, peace (shalom).” This brief but meaningful phrase provides important clues about the person who may have owned or commissioned the sundial. The fact that the names Nathan and Manasseh are both of Hebrew origin supports historical accounts of Jewish communities migrating to this region after the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans in 70 CE. The phrase “peace” is a common linguistic feature in Aramaic inscriptions and likely carries the meaning of a grave context, an offering, or a sacred wish.This unique artifact represents the intersection of Nabataean, Roman, and Jewish cultural identities. This identity structure challenges traditional views that ancient Arabia was a uniform or isolated culture, instead revealing a dynamic and interconnected world in which ideas and people circulated with notable mobility. The coexistence of different linguistic, religious, and technological elements within a single object reflects the pluralistic character of the Nabataean society.The article further explores the socio-political and economic context of Mada’in Salih. Known as Hegra by the Romans and Egra by earlier Greek geographers, the city was strategically crucial on the incense and spice routes connecting southern Arabia to the Mediterranean. Following the Roman annexation of the Nabataean Kingdom in 106 CE, Mada’in Salih transformed into a military and administrative outpost. Despite the Roman occupation, the city maintained its Nabataean character through its rock tombs, inscriptions, and urban layout. This demonstrates the resilience of local cultural identity even under imperial rule and the complex relationship between assimilation and autonomy.&nbsp;The sundial was discovered during excavations carried out by Ottoman soldiers in April 1907 during the construction of the Hejaz Railway. The artifact was soon transported to Istanbul. Although it was cataloged initially, the sundial remained neglected by scholars for decades. It was not until 1989 that John F. Healey systematically examined the artifact and provided a brief historical account. However, this present study provides deeper insights into the context, function, and meaning of the artifact through modern 3D modeling and comparative analysis with similar sundials.One of the study’s significant contributions is its interdisciplinary approach. By combining archaeological evidence, inscription analysis, and astronomical modeling, the study treats the sundial not merely as an object of ancient curiosity but also as a focal point for understanding the scientific landscape of the ancient Near East. Thus, the sundial serves as a lens through which to examine the localization of science and the reinterpretation of imported technologies in accordance with local needs and cultural frameworks.&nbsp;Furthermore, this sundial offers clues about how the Nabataeans conceptualized and organized time in their social lives. Such public time-measuring devices likely played a role in coordinating religious ceremonies, managing agricultural productivity, structuring civil life, regulating commercial activities, and ensuring the collective time order necessary for the stability of complex urban communities. The presence of solstice and equinox markers indicates an awareness of agricultural calendars and ritual cycles. Thus, the sundial is not merely a technical tool but also an instrument for managing time within the social order.The article also addresses the widely used concept of “Jahiliyya” with reference to the pre-Islamic period. This expression, often translated as “Age of Ignorance,” is misleading. In the Islamic tradition, this period is defined as a time of cultural and moral decline. However, this sundial challenges this perspective by demonstrating that preIslamic Arab societies possessed the intellectual vitality to engage with scientific ideas.&nbsp;The final sections of the article emphasize the importance of this work in terms of cultural heritage studies. It encourages the re-evaluation of neglected works in museum collections. It also fosters collaboration between disciplines such as archaeology, philology, astronomy, and cultural history to reveal the deeper meaning of material remains. Despite its small size, the sundial numbered 7664 is a powerful symbol that recalls the creativity and complexity of Nabataean culture.Furthermore, the artifact offers a new area of study regarding the presence of the Jewish diaspora in Arabia during the ancient period. The fact that Jews settled in Arabia long before the destruction of Jerusalem by Titus in 70 CE and the great exodus can be supported by such examples of material culture. Epigraphic data obtained from inscriptions, such as Hebrew names, provide valuable clues about the patterns of migration and demography. The presence of Hebrew names on a Roman-influenced Nabataean sundial raises essential questions about identity, integration, and cosmopolitanism in the ancient world. This opens up new avenues for researching how diasporic identities are formed in transitional regions where cultural boundaries are permeable.In conclusion, the sundial number 7664 is more than just a timekeeping device; it is a multifaceted document of identities, ideas, and innovations. Carved into sandstone, this object encodes the relationships between the sun and shadow, science and society, memory and matter. Therefore, it holds an essential place in the story of ancient science and the desire of human civilizations -even in barren deserts- to reach the stars through stone, shadow, and writing. Through this object, we can see not only time but also cultural depth, intellectual passion, and humanity’s desire to know and remember. Such studies can offer educational examples regarding ancient science, cross-cultural interaction, and the material dimensions of the concept of time. They can enrich university curricula and public history programs. In today’s environment, where cultural heritage is often neglected, such case studies highlight the importance of archaeological research. They demonstrate not only the historical significance of monumental structures but also how even modest artifacts can be rich in historical meaning.&nbsp;

An Evaluation of the Nabataean-Period Sundial with Inventory Number 7664 in the Ancient Orient Museum of Istanbul Archaeological Museums

Ahsen

Münteha

Emre

Burial practices were central to ancient Roman life. The hope of being remembered and the need to honor the deceased was a common goal of Roman society. When Roman funerary monuments are examined in a broad context, new archaeological studies on death focus on human remains, burial rituals, and memory. The door-type grave stelae evaluated within the scope of the study are material culture objects of different sizes and shapes, including depictions of the deceased and inscriptions describing the deceased, as well as indicating the grave of the deceased. Through the definitions of material culture and objects, which are frequently used in the study, the depictions on the stelae are defined not by their primary designations and functions, such as tools, but as pure objects that are stripped of any meaning and functionality. The depictions of these material culture objects vary. Before defining these depictions, it is necessary to understand the symbolic language used in the depiction of various figures and objects. Only in this way is it possible to assess the status, belief, and character of the owner of a grave stele within society. So, this study focuses on four door-type grave stelae from the Uşak Museum. Although the exact provenance of stelae is unknown, they were acquired by the museum through purchase. These stelae provide valuable information about the social and economic status of individuals living in the Phrygian region, as mentioned here, and shed light on the burial customs of the period. The goal of the study is to include these stelae within a typological framework, establish their dates, and analyze their symbolic meanings through stylistic and iconographic comparison, both within their immediate context and with examples from other regions.&nbsp;Under the heading of typology, the stelae in Cat. No. 1-4 are included in a typology by comparing them with their own contexts and examples of stelae with similar styles in different regions (Fig. 1-Fig. 4). In the typological evaluation of the stelae, it is concluded that the previous studies are insufficient to include them in a specific typology and that they should be included in a local typology with the studies to be carried out on the newly reached or to be reached stelae. The stelae in Cat. No. 1 and 2, which share a similar typology, are classified as Aizanitis Type 5a/Type C, Aizanoi 6a/Type IIa, or Tip C Altıntaş. The stele in Cat. No. 3 is classified as a "Door Stele with Niches," following Lochman’s classification due to its unique features. The stele in Cat. No. 4 is categorized as Aizanitis Type 5/Type C, Aizanoi Type 6b/Type IIb, due to its sima on the pediment and the door frame. Similar examples have been assigned to Type VI B with double doors by Jes.The stylistic and typological diversity of these stelae may be attributed to the cultural contact between regions and the attractive choices of ethnic groups. The development of new patterns to emphasize ethnic identity is reflected in the stelae’s diverse designs. Local populations and migrant groups interact to shape this type of development in cities across Asia Minor. In addition, this situation can be defined by the fact that the door-type grave stelae were widely seen, especially in the Roman Imperial Period, and that society found ways to express their identities in the context of belonging to the Roman Empire, enabling their identities to be visibly displayed. Although the precise origin of these door-type funerary stelae remains uncertain, it is likely that they, which became a fashion of the period, were adopted by the Romanizing contemporary provincial society during the construction of their identity.&nbsp;Under the heading of Iconography and Decorations, the symbolic meanings of the depictions on the stele within the funerary iconography are examined. The depictions reveal that they can have both decorative and symbolic meanings. A full interpretation is only possible when the entire iconographic composition is analyzed, allowing for a deeper understanding of the cultural and economic conditions in which these stelae were produced.Under the heading Figures and Portraits, the symbolic expressions of the figures and portraits, especially in Cat. No. 3 and 4 are discussed. The decoration of the stelae with portraits of the deceased is important for understanding how the people of the period represented themselves.Under the heading Objects of Daily Use and Gender Roles, the depiction of daily use objects on the stele in Cat. No. 1-4 and the symbolic gender roles they represent are analyzed. In the analysis of this symbolic language, it is evident that the role model of women as wife-mother figures during the Roman Imperial Period was adopted in provincial funerary art through the depictions of spindles and spinners, baskets, mirrors, and combs, which are weaving tools. Similarly, objects like open diptychs, money pouches, and falx vinitoria serve as symbolic expressions of a man’s status as an educated citizen, professional, and landowner.Under the heading Herbal Decorations, the symbolic meaning of the grapevine (Vitis vinifera L.) and acanthus (Acanthus mollis L.) depicted on the stelae (Cat. No. 1 and 3) is analyzed. The grapevine, often associated with the gods in ancient cultures such as Egyptian, Greek, and Roman, helps reveal how people related to nature in antiquity. Acanthus (Acanthus mollis L.) is a plant that expresses the idea of rebirth, appearing to be dead in summer but beginning to grow again in early fall. It is also associated with maidenhood, representing uncultivated soil, wisdom, and the struggle for life.Under the heading of Animal Depictions, the lion figures on the stelae (Cat. No. 1-3) are examined, along with bird depictions, including a bird resting on a basket. Lion depictions are associated with power in various ancient cultures, symbolizing the desire for unrivaled dominance, much like the lion’s status in the animal kingdom. The depictions of male and female lions hunting on a bull’s head on the stelae in Cat. No. 1-2 in the study symbolize the death of the bull figure and the departure of the deceased to the afterlife. The creation of a new life in the afterlife with the death of the bull is also compatible with the belief in Mithraism, the official religion of Rome. It is believed that the god Mithra sacrifices the head of the cosmic bull sent to him to create life, and a vine plant grows from the blood that irrigates the soil, allowing living beings and life to come into existence. It is understood from this myth that the bull figure actually has a common symbolic expression with the vine plant. Bird depictions may represent the deceased’s fondness for these animals, pastoral life, or the loyalty of the grave’s owner.Under the heading of Epigraphic Evaluations, the inscriptions on the stelae are analyzed to understand how the owners of the grave stele expressed themselves through symbolic language. The inscriptions support the visual language used in the iconographic representations, adding further depth to the symbolic messages conveyed by the stelae.Finally, the typological, iconographic, and epigraphic analysis of the four door-type grave stelae from the Uşak Museum reveals that they provide information about the social and economic status of the grave owners in the region. These stelae were evaluated, compared stylistically and iconographically with their own contexts and similar stele examples from different regions, and dated. The stelae in Cat. No. 1-4 appear to date between the 2nd-century AD and the first quarter of the 3rd-century AD. When the stelae in Cat. No. 1 and 2 are evaluated typologically with the comparison examples, it is seen that they are quite similar to the Aizanitis Type 5/5a or Type C Altintas types. Moreover, the fact that these two stelae have been accessed by the stonemasons who created the iconography of male and female lion hunts of these types indicates that various joint/collective works were carried out. In this case, the fact that they exhibit the characteristics of two types suggests that stonemasons working in the workshops in these regions, but who were traveling, may have made stelae specific to their own regions in different cities. Another possibility is that the grave owners used stelae produced in the workshops of Aizanitis or Altintas. Moreover, it is observed that the stelae in Cat. No. 3 and 4 are very difficult to include in a specific typology due to their unique characteristics. For this reason, it was concluded that the previous research was insufficient and that they should be included in a local typology with the studies to be carried out with the new stelae identified/to be identified.Another important subject of the study is the analysis of the symbolic language of the iconography and decorations on the stelae, which show great variety. The grave stelae, which have both a visual language and a written language with the depiction of various figures and objects within the burial traditions of the dead, enable us to evaluate the community, social environment, city, artistic elements, and belief systems of the city. These descriptions were analyzed by supporting them with both symbolic and mythological expressions and inscriptions. As a result, the evaluations made in the studies of door-type grave stelae reveal that they should be assessed not only in terms of typology, iconography, or inscriptions but also as inseparable parts of a whole. The door-type grave stelae, along with their typology, iconography, and inscriptions, are presented to the scientific community by analyzing them as a whole and in support of each other.

Evaluation of the Symbolic Meaning of the Depictions on the Four Door-Type Grave Stelae at the Uşak Museum

Mehmet

Zeliha

Prof. Dr.

War, one of the oldest and most widespread phenomena in human history, is organised armed conflict usually between two or more groups for various purposes such as control, dominance, resources, or ideological reasons. Wars have played a major role in shaping not only military strategy and technology but also politics, economics and social structure. In addition to military strategy, the technological sophistication of the war material used has played an important role in winning such difficult battles. Since ancient times, warriors have developed various equipment used for personal protection and as effective means of attack. Spears, swords, maces, arrows, bows, tribolos, shields, helmets and armour usually made of metal, leather or wood are the main tools commonly used in ancient battlefields. In many centres where archaeological excavations have been carried out, the finds of such war material have been identified. These finds shed light on the military history of the dominant powers in these centres and contribute to the understanding of their offensive or defensive strategies.&nbsp;The subject of this study is a group of tribolos (caltrop) and arrowheads found during the excavations of the Inner Wall of Amorium. The Inner Wall, which is located in the southwest of the Upper City walls and has walls at least as strong as the main city walls, is extremely important both in terms of its boundaries and in terms of representing a third line of defence of the city with its living area separated from other areas. The Inner Wall, part of the defence system of Amorium, has been the area on which the most ideas have been carried out since the archaeological excavations started in 2014. The architectural features of the Inner Wall and the processes of its formation and change are very limited. Therefore, there is still a need to complete the archaeological studies in the area. The Inner Wall covers a rectangular area measuring approximately 40x70 m. The 2.30:2.40 m thick fortification walls are supported by towers from the outside and buttresses on the south and west walls from the inside. The south and west walls of the Inner Wall also constitute the south and west walls of the Upper City walls. While there are no traces of any buttresses on the east and north walls of the Inner Wall, there are two square towers outside the east and north walls. These two walls, which are supported by towers from the outside and do not have buttresses on the inner surface, exhibit different characteristics in terms of material:technique when compared to the southern and western walls. In addition, the dilatation found at the junction of the Upper City walls and the Inner Wall in the southeast of the Inner Wall indicates that the eastern and northern walls of the Inner Wall were added later to the Upper City walls. It is possible that Amorium underwent a similar change/transformation during the period when permanent decisions were taken in the defence systems of cities against Arab raids in Anatolia.The tribolos (caltrop) samples, which are all made of iron and produced by the forging technique are analysed in a single type, while the arrowhead samples are evaluated in 3 different types: flat, quadrangular and triangular. Tribolos constitute an important group of war material from the Inner Wall of Amorium. The Tribolos finds are 4.2:4.5 cm high and weigh 8.44:13.34 g Tribolos consists of four spikes close to each other in length in accordance with the definitions of Flavius Vegetius and Propocius. When thrown on the ground, one end always extends upwards and functions as such, and was used as an effective weapon on the transit routes of cavalry and infantry units, in campsites, or in the defence of cities. Although it is not known exactly when tribolos appeared, written sources reveal that they were used as a war material as early as the 5th century BC. In addition to written sources, surviving examples reveal that tribolos were used as an effective weapon among war materials. The tribolos from Alesia in France, Vindonisa in Switzerland and Walthamstow in England are dated to the 1st century AD, while the tribolos from Europos in Syria:Dura and Caerleon in England are dated to the 3rd century AD. The tribolos exhibited in the Georgian National Museum, which is close to size to the Amorium tribolos, is dated to the late Middle Ages. In Anatolia, the examples found during the rescue excavations of the Kureyşliler Dam were dated to the Middle Ages.The other type of arrowhead is one of the oldest and most effective military equipment known since ancient times. Being a long:range weapon, it was sometimes possible to inflict damage on the enemy with effective arrow shots without engaging in hand:to:hand combat. Numerous arrowhead finds, varying in material and form, have been found in many centres where such battles were fought. Similar examples of Amorium arrowhead finds can be found in&nbsp;Izmir:Pergamon (Late Byzantine Period), Izmir:Metropolis (11th century AD), Izmir:Sardes (12th:13th century AD Byzan: tine Period), Eskişehir:Karacahisar Castle (12th:13th century AD), Isparta:Sultan Gıyaseddin Keyhüsrev Caravanserai (13th century AD), Konya:Gevale Castle (13th century AD), Adıyaman:Samsat Mound (12th:13th century AD). centuries), Elazığ:Taşkun (Medieval Period) and Elazığ:Aşvan Castle (Byzantine Period). Outside of Anatolia, similar examples can be found in Corinth, Greece (Byzantine Period), Israel:Samaria (Medieval Period), Poland:Plemieta (13th century AD) and Djodovo, Bulgaria (11th:12th century AD).&nbsp;Considering similar examples, it is understood that tribolos and arrowhead finds were used over a fairly long period. Therefore, the find:space relationship and the historical background were considered in the dating suggestions of the samples recovered from the excavations of the Inner Wall of Amorium. The majority of the tribolos and arrowhead finds were found outside the Inner Wall area in front of the tower and the city wall. The destruction layer in the area where these finds were found, the burn marks on the walls and the repair marks on the tower are important archaeological findings in terms of pointing to a military confrontation that took place here. In the 7th century AD, the city of Amorium was the scene of many sieges due to its location on the main road routes through Anatolia as well as its administrative and military role in the region. The first of these sieges by the Umayyads occurred in 644 AD and were followed by sieges in 646, 666, 670, 707, 716, 779 and 796 AD. In 838 AD, the city was subjected to a devastating siege by the army of the Abbasid Caliph Mu'tasim (833:842 AD), and in 931 AD, it was besieged again by the army of Semel al:Dülefi, the Abbasid Emir of Tarsus. By the 11th century AD, Muslim:Arab raids in Anatolia had given way to Muslim:Turkish raids, one of which was organised against Amorium. It is known that the Seljuk commander Afşin Bey, who was in conflict with the Sultan Alp Arslan of the Great Seljuk State, and Ahmetşah organised a raid on Amorium in 1068 AD, during which the city was destroyed and many prisoners and booty were captured.&nbsp;Although the written sources do not provide detailed information about these sieges, which continued at regular intervals from 644 AD onwards, Tabari, Ibn Kathīr and Ibn al:Asīr describe the siege by the army of the Abbasid Caliph Mutasim in narrative language and in detail. These expressions are important in that they indicate that the conflict in the 838 siege may have progressed to the Inner Wall area, and thus the tribolos and arrowhead finds may have been used in this siege. According to these expressions, in the siege in question, the Abbasid raiders advanced into the interior of the city after overcoming the outermost defence line of the city, which is now defined as the Lower City Wall. Following this advance, the Byzantine soldiers did not immediately surrender and retreated to defensive positions. Because of the effective attacks of the Abbasid soldiers, most of the city was destroyed, except for the castle of Aetius. Aeitus, who was on the defensive in the castle with his soldiers, suffered many losses due to the attacks of the Abassid soldiers and surrendered after a long wait.It is possible that this fortress, where the Byzantine soldiers put up the last resistance against the Abbasid soldiers, was the Inner Wall, which is considered to be the most protected area of the city and which has been largely exposed by excavations today. In this case, it is also possible to think that the tribolos and arrowhead finds found in the Inner Wall may have been used in this siege in 838. In fact, in previous studies, many war materials were recovered from the destruction layer in the Lower City, reflecting the traces of this siege. However, more data are needed to directly associate the layer where tribolos and arrowhead finds were recovered in front of the Inner Wall with the destruction layer formed by the siege of 838. Nevertheless, with the available data it is possible to make a reasonable but cautious assessment regarding the dating suggestions of these finds and their use at the point where they were found. It is likely that the Byzantine soldiers defending the city placed much tribolos in front of the tower and fortification wall to repel the attacks of the Abbasid soldiers. Abbasid soldiers fired arrows to break through this line of defence. For a more precise assessment and dating suggestion, archaeological excavations and therefore more data are needed.

Traces of Warfare in a Medieval City: Examples of Tribolos (Caltrop) and Arrowheads Found in Amorium Inner Wall Excavations

Emel

Assist. Prof. Dr.

Zehra

Today, multi8layered cities have emerged as a result of the overlapping of structures and settlements built by different civilizations in different periods. Historic city centers, which have been inhabited for a long time and continue to be inhabited today, contain the traces of these historical periods above and below ground. They are the memories of cities that carry the history, cultural richness, unique identities and the spirit of the place. The ruins, traces and signs that have survived to the present day in the historical process provide information about the lives of societies in past periods, while also establishing a connection with them. Historic city centers become places of collapse over time due to some reasons such as the aging of traditional buildings, deterioration of the socio8cultural and economic fabric, failure to carry out conservation works, etc. In our country, conservation legislation and conservation zoning plans, which are the main implementation tool of the legislation, have tried and are trying to protect the cities formed by physical spaces in constant change. These studies cover urban or urban archaeological protected areas and cultural heritage values in the form of registered and unregistered traditional texture and monumental structures within these protected areas. The layers that exist in the history of cities are not included in conservation practices. Therefore, since the layers that need to be protected are not taken into account, decisions that are specific to the character of the area and that take into account urban memory cannot be made. Documenting and making understandable the layers of multi8layered cities are important studies of unique value in determining conservation decisions for historic environments. Since recognizing the value is one of the important beginnings of conservation, the layers of the city should be made readable and understandable. Historical layers should be researched, understood and documented in order to formulate conservation policies for the future of historical city centers, to solve conservation and management problems, and to make conservation and intervention decisions. Sustainable conservation can be achieved through the participation of underground historical layers and aboveground artifacts in urban life and the participation of users in their daily lives. Niğde Historic City Center, one of the cities with historical layering, is a physical environment with values in urban memory. The oldest settlement area of Niğde city center, which was selected as the study area, is located on Alâeddin Hill in the city center, which is the core and first settlement of Niğde City. This area has a rich cultural heritage consisting of artifacts from various civilizations and is the area where the theme of layering comes to life. The settlement, which started on this hill where the oldest structure, Niğde Castle and its walls are located, expanded beyond the walls towards the skirts of this hill in later periods. Until today, buildings with different functions in different periods have come together to form the Niğde Historical City Center. The historical city center includes the first8degree archaeological site and the mound covering the third8degree archaeological site. This area is where the theme of stratification comes to life. The oldest settlement area and the core of Niğde city center was also inhabited during the Late Hittite, Phrygian, Roman, Byzantine, Seljuk and Ottoman periods. This area is a region that contains examples of military, religious and civil architecture from different periods and monumental structures. The historical monuments of Niğde, which is on the UNESCO world heritage tentative list with its historical, aesthetic, cultural, economic, social and symbolic values, are located in the historical city center. The settlement, perceived as a hill by citizens, has been abandoned for a long time and has created security problems in user memory and has not been included in the city and urban practices. In order to understand the historical value of the area, sustainable protection of the area should be ensured by protecting the historical layers and above8 ground artifacts by participating in urban life with user participation. The user is not aware of the historical values above and below ground. When these historical layers are integrated into the life of the user by considering above and below ground holistically, people who know and perceive the value of the area, who can read the urban memory, will understand that the area is special and valuable with a sense of belonging and will ensure the protection of the area. It is not possible to talk about success in conservation works and practices that do not involve the public. There is a limited information sign on the façade of the Alâeddin Mosque, which survived from the Seljuk Period. This&nbsp;sign, which is placed very high and contains limited information, is very difficult for the user to read and the font size is small. The city’s oldestatıroğlu Fountain, located opposite the mosque, is in a neglected and dysfunctional state and is used for informational purposes. It does not have a board. The user does not know that this fountain belongs to the Seljuk period. Likewise, the user cannot access any information about the castle walls and the castle gate. The fact that the underground and aboveground layers of the city were not taken into consideration in the conservation practices in Niğde was identified as a problem in the study. The aim of the study is to analyze and map the historical layer of Niğde Historic City Center belonging to the Seljuk period and to develop recommendations for the inclusion of this layer in contemporary conservation practices. According to the historical stratification research data, the Seljuk period is the period when the city showed the most important development during its existence and had the characteristic of being an important city. Since the oldest cultural assets in the historical city center of Niğde belong to the Seljuk Period, the Seljuk cultural layer of the city is discussed within the scope of the article. For this reason, this layer was selected and it is aimed that the recommendations developed for this layer will lead to the inclusion of other layers in the conservation practices in the area. In the study; the historical stratification of Niğde Historic City Center belonging to the Seljuk period was analyzed and mapped, and suggestions were developed for the inclusion of this layer in contemporary life as sustainable conservation. These recommendations will ensure sustainable conservation. It is important that Alâeddin Hill, the historical core of the city, becomes a living center with its surroundings and transforms into spaces that citizens use, spend time and connect with in their daily lives. The Niğde Castle and Surroundings Renovation and Conservation Project is being carried out in cooperation with the Ministry of Environment and Urbanization, Niğde Municipality and Housing Development Administration (TOKİ). As of 2023, the demolition of the buildings in the area has been completed and the new buildings proposed within the scope of the project have not yet been built. After the demolition, rock8carved spaces and caves emerged in the area. The historical layering of the area is better understood with the demolition. The current situation of the site can be turned into an opportunity and the inclusion of historical stratification into user life can be easily realized.The method of the research consists of research, documentation8presentation and evaluation stages of Altınöz in analyzing the historical stratification of the Seljuk period in the historical city center of Niğde. In the research phase; archaeological excavations and drilling studies, identification and registration studies, written sources, historical sources (travel notes of geographers and historians, travelogues, urban planning studies, visual data (plans, photog8 raphs, sketches, engravings, etc.), surface surveys and field analysis. As a result of these researches, the order of the historical layers was determined and the information was visualized on the layer map of the Seljuk period as a presentation of the results, the development of the cities was investigated, and the development of Niğde city in the Seljuk period was explained. The data that have survived and not survived from the Seljuk period are indicated on the layer map, and the characteristics and current status of these artifacts are emphasized in order to understand the importance of the assets of this period that have survived to the present day. As a result of the research, sustainable conservation proposals have been developed in which the values above and below ground belonging to the Seljuk period are included in the daily life of the people. It is necessary for the sustainable conservation of the area that Alâeddin Hill, the historical nucleus of the city, becomes a living center with its surroundings and transforms into spaces that the users use in daily life, spend time and establish bonds.For many years, this place, with its characteristics of derelict, orphaned, decrepit and depressed area, has the characteristics of belonging, image and expression of a social identity for the city and the urbanites. Its value will be revealed by remembering, learning, understanding and experiencing the Seljuk layer it has accumulated. At the end of the research, suggestions were made to understand the historical layer belonging to the Seljuk period and to transfer it to future generations by revealing the importance of the artifacts that have survived to the present day. It is thought that this research will set an example for the inclusion of other historical layers of the area in today's life and will make a difference for sustainable conservation.&nbsp;

Integrating the Seljuk Cultural Layer into Contemporary Life: The Case of Niğde Historic City Center

This study examines the contribution of Nasir al-Din Mahmud (1200-1222 AD), the sultan of the Artuqid Principality who reigned between 1102-1409 in the Diyarbakir and Mardin regions, to the architectural environment of his period as a patron/architect. The architectural works built during his reign were discussed by considering the findings obtained during the restoration work carried out within the scope of the "Diyarbakir Walls Protection Project".&nbsp;Nâsırüddin Melik Salih Mahmud served as the sultan of the Hasankeyf and Diyarbakir branch of the Artuqid Principality, which governed three branches across the Diyarbakir and Mardin Region from 1102 to 1409. Despite being the son of Nur al-Din Muhammad, the inaugural ruler of the Hasankeyf and Diyarbakir Artuqids, Nasir al-Din Mahmud faced hindrances to his accession to the throne. These impediments stemmed from allegations of his philosophical leanings, scholarly interests in philosophy, and disbelief in the posthumous resurrection. Nevertheless, he assumed the leadership of the Artuqid Principality shortly after the passing of his brother, Qutb al-Din Sukman II.Al-Jazari was the chief engineer in the palace during the reigns of the Artuqid emirs Nur al-Din Muhammad, Quṭb al-Din Sukman II and Nasir al-Din Mahmud. He prepared his work, which includes pictures of automatic machines such as water clocks and scales, musical instruments and hand washing containers, upon the order of Nasir alDin Mahmud. The Artuqid palace engineer al-Jazari explains how he guided him in the introduction to his book. In addition, in the introduction to his book, he praises Nasir al-Din Mahmud by stating that he surpassed other rulers of his time in justice, honesty, charity and kindness, that there was no administrative subtlety that he could not control with his sharp intelligence, that there was nothing that he could not learn, that God created this ruler, who integrated his thoughtfulness with his intelligence, as unique in terms of intelligence and honesty, and that he did not start to build any of his vehicles without consulting him. The building inscriptions indicate that Nasir al-Din Mahmud, who prioritized construction projects during his reign, played a significant role as both the constructor and architect of significant structures of his time, transcending his political role.&nbsp;The Yedi Kardeş Bastion (1208-1209 AD) and the Devegeçidi Bridge stand as two architectural landmarks whose inscriptions suggest they were constructed according to the plans devised by Nasir al-Din Mahmud. While Nasir alDin Mahmud's name does explicitly appear in the inscriptions as the architect, it is widely acknowledged that the Ulu Beden Bastion and the Artuqid palace were executed based on his designs, evidenced by their architectural characteristics and the presence of double-headed eagle crest motifs, which also feature on coins from the era of Nasir al-Din Mahmud.The Ulu Beden, also known as The Evli Beden Bastion, marks the westernmost extent of the Diyarbakir Walls and was constructed using finely cut basalt stone. Positioned strategically, this bastion commands attention with its imposing size, intricately profiled moldings, muqarnas brackets, and an inscription encircling the structure. Additionally, highrelief figural ornaments featuring a central double-headed eagle crest further embellish the façade. The inscription, initially appearing as a single line but expanding into three lines at the center, indicates that the structure was finalized under the direction of architect Ibrahim bin Jafar, commissioned by Nasir al-Din Mahmud in 605 AH / 1208-1209 AD. Nonetheless, remnants dating back to the reign of Qutb al-Din Sukman II are also discernible.At the southwest corner of the Diyarbakir Walls, The Yedi Kardeş Bastion resembles the Ulu Beden Bastion in terms of its architectural facade. Constructed from smoothly cut basalt stone, the bulk of the bastion is adorned with decorative moldings, an encircling inscription belt, and reliefs featuring double-headed eagle and lion figures, mirroring those found on the Ulu Beden Bastion. The inscription of The Yedi Kardeş Bastion, inscribed in a single line encircling the bastion, reads "Tersim-i al-Melik-us Salih," unmistakably indicating that Nasir al-Din Mahmud was the architect behind the bastion’s design. Furthermore, the inscription credits Yahya Ibrahim es-Sarafî as the coarchitect of the bastion.The first excavations for the Artuklu Palace in the Diyarbakir Inner Castle were carried out by Oktay Aslanapa between 1961 and 1962. Tiles with a double-headed eagle figure were found in these excavations. There is no inscription for the palace. However, three inscriptions, dated 1206, 1203, and 1222, were found around the palace. The location of the palace, the tiles with the double-headed eagle figure, and the three inscriptions dating back to the period of Nasir al-Din Mahmud are accepted to have been in the palace design process by Nasir al-Din Mahmud. In addition, Jafar bin Mahmud al-Khalebî, Yahya Ibrahim es-Sarafî, and Ibrahim bin Jafar are recognized as the architects who collaborated under the sponsorship of Nasir al-Din Mahmud Mahmud in the construction of the The Ulu Beden and The Yedi Kardeş bastions, as well as The Deve Geçidi Bridge. Although no building inscription has been discovered for the Artuqid Palace, it is widely attributed to Nasir al-Din Mahmud, the eminent architect of that era.Among the structures mentioned above, The Ulu Beden Bastion and The Yedi Kardeş Bastion are important defensive structures restored within the scope of the "“Diyarbakir Walls Protection Project”".The architectural information obtained as a result of the meticulous examination of the works belonging to the Nasir al-Din Mahmud period during the restoration works helped to date the additional courtyard section of the Hagia Yorgi Church. This church, another Artuqid edifice included in our project, has long been subject to various interpretations regarding its purpose. Our examination has helped clarify the possible functions of the building.&nbsp;While the precise construction date remains uncertain, St. George Church, regarded as the oldest church in Diyarbakir and believed to date back to the 3rd century AD, was erected adjacent to the city wall at the northeastern extremity of the citadel. The church comprises the primary structure to the east, situated adjacent to bastion no. 74 of the Diyarbakir citadel walls and a western courtyard/addition section; the upper covering has since collapsed.The primary church structure, characterized by its elliptical dome, dates from the Byzantine era. In contrast, the adjacent addition, dating to the Artuqid period, exhibits a rectangular layout featuring a four-iwan plan scheme, a design commonly found in Turkish and Islamic art. Oktay Aslanapa’s excavations uncovered evidence of this fouriwan plan scheme also being employed in the aforementioned Artuqid Palace.&nbsp;Both the church’s courtyard/addition section and the Artuqid Palace share a distinctive architectural feature: a central pool. Incorporating a central pool within the courtyard, a practice observed across various architectural traditions carries significant iconographic symbolism, particularly evident in pre-Islamic Turkish architecture and enduring in Turkish art following the Islamic period.Based on photographs taken by historian Gertrude Bell in 1911, it is evident that the courtyard/addition section was originally capped with a dome. The transition to this dome, supported by eight pillars, is embellished with muqarnas erving both structural and decorative purposes, muqarnas were also utilized in the projecting battlements of The Yedi Kardeş Bastion and The Ulu Beden Bastion, displaying similar scale and construction techniques to those of the courtyard/addition section of St. George’s Church.One of the reasons that necessitated the evaluation of the courtyard annex section of St. George Church during Nasir al-Din Mahmud used muqarnas as a transition element to the dome. The muqarnas decorations in the courtyard/ annex section of St. George Church at the transition to the dome are similar to the muqarnas used on the embrasures extending from the main walls of the Yedi Kardeş and Ulu Beden bastions. As seen in the Yedi Kardeş and Ulu Beden bastions, it is seen that the decoration applications were used at a scale very similar to the scale and construction technique of muqarnas. Considering the information that Nasir al-Din Mahmud was also the architect/constructor of the Artuqid Palace during his period, this structure is an Artuqid work. The muqarnas decorations on the dome drum in particular strengthen this possibilitySubsequently, the dome covering the courtyard/addition section collapsed, and it was temporarily replaced with a wooden pyramidal roof, as depicted in a photograph by Dr. Adil Tekin from 1960. In the latest restoration efforts, this section has been preserved without any covering. The function of the courtyard/addition section of St. George Church has sparked debate among scholars. Despite some interpretations that it may have served as a bathhouse, our findings during the restoration project argue against this notion. Archeological excavations failed to uncover any architectural features typical of a bathhouse, nor were there nearby water facilities associated with such a structure. Moreover, the building’s layout and its adjacency to the church further support the view that it was not intended for bathing.Similar to the Artuqid palace, which features a four-iwan plan centered around a pool, the annex building exhibits the characteristics of a mabeyn-maide hall connected to the palace, where distinguished guests were received.Although the annex is generally attributed to the Artuqids, considering its location and architectural elements, the notion that it was constructed during the reign of Nasir al-Din Mahmud between 1200-1222 AD gains credibility. Like other contemporary structures, it is plausible that the annex was designed by Nasir al-Din Mahmud and executed with the architectural contributions of Jafar bin Mahmud al-Khalebî, Yahya Ibrahim es-Sarafî, and Ibrahim bin Jafar.

The Artuqid Ruler of Diyarbakir Nasir al-Din Mahmud (1200-1222) With His Contributions To The Architectural Environment of His Age

Res. Assist. Dr.

During the Middle Ages, Anatolia witnessed radical changes with the arrival of the Turks. The architectural changes, one of the leading elements of this transformation, were not one9sided; while the people of Anatolia met new building types, the Turks formed the original Turkish Architecture of Anatolia by combining the architectural knowledge they carried from the east to the west with new building materials and different plan schemes. One of the most important phases of this development process occurred during the Anatolian Seljuk period. The architecture of the Anatolian Seljuk period, which has been the subject of scholarly research since the beginning of the 20th century, has been an important indicator for understanding the social structure, artistic sense, and social dynamics of the period. Although the surviving structures built during the period in question have been studied and assessed by scholars in terms of various aspects, there are still topics and questions that need to be addressed regarding the architecture of the period. One of these topics is the stonemasons’ marks observed on the structures built during the relevant time period. Stonemasons’ marks, which have been found on buildings constructed with stone throughout ancient periods and are known to be present on architectural works in a wide geographical area spanning from Iran and Mesopotamia to North Africa and Europe, are also observed on Anatolian Turkish architectural structures. Stonemasons’ marks, bearing the potential to provide valuable insights into the construction processes of the monuments, their relevance to one another, as well as the cultural structure of the society, are worthy of in9depth research.Atabey Ertokuş Madrasah and Mausoleum is located in the Atabey district of Isparta province today and consists of a madrasah, a mausoleum and a mosque, which was built in the late Ottoman period. The building complex is thought to have originally constituted a comprehensive social complex scheme (külliye), including a bathhouse and a fountain. On the building’s inscription located just above the low9arched entrance of madrasah, it is written that the building was built by Abdullah’s son Ertokuş in 1224. Its construction material consists of cut stone, brick and rubble stone as well as spolia. Cut stone types differ between the madrasah and the mausoleum. These buildings are one of the few examples of directly connected mausoleum and madrasah buildings of early Anatolian Seljuk architecture. In addition, the fact that the arches of the madrasah were built alternately of brick and cut stone makes this building one of the few examples of Anatolian Seljuk architecture in another way. This madrasah and mausoleum complex is problematic both in terms of its plan features and the variety of materials used and the way they are used. These problems can be explained as; the plan of the madrasah resembles the Greek cross plan type, which was applied in Byzantine churches, the arrangement of the spolia used in the main iwan is reminiscent of the iconastasis section of churches, the disproportion of the opening reserved for the cover of the central courtyard, and the asymmetrical order seen in the connection between the tomb and the madrasah. As mentioned above, the stonemasons’ marks which are expected to provide important insight on the construction process, may contain the answers to these problems. In this context, the stonemasons’ marks found on both buildings and the signs thought to be of this nature, as well as various engraved symbols and inscriptions noticed during the documentation, were recorded. All signs with the potential of stonemasons’ marks were analyzed and those that are believed to be of this nature were categorized. The same marks that recurring in different locations of the buildings have been considered as a type and categorized as such. This resulted in 20 different types of marks and in total 57 marks, of which 31 of them were on the madrasah and 26 of them were on the mausoleum. Among these types of marks, six of them are thought to be not stonemasons’ marks but in fact were probably carved by the visitors or the students that educated at the madrasah, due to their graphic styles and the stones that they were engraved was not dressed. In addition, some of these marks’ resemblance to the damga, which is a symbol for different Turkic tribes, led to this conclusion. The types of stonemasons’ marks found on these structures are also seen on other Anatolian Seljuk buildings. This is a long list, but if we limit them to buildings with more than 5 common stonemasons’ mark types, we have the following buildings: Kargı Inn (13th Century) 5 types; Tercan Mama Hatun Caravanserai (120091210) 9 types; Evdir Inn (121191220) 5 types; Aksaray Sultan Inn (1229) 6 types; Avanos Sarı Inn (122591250) 7 types; Ağzıkara Inn (123191240) 6 types; Alara Inn (123191232) 5 types; Karatay Inn (1240) 5 types; Zazadin Inn (123691237) 6 types; Horozlu Inn (124691249) 7 types. 9 out of 10 of these buildings were built in the first half of the 13th century, in the same period as the Ertokuş Madrasah. This suggests that stonemasons’ marks may be a criterion for dating. The common stonemasons’ mark types between the above9mentioned buildings and the Atabey Ertokuş Madrasah and Mausoleum are those with the catalogue numbers 1, 1a, 5a, 5b, 5c, 7, 8 and 8a. Among these 1, 1a, 7, 8 and 8a are common throughout Anatolia and a wide timeline. On the other hand, signs with catalogue numbers 5a, 5b and 5c appear in a narrow group of structures. These signs were found 95 times at Tercan Mama Hatun Caravanserai, 26 times at Horozlu Inn, 11 times at Zazadin Inn, and once each at Ağzıkara and Avanos Sarı Inn. This is merely a suggestion, but it can be argued that the stonemasons who used these marks worked in Tercan in the early 1200s, then came to Atabey and were involved in the construction of the madrasa and mausoleum in the early 1220s, then they were employed on the construction site of the Sultan Inn in Aksaray in the late 1220s, in Zazadin in the 1230s and the Horozlu Inn in the 1240s, and then in the construction of the Sarı Inn in Avanos. If we turn to the results about the madrasah and mausoleum’s structural connectivity which given by the stonemasons’ marks and detailed structural analysis, the most interesting one is about the connection wall between the madrasah and the tomb. This asymmetrical link between these two buildings led to assume that these buildings were built at different times. This situation can be explained as two of the three entrances opened into the main iwan of the madrasa sit perpendicularly on the eastern façade of the mausoleum, while the other one is connected to the southeastern façade of the mausoleum at a narrower angle. When the connecting walls between the two structures are carefully examined, it is seen that the northern one (placed at right angles to the eastern façade of the mausoleum) is aligned with the masonry on the northeastern façade of the mausoleum and has a similar double9colored stonework. In addition, the stonemason’s mark with the catalogue number “5c”, which was found in both buildings, was also found here. The wall on the south side connecting the two buildings (which is attached to the southeast façade of the mausoleum) has the same characteristics as the madrasah wall it connects with, both in terms of the use of rough masonry stone and the way it is built. Based on this data, it can be argued that the northern wall was built first when the two structures were connected, but in the following process, when it was understood that the existing opening was too narrow to allow the desired triple entrance view in the madrasah, some arrangements were made on the madrasah wall and the wall on the southeast façade of the mausoleum was built. The discovery of a stonemason’s mark on this wall and careful structural analysis proved that this connection between the two structures was original and that they were built in a narrow timeline one after the other.The evaluation of the conclusions reached in the light of concrete evidence was not limited to the scale of the building, but hypotheses were also presented regarding the use of stonemason's marks in general. The marks that have been recorded here have been compared to the other buildings that were built during the Anatolian Seljuk, Beyliks and Ottoman Eras. Some striking findings suggested that several of the marks used longer periods than expected, from the early 11th century to the 18th century. This result is indeed intriguing and led us to think that such marks were either for the placement of the stones or an insignia of an organization. Other than that, these marks in question have the possibility that are a common script that establish for the payment of the journeyman who earn his wages per piece, throughout Anatolia and pass down for generations. Besides stonemasons’ marks, other engravings, which are considered as graffiti, was not analyzed in depth. Among these graffiti, the word tawhid was written six times on the walls of the mausoleum, and the names of Allah and Ali in Arabic script were engraved on the columns carrying the dome in the madrasa. In addition, there are drawings referring to the pagan Turkic culture. Since they are outside the scope of this article, they were only documented and were not deeply analyzed.

Isparta Atabey Ertokuş Madrasah and Mausoleum: A New Perspective in the Light of Stonemasons’ Marks

Enver

Korkmaz

Assoc. Prof.

Yavuz

Tuba

Murat

Assist. Prof.

Ahmet

Malatya, Anadolu’nun doğusundan batısına, kuzeyinden güneyine geçişte kullanılan güzergâhların kesişme noktasında yer aldığı için tarih boyunca önemini korumuştur. Ayrıca Malatya’nın su kaynakları açısından da oldukça zengin bir coğrafyada yer alması şehrin stratejik önemini arttırmıştır. Bu bağlamda, Malatya’nın içme ve sulama suyu ihtiyacını karşılayan birçok önemli su kaynağı bulunmaktadır. Bu su kaynaklarından en önemlisi ise Tohma Çayı’dır. Orta Torosların nispeten az arızalı kısmındaki Uzunyayla’dan doğan bu çay, Gürün suyunu alıp Malatya’ya ulaşmakta, Sultansuyu ve Derme gibi sularla birleşerek Fırat’a dökülmektedir. Tarımda önemli olan bu sular üzerinde Osmanlı ve öncesinde birçok köprü yapılmıştır. Bu köprülerden günümüze ulaşamamış olan ancak gerek tarih gerekse mimari özellikleriyle öne çıkan ve ilgili kaynaklarda da önemine vurgu yapılan Kırkgöz Köprüsü ile Deyr-i Mesih Köprüsü bu çalışmanın ana konusunu oluşturmaktadır. Her iki köprü de yalnızca Malatya’nın tarihi için değil, özellikle Doğu Anadolu ve bu bölgeyle bağlantılı coğrafyalar için de önemli tarihî verileri içermektedir. Bununla birlikte, Osmanlı döneminin köprü inşa teknikleri, yapım yönetimi ve mimarlık tarihi bilgilerine dair belge niteliği taşıyan yönleriyle de önemli bulgulara ev sahipliği yapan nitelikli yapılardır.Kırkgöz ve Deyr-i Mesih Köprüleri'ni konu edinen bu çalışma nitel araştırma yöntemlerinden doküman ve içerik analizleri ile ele alınmış, bu kapsamda ilgili yapılara dair alanyazını detaylı olarak incelenmiştir. Kaynaklardan elde edilen bilgiler uygun şekilde bir araya getirilmiş ve her bir köprünün tarihî sürecinin akıcı ve anlaşılır bir biçimde ortaya konulması hedeflenmiştir. Bu süreçlerden elde edilen bulgularla çeşitli çıkarımlar yapılmış, dönemin mimarlık tarihi ile yapıların bakım, onarım ve yönetimleri hakkında da değerlendirmelerde bulunulmuştur. Bu konuda başvurulan temel kaynakların başında ise Cumhurbaşkanlığı Devlet Arşivleri Başkanlığı Osmanlı Arşivi belgeleri gelmektedir. Ayrıca vilayet salnameleri ile seyahatnameler de konunun aydınlatılmasında kullanılan kaynaklar arasında yer almaktadır.Çalışma kapsamında ele alınan yapılardan olan ve Sivas-Malatya-Diyarbakır ve Malatya-Erzincan-Erzurum arasındaki ulaşımı sağlayan Kırkgöz Köprüsü, İstanbul-Tokat-Sivas istikametinden gelip Malatya’dan Diyarbakır’a, oradan da Bağdat’a ulaşan ana yol üzerinde bulunmaktaydı. Ayrıca Samsun Limanı’ndan Diyarbakır’a uzanan yolun da buradan geçtiği bilinmektedir.Birçok kaynakta Kırkgöz Köprüsü ele alınmış ancak kitabesi bulunmadığı için yapının tarihlendirilmesinde farklı dönemlere işaret edilmiştir. Bulunduğu güzergâh başta olmak üzere mimari özelliklerinden yola çıkılarak Kırkgöz Köprüsü kimi kaynaklarda Roma, kimi kaynaklarda da Selçuklu, Artuklu veya Memlük Dönemleri'ne tarihlendirilmiştir. 19. yüzyıl Osmanlı arşiv belgelerinde ise bu köprünün Sultan IV. Murad (1612-1640) tarafından yaptırıldığı ifade edilmektedir. Fakat yapıya dair pek çok kaynak detaylı ve karşılaştırmalı olarak incelendiğinde bu arşiv bilgisinin doğru olmadığı anlaşılmaktadır. Çünkü 16. yüzyılın ilk yarısında (1519-1530) hazırlanan Malatya Sancağı tahrir defterlerinde Kırkgöz Köprüsü’nde bac vergisi (bac-ı rah) alındığına dair kayıtlar mevcuttur. Bu kayıtlara göre, satmak amacıyla dışarıdan Malatya’ya getirilen ipek, meta, kuru ve yaş meyveler ile cariye, köle ve çeşitli hayvanlardan alınan tamga vergisi, şehir ve Kırkgöz Köprüsü olmak üzere, iki yerde tahsil edilmekteydi. Bu durumda köprünün Osmanlı hâkimiyetinden önce de mevcut olduğunu söylemek mümkündür. Nitekim Evliya Çelebi, Rum (Sivas) ve Divriği tarafından gelip geçen tüccarların Tohma Çayı üzerindeki Sultan Hasan Mansur’un ibret verici Kırkgöz büyük köprüsünden geçip Malatya’ya ulaştıklarından bahsetmekte ve bu köprünün herkes tarafından bilinen ünlü bir köprü olmakla birlikte, Batman ve Hasankeyf köprüleri kadar yüksek olmadığını belirtmektedir. Evliya Çelebi’nin bahsettiği Sultan Hasan, Memlük sultanlarından olup 1347-1351 ve 1354-1361 yılları arasında iki defa hükümdarlık yapmış, nihayet 1361 yılında Memlük emirlerinden Yelboğa tarafından öldürülmüştür. Evliya Çelebi’den farklı olarak İngiliz oryantalist Guy Le Strange ise Kırkgöz’den antik köprü olarak bahsetmekte ve eski kentin kalıntılarının da bir fersah uzaklıkta olduğunu belirtmektedir. Yine 1894 yılında köprüden geçerek Kebanmadeni’ne giden Seyyah Vincent W. Yorke de iyi durumda bulunan köprünün Antik Dönem'den izler taşıdığı görüşündedir. Bütün bu bilgilerden hareketle, Kırkgöz Köprüsü’nün Roma Dönemi’nde yapıldığı fakat daha sonra yıkılmasından dolayı, Memlük Dönemi’nde Sultan Hasan Mansur tarafından yeniden inşa ettirildiği, Osmanlı Dönemi’nde ise IV. Murad tarafından tamir ettirildiği söylenebilir. Nitekim köprünün sık sık yaşanan taşkınlar sırasında zarar gördüğüne dair çok sayıda Osmanlı arşiv belgesi bulunmaktadır. Bu kayıtlara göre Kırkgöz Köprüsü 1854 yılında kullanılamayacak derecede hasar görmüştür. Yapılan tamir faaliyetlerine rağmen 1878 yılında da oldukça kötü bir durumda olduğu seyyahların gözlemlerinden anlaşılmaktadır. Bundan dolayı halkın da bağışlarıyla 1883-1884 yıllarında tekrar tamir edilerek kullanılabilir duruma getirilmiştir. 1905 yılında yeniden bakım ve tamir çalışması geçiren Kırkgöz Köprüsü, Cumhuriyet Dönemi’nde de Karayolları Genel Müdürlüğü tarafından birkaç kez çeşitli onarımlara tabi tutulmuştur. Uzun süre bölge halkına ve gelip geçmekte olan yolculara hizimet veren bu tarihî taş köprü, 1987 yılında Karakaya Barajı’nın göl sahası altında kalmıştır.&nbsp;Bazı kaynaklarda 23, bazılarına göre ise 22 kemeri olduğu belirtilen Kırkgöz Köprüsü’nün IV. Murad tarafından 40 gözlü olarak inşa edildiği fakat sonraki yıllarda nehrin taşıdığı alüvyonlarla 14 gözünün kapandığı şeklinde yaygın bir inanış mevcut olmakla birlikte, ünlü Fransız arkeolog ve gezgini Charles Texier’e göre aslında bu ad Asya’da belli sayıda kemeri olan bütün köprülere verilmiştir. Nitekim 1883 yılında 23 kemeri olan Kırkgöz Köprüsü’nün bir kemeri 1907 yılından önce yapılan bir onarım sırasında ortadan kalktığı için son zamanlarında sadece 22 kemeri kalmıştır. Cumhuriyet Dönemi’nde çeşitli onarımlara tabi tutulan bu tarihî taş köprü, 1987 yılında Karakaya Baraj Gölü altında kalmadan önce 222.5 metre uzunluğunda ve 3.60 metre genişliğindeydi.Kırkgöz Köprüsü hakkında bilgi veren seyyahların gözlemleri başta olmak üzere, Karakaya Barajı’nda suyun tutulmaya başlanmasından önce yerinde yapılmış olan inceleme ve hazırlanan raporlar da dikkate alındığında köprünün oldukça büyük; bölgedeki diğer köprüler göz önünde bulundurulduğunda da emsallerine nazaran oldukça uzun bir yapı olduğu anlaşılmaktadır.&nbsp;Kırkgöz Köprüsü’nden geçiş ücreti alınıp alınamayacağı da 19. yüzyılın son çeyreğinde bir tartışma konusu olmuştur. Halkın şikâyetlerine de sebep olan bu husus 12 Temmuz 1899’da devletin en yüksek karar organı olan Şura-yı Devlet’te görüşülmüş ve uzun süren tartışmalar ve yazışmalardan sonra köprünün tamiri için gereken nakdi bedeli vermekle mükellef olan Malatya ahalisinden geçiş ücreti talep edilmemesine, köprüden istifade eden civar ahaliden ise cüz’i bir miktar alınmasına karar verilmiştir.Malatya’nın günümüze ulaşmayan önemli tarihî yapılarından bir diğeri de Deyr-i Mesih Köprüsü’dür. Tohma Çayı ile birleştikten sonra Fırat Nehri’ne karışan Derme Deresi (Deyr-i Mesih) üzerindeki bu köprüden geriye sadece mermer kitabesi kalmıştır. Malatya Müzesinde bulunan ve birkaç parçaya ayrılmış durumda olan bu kitabede Deyr-i Mesih Köprüsü’nün 1254 [M 1838/1839] yılında Muhammed Ağa ibni el-Hac Mustafa Ağa tarafından yaptırıldığı yazılıdır. Kaynaklardaki bilgiler ve mermer kitabesinden anlaşıldığına göre, bir su kemeri özelliğine de sahip olan bu köprü sayesinde hem Malatya’nın tarımında hayati öneme sahip olan Deyr-i Mesih suyunun bahçe ve bostanlara nakli hem de yaya geçişine imkân sağlanmıştır. Dolayısıyla bu suyun 1838’den önce de benzer bir yapıyla tarım alanlarına nakledilmiş olması kuvvetle muhtemeldir. Nitekim Osmanlı arşiv belgelerinde bu suyun şehre nakledilmemesi durumunda halkın susuzluktan kırılacağı gibi bağ ve bahçelerinin de kuruyacağı ifade edilmiş olması bu kaynağın şehrin içme ve sulama suyu ihtiyacının karşılanmasında son derece stretejik bir öneme sahip olduğunu göstermektedir. Fakat bu yapı yaşanan doğal afetler, özellikle de zaman zaman meydana gelen su taşkınları sebebiyle kullanılamayacak derecede hasar görmüştür. Hayati önemi sebebiyle de tamir edilerek veya yeniden inşa edilerek tekrar halkın hizmetine sunulmuştur. Bu bağlamda, 19. yüzyılın son çeyreğinde köprü yıkılmış olduğundan iki kemer üst üste olacak şekilde yeniden yapılmıştır. Yapı sadece suyun akıtılmasında kullanılan bir kemer olmayıp aynı zamanda yaya geçişini sağlayan bir köprü özelliğine de sahipti. Bu özelliğiyle Malatya’daki Deyr-i Mesih Köprüsü’nün İstanbul’daki Mimar Sinan yapılarından olan Mağlova Köprüsü’ne benzediği söylenebilir. Fakat tek sıra, üst üste iki kemerli olarak inşa edilen bu yapı kısa bir müddet sonra meydana gelen sellerden dolayı büyük hasar görmüş ve kullanılamayacak duruma gelmiştir. Nitekim Malatya Mutasarrıfı İbrahim tarafından 6 Mayıs 1879’da Dahiliye Nezaretine gönderilen telgraftan anlaşıldığına göre, anılan köprünün yeniden inşası için 90.250 kuruşa ihtiyaç duyulmaktaydı. Bu meblağın hazine tarafından ödenmesinin k mümkün olmadığı bildirildiği için köprünün hayırsever Malatya ahalisi tarafından yaptırılmasına karar verilmiş ve bu maksatla da hükümetten izin talep edilmiştir. Anlaşıldığı üzere bu yazıdan sonra 1 Haziran 1879 tarihinde devletin en yüksek karar mercii olan Şura-yı Devlet toplantısında bu konu tartışılarak bir karara bağlanmıştır. Buna göre, halktan zorla bağış toplanmaması şartıyla köprünün halkın bağışlarıyla yapılmasına izin verilmiştir. Aksi durumda ise Malatya mutasarrıfının sorumlu tutulacağı belirtilmiştir. Yapılan bütün bu tamir ve yenileme faaliyetlerine rağmen Deyr-i Mesih (Derme) suyunun kaynağına yakın bir yerde ve dere üzerinde inşa edilmiş olan ve aynı adı taşıyan köprü zamanla yıkılarak tamamen ortadan kaybolmuştur. Kırkgöz Köprüsü gibi günümüze ulaşmayı başaramayan ve 19. yüzyılda defalarca onarımdan geçen bu köprünün 19. yüzyıldan önceki dönemlerde varlığını konusunu aydınlatacak başka bir belge ve bilgi de yoktur. 17. yüzyılda yaşamış olan Kâtip Çelebi ve Evliya Çelebi Deyr-i Mesih suyundan bahsetmekle birlikte, bunun üzerinde bir köprü olup olmadığı hususunda herhangi bir bilgi vermemişlerdir. Ayrıca köprünün 19. yüzyıldaki durumunu yansıtacak günümüze ulaşmış bir fotoğraf veya resim de mevcut değildir. Bu sebeple köprünün görünümü ve tarihî geçmişi konusunda kesin bir yargıya varmak da pek mümkün değildir. Ancak köprü yıkıldıktan sonra, suyun şehre naklinde önce ahşap, daha sonra da beton bir köprünün kullanıldığı bilinmektedir. Bu bilgiden hareketle, Deyr-i Mesih suyunun önceki dönemlerde de şehre nakledildiğini ve bu sayede şehrin içme ve özellikle de sulama suyu ihtiyacının karşılandığını söylemek mümkündür.Köprü yapılarının Anadolu ve çevre coğrafyaların gelişiminde, bu coğrafyaların birbirine bağlanmasında, kültürel aktarımlarda, mimari tasarım ve yapım yönetimi gibi alanların düzenlenmesinde ve günlük yaşamın içinde önemli bir yere sahip olduğu göz önünde bulundurulduğunda, Kırkgöz ve Deyr-i Mesih Köprülerinin de tarihî birer belge niteliği taşıdığını belirtmek mümkündür. Bu bağlamda, her iki yapıya dair kaynakların birlikte incelenmesi ve değerlendirilmesinin, bu kaynaklardan elde edilen bulgularla çıkarımların ortaya konulmasının ve yapıların bölge için öneminin vurgulanmasının ele alınan yapılara benzer nitelikler taşıyan yitirilmiş başka köprülerin de araştırmacılar tarafından dikkate alınmasına ve bölgenin tarihinin derinlemesine incelenmesine katkı sağlayacağı düşünülmektedir.&nbsp;

Lost Historical Bridges of Malatya: Kırkgöz and Deir Massiah

Hesna

Lami Chalabi’s Ibratnama [Dallas Museum of Art The Keir Collection of Islamic Art, K.1.2014.38], which is an illustrated copy, dated 1587 and prepared by the order of Sultan Murad III (1574-1595), reflectsthe artistic richness of the Ottoman miniature painting with its 21 miniatures. Ibratnama written by Lami Chalabi of Bursa, who was one of the Ottoman prominent writers, was written to celebrate the conquests of Sultan Murad III's grandfather, Sultan Suleiman the Magnificent. It is an example of the maviza (guidance) genre within the literary tradition of advice. The author reported that he wrote this work in his own mansion in Bursa in 1526. The stories in Ibratnama consist of two parts. In the first part of the manuscript, the manaqibs of the saints and some of the twelve imams were mentioned. The second part tells the stories of the sultans, princes, and merchants. With manaqibs and stories, it is intended to provide advice. According to Lami Chalabi, Ibratnama's first part is about the talismans of the “realm of imagination (Khayal)” and the second is about the talismans of the “world of dreams”. The first one, which describes the miracles (karamat) of the saints and some of the twelve imams, refers to the mystical stories related to the realm of Khayal. The second one is devoted to extraordinary events and rare stories of people such as sultans, princes and bezirgânzades.On the last page of Ibratnama, it was stated that the work was written by the calligrapher Hüseyin in Üsküdar on March 1587, with the order of Sultan Murad III. The manuscript was generally written in black ink, but also red ink was used for the titles and some lines and words that were intended to be highlighted. The binding of the manuscript must have been changed in a period later than the 16th century.This illustrated copy of the Ibratnama was in the collection of Edmund Robert Anthony de Unger (1918-2011) at Keir House in London. We have no clear information about how the manuscript prepared for Sultan Murad III came into the hands of the collector. There is a depiction of the Church of the Virgin Mary (the Church of Kızılelma) in Budin (Hungary), which may explain why the Hungarian-born Edmund de Unger was interested in the manuscript. After his death, the manuscript came to the Dallas Museum of Art in Texas.&nbsp;All paintings of Ibratnama could be evaluated iconographically under four main groups.The first two miniatures of the manuscript, one depicting the castles of Belgrade and Rhodes and the second depicting the conversion of the Church of Kızılelma into a mosque in Budin, present a rare historical iconography. This is the first group.The second group includes depictions of karamats (miracles) about famous sufis such as Abd al-Qadir al-Jilani, Pir Bakkal, Ibn al-Farid, Awhad al-Din Kirmani and Imam Rida. In Ibratnama, the most frequently depicted sufi is Abd al-Qadir al-Jilani, the founder of the Qadiriyya sect. The paintings devoted to Abd al-Qadir al-Jilani, such as giving guidance and help to the dervishes and the revelation of hidden knowledge (gayb), are iconographic scenes of karamat. Famous sufis such as Awhad al-Din Kirmani, Pir Bakkal and Ibn al-Farid and the Imam Rida -eight of the twelve imams- are also depicted in miniatures. These scenes are the illustrations of karamat motifs such as knowing the hidden/unseen things and traveling long distances in a short time.&nbsp;Among the miniatures of the manuscript, the most numerous group is devoted to karamat scenes. The main karamat motifs illustrated in the manuscript are first about stating the unknown (gayb) which God only reveals to his saintly servants and second about the saints’ help to his disciples or loved ones. The miniatures in Ibratnama contribute to the richness of the karamat iconography in Ottoman painting. Karamat paintings are iconographically similar to a group of miniatures in illustrated sufi manakıbnamas such as Tercüme-i Sevâkıb-ı Menâkıb [TSMK R. 1479] and Nefehâtü’l-Üns [DCBL Turk 474].&nbsp;Among Ibratnama’s miniatures, the third group consists of three paintings. The illustrations are about a story told with reference to Ibn Arabi. These are the depictions of the “Realm of Haqiqa”. These miniatures showing the gardens in which only “arifs” can enter with their souls and not with their bodies are rare examples not just for Ottoman painting but also in Islamic painting.The fourth and last iconographical group of the paintings of Ibratnama are about events and extraordinary creatures that happen to heroes such as a sultan, a son of a merchant and a prince who are traveling around in the different layers of imagination. One of the remarkable scenes is the journey of a sultan in Khorasan, which begins in a basket swinging from the dome of a bathhouse in the city of “Medhushan”. This bizarre journey ends in a rose garden at the end of the heavens. Another interesting painting is the assembly of “Banu,” who was the head of the fairy-faced&nbsp;creatures. Although at first glance, this assembly with its music and singing be a scene of entertainment, it is in fact an environment full of strangeness. Likewise, the two miniatures depict the cannibalistic “zengi” (black) that a prince living in Damascus encounters in his layered adventure that begins under the water with the karamat of a sheikh.In the fourth group, two miniatures are allocated for the story of two young men called Beşir and Nezir. The first of these miniatures depicts the assembly of giant jinns, while the second depicts Beşir putting his face to the feet of Khidr, who stands out as a guide in the sufi tradition at the mysterious place where two seas meet (Majma UlBahrain). Actually, Khidr appears in two miniatures of the manuscript such as a helpful guide and saint.The largest number of miniatures in the fourth group is devoted to the story of the Nine Domed Bath and a place of alchemy (Simyahane). The stories chosen to depict are related to a son of a merchant who is contemplating the heavens inside a bath and his strange adventures in the different “realms of khayal”. The painting, which is about the son of a merchant’s intercourse with a jinn disguised as a young girl, is very noteworthy like the other one, which is about the conversation of a young merchant named Mahan with the jinn, which is in human form.In Ibratnama, the moral stories ended with advice and some mystic themes were shaped in the imagination of Ottoman artists and reflected in the paintings in unique ways. Ottoman court painters enriched the depictions by adding elements beyond the texts of the stories. Scenes depicting adventures in extraordinary gatherings of the imaginary world, whose members include giants, jinn, and creatures, offer cautionary moral and mystical advice were shaped by the imagination of Ottoman artists and reflected in their paintings.&nbsp;The illustrated copy of Ibratnama contains 21 miniatures. The miniatures reflect the style of Nakkash Hasan and Nakkash Osman or the artist who worked in Nakkash Osman’s path. In the paintings reflecting the Nakkash Osman style, various shades of pink, lavender, orange, yellow, red, green, and blue are predominantly used. Nakkash Osman is known to have depicted his figures with expressive faces using soft brushstrokes. In miniatures attributed to his style, the delicate figures’ beards, combed with a fine brush, and their facial expressions are evident. In interior scenes, figures such as the saint and the administrator who host the gathering are centrally located in the center, while in interior depictions, they are generally illustrated seated in front of a window framed by an arch.The second group of miniatures within the Ibratnama exhibits Nakkash Hasan’s stylistic characteristics. It is plausible that Nakkash Hasan, as one of the Ottoman royal painters, worked on this copy of the manuscript. The colors used in the miniatures attributable to Nakkash Hasan's style are predominantly lavender, aqua green, pink, blue, red, and eggplant purple. However, the color of eggplant purple, not used by the other artist in the manuscript, appears only in miniatures that bear traces of Nakkash Hasan's style, particularly in the dresses of saints. In the scenes carrying the stylistic characteristics of Hasan, the broad faces, the steep chin protrusion starting from below the ear, the small red lips on the faces of all the figures and the facial expressions that are quite successful in expressing emotions such as sadness and surprise are striking.Beyond the Nakkash Osman style and Nakkash Hasan’s hand, another artist’s descriptive characteristics are also evident. This artist maintains similar stylistic features to the others, including the geometric decoration of interior surfaces, the placement of the main characters under an arch in the assembly scenes, and the lavender hills bordered by dark contour lines in the nature scenes. However, the third artist’s facial depictions are quite characteristic. The figures’ narrow chins are connected to the ears by a wide curve on either side of the face. The facial features and the depiction of the eyes are unique characteristics of him. However, in all the illustrations of Ibratnama, the general characteristics of the Ottoman classical painting are observed, both in terms of architectural elements, the physical characteristics of the figures and the colors.&nbsp;

The Illustrated Ibratnama: A Didactic Manuscript Commissioned by Sultan Murad III

Esra

Burak

The heir of a civilization spanning over a thousand years, the Turkish nation has attributed deep meaning to death and rituals shaped by death throughout history and has approached this process with a sacred and social dimension, especially in the context of religious beliefs. Burial traditions have changed over time; however, the architectural and artistic practices carried out after death have preserved their continuity in terms of social memory. After the Turks accepted Islam, a unique synthesis was formed between the old belief systems and the Islamic understanding, and this was directly reflected in the cemetery culture. The tradition of tombstones that developed in Anatolia has been shaped as symbolic areas where both individual and collective memory are embodied.This tradition reached its peak during the Ottoman Empire, when the sultans’ tombs and the adjacent hazires became integral parts of both religious and public architecture. In these hazires, not only the members of the dynasty but also palace officials, state officials, the ulama class and palace members of various ranks were buried. Beyond being mere burial places, the hazires stand out as multi-layered spaces that reflect individuals’ social positions, religious affiliations, gender roles, and the artistic aesthetics of the period.In this context, this study focuses on the hazire around the tomb of Sultan Mustafa III, the twenty-sixth of the Ottoman sultans, and aims to analyze the tombstones of women in this area, especially the representation of individuals in the position of concubines and servants. The main purpose of this study is to reveal how these women, who were in the lower classes in the Ottoman palace hierarchy, were commemorated after death through tombstone aesthetics.Sultan Mustafa III was born on January 28, 1717, in Edirne as the son of Sultan Ahmed III and Mihrishah Amina Sultan and ascended to the Ottoman throne on October 30, 1757. Mustafa III, who succeeded his father, Ahmed III, after the short reigns of Mahmud I and Osman III, confronted important challenges in both domestic and foreign policy during his 17-year reign. Remembered for the suppression of bandit rebellions, the control of local notables (ayans), and some reform initiatives in the state administration, Mustafa III received the title of “ghazi” especially for the partial successes achieved in the Ottoman-Russian War in 1769. However, the Seven Years War between 1756 and 1763 and the subsequent lack of reforms led the Ottoman Empire into a politically and economically difficult period. Mustafa III died under these harsh conditions in 1774 and was buried in the tomb in the social complex he had built in the Laleli district of Istanbul.Built between 1760 and 1764, this social complex is an important work reflecting the Ottoman interpretation of baroque architecture. The social complex is a multi-faceted complex of buildings consisting of a mosque, imaret, tomb, public fountain, muvakkithane (time-keeper house), inn, bathhouse (hamam) and shops. The social complex, the construction of which was started by the chief architect Kara Ahmed Agha, was later completed by Architect Mehmed Tahir. The tomb and the surrounding hazire, located in the south of this complex, constitute the main examination area of the study.The hazire in question is located to the south of the Laleli Mosque and is separated from the commercial units of the complex by a high wall. On this wall, the Adilshah Kadın Fountain, dated 1804, attracts attention. In the middle of the fountain, there is a tomb of Adilshah Kadın covered with a bronze grid, and right next to this tomb is the door that provides access to the hazire. When entering through the gate, one reaches the hazire and the tomb of Mustafa III, which has an octagonal plan and is covered with a dome. Although the architecture of the tomb bears the influence of the baroque style, it is also occasionally blended with classical Ottoman architectural elements.A total of 29 graves were identified in the hazire of the tomb that is the subject of the study. Twenty-six of these graves were identified as belonging to women and three to men. Within the scope of the research, 11 of these graves were examined in detail and systematically documented. During these examinations, both the epigraphic and typological analysis methods were used.In the first phase of the fieldwork, the Ottoman inscriptions on the gravestones were meticulously read, and these texts were translated into modern Turkish. Epigraphic data are important elements that reveal the identities of the individuals, their social positions, religious attitudes and sometimes the stylistic preferences of the period. Through the inscriptions, the names, titles, death dates, and professional qualifications of the grave owners were determined. Then, each tombstone was evaluated from a typological perspective; the formal features of the stones, their capital forms and decorative elements were analyzed in detail in terms of style. With this method, the place of tombstones in the artistic understanding of the period was revealed, both aesthetically and functionally.&nbsp;As a result of the evaluations, it is confirmed that all the 11 gravestones belong to women. A significant number of these women have been identified as individuals directly related to the palace, based on the expressions and titles found on the stones. The descriptions and forms of address on the tombstones indicate that these women were concubines or servants in the palace. Particularly, titles such as “kadın” (woman), “kalfa”, and “çaşnigîr” (food taster) clearly reflect the duties and status of individuals in the palace.&nbsp;Among the analyzed tombstones, three of them contain expressions directly stating that they were the concubines of Selim III, one of the Ottoman sultans. These women were Nefise Hatun (date of death: 1809), Hüsnü Cinan (1843) and Safderun Hanım (1847). According to the inscriptions, these individuals were concubines who were under the patronage of Selim III's court and whose belongings were reflected on their tombstones after their deaths. Such direct connections reveal the relationships of the individuals in question not only with the palace but also with the central structure of the dynasty and show how women were represented through tombstones in Ottoman society.Other tombstones belong to different palace servants and can mostly be identified by the titles or functional roles they bore. For instance, Defigam Kadın who died in 1810, Şerefnaz (1834), Fidan Hanım (1835), Fatima (1812) who was described as Selim III's servant, a servant who died in 1813 but whose name is unknown, Bedr-i Cihan (1825) who had the title of çaşnigîr, a person (who died in 1820) who was described as Pembe (Pink) Kalfa, and finally Sahba Kalfa who died in 1848 are included in this scope. The stones of these individuals contain inscriptions indicating their job descriptions or social belongings; this shows that these women were figures who played an active role in the functioning of the Ottoman palace system.The tombstones in question can be considered as concrete manifestations of the respect shown to the palace women and servants in Ottoman tombstone art. The language used in the inscriptions and the taste of the period in the decorative styles show that these stones were not just simple burial signs; they were also approached with great care and sensitivity to the posthumous representations of the palace women. This situation reveals that in the Ottoman Empire, being remembered after death was important not only for the sultans or high-ranking statesmen but also for the women members and the servants of the palace.All of these stones are dated to the 19th century, and the historical distribution of the graves coincides with the reigns of Mustafa IV, Mahmud II and Abdulmecid. Interestingly, only the name of Selim III is explicitly stated in some inscriptions; however, it is not specified which sultan the other women served. This is an important observation, especially in terms of the post-mortem representation of the distribution of duties within the palace and individual identities.Three basic groupings have been made in terms of tombstone typologies: cover type, cist type and framed type. The stones consist of head and foot pillars and have a prismatic rectangular form and a structure that narrows from top to bottom. The headstones are decorated with inscriptions written in Ottoman Turkish; the inscriptions written in thuluth and talik calligraphy are sometimes included in the cartouches. Headgear is not used; instead, flowered or pointed hats are preferred. These choices of hats deviate from symbols such as the hat or fez frequently seen on classical women’s gravestones and indicate a different aesthetic understanding.&nbsp;These stones have a remarkable variety in terms of ornaments. There are detailed compositions such as acanthus leaves, depictions of roses and tulips emerging from vases, fruit bowls, date and tuba trees, sun disks, bows, wreath motifs and curtains. These elements reflect the influence of the baroque and especially the empire style, which was influential in Ottoman art in the late 18th century and the first half of the 19th century. In this context, these tombstones.belonging to concubines and servants are closely related to the palace art of the period, not only aesthetically but also stylistically.The inscriptions often begin with traditional prayer patterns, followed by the individuals' name, title, and sometimes information about whom they served. While some inscriptions are quite simple and short, some are crafted with literary style and artistic expressions. This diversity reveals that gravestones present not only social but also cultural narratives.In conclusion, these tombstones located in the hazire of the tomb of Mustafa III are rare examples of how female servants and concubines in the Ottoman palace were represented after death. Although these individuals were at the lower levels of the social hierarchy, the aesthetic and artistic intensity on their tombstones reveals the importance attributed to them. These stones are multi-layered documents that simultaneously reflect the artistic trends, religious thought structure and social roles of the period.This study draws attention to the monumental representation of female servants, who are often neglected in Ottoman historiography, and emphasizes the importance of preserving this cultural heritage and passing it on to future generations. Tombstones are not just piles of stones; they are a way to connect with the past, understand silent memory and re-read social identities.

A Study on the Graves of Servants and Concubines in the Hazire of the Tomb of Mustafa III

Ömer

Hat sanatı, İslam dininin doğuşundan itibaren gelişimini sürdürerek günümüze kadar estetik açıdan sürekli bir seçme yaparak ulaşmıştır. Bu süreçte, toplumsal beğeni eğilimleri ve dönemin koşullarına uygun eser üretme çabası belirleyici etmenler arasında yer almaktadır. Sanat tarihindeki üslup değişiklikleri, sanatçının bireysel anlayışıyla birlikte dönemin koşulları ve algı farklılıkları çerçevesinde şekillenmektedir. Bu farklı üslupların tespiti ve takibi, özellikle hat sanatının gelişimini anlamak açısından büyük önem taşımaktadır. Osmanlı Devleti'nin son iki yüzyılında Lâle Devri ile başlayan ve Batılılaşma olarak adlandırılan süreç birçok alanda olduğu gibi hat sanatında da değişimlere sebep olmuş, icracılarının ve alıcılarının beğeni dünyasını etkilemiştir.Osmanlı’ya ilk giren Batılı sanat üslubu Barok ve Rokoko’dur. İlk olarak dekoratif sanatta ve eşya tasarımında görülen bu üslup, mimari eserlerde ve süsleme sanatlarında da benimsenmiştir. Özellikle Barok tarzın mimaride yaygınlaşmasıyla Nuruosmaniye Camii ile Barok camiler dönemi başlamış, 20. yüzyıla kadar bu üslubun izleri devam etmiştir. Osmanlı’da Barok ve Rokoko desenleri, Batı’daki örneklerine benzemekle birlikte Osmanlı’ya özgün bir yaklaşım sergilemektedir. Tezhip, cilt, mezar taşı süslemeleri, metal ve ahşap sanatları gibi pek çok alanda Rokoko desenleri yaygın olarak kullanılmıştır.&nbsp;Batılılaşmanın hat sanatına etki seviyesi üzerinde yeterince durulmadığı açıktır. Bu durumun sebebi sanatçının dönemine dair derinlemesine analizlerin yetersizliği ve tasarım anlayışının çok katmanlı yapısını tanımada yaşanan zorluklar olabilir. Hat sanatının Batı'da birebir karşılığının bulunmaması, bu sanatın tamamen değişimini imkânsız kılarken beğeni tutumlarında yaşananlar hattatın kompozisyon düzeninde önemli değişikliklere ve yeniliklere gitmesine zemin hazırlamıştır denilebilir. Batılılaşma Dönemi’yle birlikte celî yazıların tasarımında belirgin bir dönüşüm yaşanmış, özellikle levhacılık önem kazanmış ve celî yazılarda altın kullanımı (zerendûd) yaygınlaşmıştır.Batılılaşma Dönemi'nde Osmanlı sanatları Batı tarzından ister istemez etkilenmiş, padişahlar ve devlet ricali de bu dönüşümü üretime sağladıkları destekle teşvik etmiştir. Batı ile gelişen ticari ilişkiler sonucunda Osmanlı coğrafyası Avrupa’dan getirilen ürünler yoluyla Rokoko ve Barok üsluplarıyla tanışmıştır. 19. yüzyılda Batılı normların yaygınlaşması hattatların sanata bakışlarını ve tasarım anlayışını da etkilemiş, celî hat sanatında optik dengenin (görsel algı gerekliliklerinin) önemi artmıştır. Bu doğrultuda Mustafa Râkım Efendi (öl. 1826) celî sülüs yazıyı geri döndürülemez biçimde ileriye taşıyan en önemli isim olmuştur. Nusretiye Camii’ndeki yazılarıyla zirveye ulaşan sanatçının Sultan II. Mahmud'un (1808-1839) desteğini alması kendisine önemli bir avantaj sağlamıştır. Osmanlı’nın yaklaşık son 150 yılında hat sanatında önemli bir atılım yaşanmış, bu bağlamda özellikle Mustafa Râkım Efendi'nin Tophane Nusretiye Camii celî sülüs yazıları bu yazı türünde bir ekol olmuştur.İstanbul'un Tophane semtinde yer alan Nusretiye Camii, 1823'teki büyük yangın sonrası Sultan II. Mahmud tarafından yeniden inşa ettirilmiştir. Barok ve Ampir üslupların hâkim olduğu yapının en dikkat çekici unsurlarından biri, hat sanatı dışında kalan tüm süsleme elemanlarının Avrupa usulünde yapılmış olmasıdır. Hat sanatı açısından önemli bir konuma sahip olan Nusretiye Camii ve ek yapılarında iki farklı yazı türü kullanılmıştır. Caminin inşa, sebil ve muvakkithane kitabeleri celî ta’lik, harim kısmındaki diğer tüm yazılar ise celî sülüsle yazılmıştır. Belgesel nitelikteki yazılarda celî ta’lik tercih edilirken, kutsal ifadeler için celî sülüs kullanıldığı söylenebilir.&nbsp;Ritmik ve armonik yapısıyla edebi metinlerde ve özellikle kitabelerde tercih edilen ta’lik hat türü, sahip olduğu kıvrımlı yapısı sayesinde Nusretiye Camii'nin Barok kıvrımlara sahip sebil ve muvakkithanenin mimari anlayışıyla uyumu yakalamıştır. Barok üslubun etkisini yansıtan bu yapıların kitabeleri pencereler üzerinde yay formundaki paftalara yerleştirilmiştir. Bunlar dışında cami inşa kitabesi de celî ta’lik hatla yazılı olup tamamı Yesarizâde Mustafa İzzet Efendi’nin (öl. 1849) kaleminden çıkmadır. Devlet kademelerinde çeşitli payeler almış olan sanatçı, şairlik, musikişinaslık ve okçuluk gibi farklı alanlarda da kendini göstermiştir. Vefatından sonra evinde bulunan altmış beş bin beyitlik celî ta’lik kitabe kalıbı, sanatındaki üretkenliğinin kanıtı olduğu gibi dönemin yapılaşma yoğunluğu hakkında da fikir vermektedir.Cami, sebil ve muvakkithane kitabelerinin manzumesi Keçecizâde İzzet Molla (öl. 1829) tarafından yazılmıştır. Muvakkithane kitabesi 21 beyitten, sebil kitabesi ise 15 beyitten oluşmaktadır. 12 beyitlik cami inşa kitabesinin üst kısmında yer alan madalyonun boş olması, Sultan II. Mahmud'un tuğrasının kazınmış olabileceğine dair bir ihtimali akıllara getirmektedir.&nbsp;Nusretiye Camii yazıları, özellikle celî sülüs hattının gelişiminde önemli bir dönüm noktasıdır. Mustafa Râkım Efendi, ömrünün son yıllarında tasarladığı celî sülüs kompozisyonlarında bütüncül ve derinlikli bir anlayış ortaya koyarak hat sanatına resimsel bir boyut kazandırmıştır. Özellikle cami içini kuşak halinde çevreleyen, Nebe’ sûresinin yer aldığı 41 metre uzunluğundaki kuşak yazısı, kendisinden sonraki hattatlar için bir rehber niteliğindedir.&nbsp;Celî sülüs kuşak yazıları, 16. yüzyıldan itibaren çini panolar üzerine işlenirken 18. yüzyıldan itibaren taş üzerine hakkedilmiştir. Mustafa Râkım Efendi’nin Nusretiye Camii'nde gerçekleştirdiği uygulamalar, taş yazı geleneğinin olgun örneklerini oluşturmaktadır. Sanatçının hayatının son dönemlerinde sağ tarafına felç inmesinden dolayı Nusretiye Camii yazılarının uygulama sürecinde öğrencileri Haşim Efendi (öl. 1846) ve Recâi Şakir Efendi (öl. 1874) kendisine yardımcı olmuştur.Aslen Ordu Ünyeli olan Mustafa Râkım Efendi, küçük yaşta İstanbul’a gelerek ağabeyi hattat İsmail Zühdî Efendi’den (öl. 1806) ders almış ve 12 yaşında icâzet almaya layık görülmüştür. Hat sanatındaki yeteneğinin yanı sıra resme de ilgi duyan sanatçının yaptığı bir resim Reisülküttâb Ebubekir Râtib Efendi (öl. 1799) eliyle Sultan II. Mahmud’a arz edilmiştir. Bunun üzerine padişah, portresini çizmesini istemiştir. Resmi çok beğenene padişah, kendisini müderrislik payesiyle ödüllendirmiştir. Celî sülüsten başka sülüs-nesih ve ta’lik hattında da usta olan Mustafa Râkım Efendi, tuğra formuna getirdiği yeniliklerle Osmanlı tuğrakeşliğinde derin izler bırakmıştır.Celî sülüs alanında yaptığı yenilikler, resim altyapısının katkısıyla gerçekleşmiştir. Hat sanatında perspektif, espas ve hemen her türden denge ilkelerini titizlikle uygulayan sanatçı, Nusretiye Camii yazılarında görsel algıyı yönlendiren gereklilikleri gözeterek kompozisyonlarını oluşturmuştur. Cami içinde kuşak yazısının yanı sıra 14 adet kapı üzeri yazısı, mihrap, minber, lafza-i celâl, ism-i nebî, çehar-yâr ve Hasaneyn levhaları da aynı titizlikle ele alınarak ideal bir üslup bütünlüğü sağlanmıştır. Kuşak dışında kalan dikdörtgen alan içine istiflenmiş yazılara bakıldığında insan, namaz, Kur’ân, mescit, cennet konularının işlendiği görülmektedir.&nbsp;Caminin dikkat çeken özelliklerinden biri de kubbe yazısının olmamasıdır. Geleneksel Osmanlı camilerinde görülen kubbe yazılarının aksine, Barok süsleme anlayışına uygun olarak bu öge tercih edilmemiştir. Mihrap üzerindeki “Mâbedde durmuş namaz kılarken melekler ona şöyle seslendiler” Âl-i İmran 39. âyeti, dar bir alana sığdırılmış olmasına rağmen Barok üslubun taşkın ve gösterişli süsleme anlayışını yansıtan bir istifleme sergilemektedir.Hat sanatı temel olarak kitabî ve celî yazılar olmak üzere ikiye ayrılabilir. Kitap boyutunda yazılan yazılar, Osmanlı’da 16. yüzyıldan 19. yüzyıla kadar büyük çapta değişikliğe uğramamış görünmektedir. Gelişim bünyeselden çok detayda ve kişisel yorum farkında yaşanmıştır. Celî yazılar, gelişim süreçleri mimari eserler üzerinden takip edilmesi gereken yazı türleridir. İslam mimarisinde yazı, yapıya kutsal kimlik kazandıran temel unsurdur. Müslüman ibadethanelerinde dinî tasvirlerin yerini alan hat sanatı, estetik gücüyle dinin sembolü olmuş ve ziyaretçilere metanet, azamet sunmuştur.Sanatta üslupları dönemlere ayırarak ifade etmek güç olsa da celî sülüs hattının gelişimi kronolojik olarak incelendiğinde üç temel üsluptan bahsedilebilir:• Süslemeci celî sülüs üslubu (1453’e kadar): Yazılar süsleme elemanlarıyla iç içe geçmiş, hat sanatı dekoratif unsur olarak kullanılmıştır.• Çizgisel celî sülüs üslubu (1453-1800): Net ve düzenli çizgiler ön plana çıkmış, yazılar çizgi odaklı, ifadesi net bir estetik anlayışa kavuşmuştur. • Resimsel celî sülüs üslubu (1800 sonrası): Celî sülüs, optik ve perspektif ilkelerine göre düzenlenmiş, homojen dağılımı gözeten taşkın bir kompozisyon anlayışına ulaşmıştır.Mustafa Râkım Efendi (1757-1826), celî sülüs hattında resimsel bakışın kendisiyle başladığı sanatçıdır. Resimsel celî sülüs anlayışının ağabeyi ve hocası İsmail Zühdî Efendi’nin vefatını takip eden yıllarda ortaya çıkması, ona duyduğu saygının bir nişanesi olarak değerlendirilmiştir. Bu üslubun ilk uygulandığı eser olarak ise ağabeyinin mezar taşı gösterilmektedir.Nusretiye Camii celî sülüs yazıları, Mustafa Râkım Efendi'nin bu anlayışını en iyi yansıtan eserlerdendir. Caminin içini çevreleyen yazılar, yoğun istifli ve optik dengelerin gözetildiği tasarımlardır. Râkım, yazının görsel algılanışını artırmak için optik denge düzenlemeleri yapmış, harflerin kalem kalınlığına göre ölçü oranlarını ve çizgi aralıklarını bakış açısına göre ayarlamıştır.Mustafa Râkım'ın öncülüğünde celî sülüs, çizgisel bir düzenden resimsel bir estetik anlayışa doğru evrilmiş, harflerin birbirine bağlanma şekli, yazının zeminle ilişkisi ve kompozisyonun bütüncül yapısı Barok sanatta görülen perspektif ve derinlik ilkeleriyle uyumlu hâle getirilmiştir. Bu sayede celî sülüs, yalnızca bir yazı biçimi olmaktan çıkıp mekânı dolduran ve izleyiciyi içine çeken cazibe odağı hâline gelmiştir denilebilir.Nusretiye Camii yazılarında boşluk kullanımına özel bir önem verilmiş, hat sanatı yalnızca çizgilerle değil, boşluklarla da anlam kazanan bir sanat olarak ele alınmıştır. Yazıdan arta kalan negatif alanlar, yazının pozitif unsurlarıyla dengeli bir kompozisyon oluşturacak şekilde düzenlenmiştir. Boşluk kontrolünde hareke, cezm, mühmel işaret, tirfil ve tırnaklar yoğunlaştırılarak yazı, yalnızca okunabilir bir metin olmaktan çıkarılıp taşkın etki bırakan, zengin bir kompozisyon hâline getirilmiştir. Barok sanatın uzamı sonsuz detayla doldurma anlayışıyla örtüşen bu yaklaşım, celî sülüs hattın estetik değerini artırmıştır.Üslubun önceki celî sülüslerden farkı, yazının kalem hakkına riayet edilerek resimsel bir yaklaşımla tasarlanması, zemin-şekil ilişkisine önem verilmesi ve homojen bir kompozisyon oluşturulmasıdır. Nusretiye Camii kuşak yazılarında, geleneksel dikey ve yatay düzen yerine, köşegen kesişmelerle sağlanan merkezi denge benimsenmiştir. Mustafa Râkım Efendi ile negatif alanlar kompozisyonun ayrılmaz bir parçası hâline gelmiş, leke-boşluk ilişkisi dengelenmiştir. Barok sanatın detay ve hareket anlayışı celî sülüs kompozisyonlarında da karşılık bulmuştur. Nusretiye Camii celî sülüs kompozisyonlarında yazı ve boşluk dengesi özenle sağlanmış, Mustafa Râkım Efendi’nin sayesinde boşluklar da yazının bir parçası olarak değerlendirilmiştir.Optik biliminin gereklilikleri doğrultusunda harf oranları ve çizgi kalınlıkları bakış açısına göre ayarlanmış, böylece celî sülüs yazısında yeni bir derinlik algısı oluşturulmuştur. Râkım ekolü, Sami Efendi (öl. 1912), M. Nazif Bey (öl. 1913) ve İsmail Hakkı Altunbezer (öl. 1946) gibi hattatlar tarafından daha da geliştirilmiş ve âdeta rölyef etkisi bırakan istiflere kadar evrilmiştirİnsan gözü, güçlü etkili alanları şekil, zayıf etkili alanları ise zemin olarak algılamaktadır. Hat sanatında zemin, tek renk veya etkisiz yoğunlukta bırakılarak yazının ön plana çıkması sağlanmaktadır. Râkım Efendi ekolü öncesi celî sülüslerde belirgin bir şekil-zemin ilişkisi hâkimken, Mustafa Râkım Efendi ile kompozisyonlar daha girift ve algılanması zor bir yapıya yönelmiştir. Bu yaklaşım, Barok sanatın tam olarak kavranamayanın makbul sayıldığı estetik anlayışıyla örtüşmektedir.Mustafa Râkım Efendi, celî sülüs kompozisyonlarında bakışı belirli bir hatta yönlendirmek yerine, izleyicinin gözleminin tüm zeminde serbestçe gezinebileceği tasarımlar geliştirmiştir. Nusretiye kuşak yazısında ünitelerin diziliş sırası, kesişmeler ve çapraz çizgiler, görsel bir bütünlük oluşturarak üçüncü boyuta davet eden bir yapı sunmuştur. Bu yazılar, anlamın estetik ve ruhani bir coşkunlukla aktarılmasını sağlamıştır.&nbsp;Barok üslupla inşa edilen Nuruosmaniye, Eyüp Sultan ve Üsküdar Selimiye Camii'lerinde uygulanan kesintisiz kuşak yazılarının Nusretiye kadar başarılı olamadığı kabul edilmektedir. Bunun temel sebebi, Nusretiye yazılarının hat sanatında olgunlaşmış bir estetik anlayışın ürünü olmasıdır. Mihrap duvarındaki “deve boynu” istiflerin Barok mimarinin kıvrımlı formlarıyla uyumlu tasarımı bu başarının kanıtı olarak değerlendirilebilir.Farklı çizgi yönleri izleyici üzerinde çeşitli etkiler bırakmaktadır. Yatay çizgiler dinginlik ve akışı, dikey çizgiler güç ve vurguyu, eğimli çizgiler hareketi, çapraz kesişimler ise derinliği artırmaktadır. Nusretiye yazıları, grafik ritmi tüm zemine yayarak kozmik bir uyum oluşturmuştur. Râkım ekolü öncesi celî sülüslerde kapalı ve bağımsız birimler öne çıkarken, Râkım ile kompozisyonun tevhidine odaklanan açık form anlayışı benimsenmiştir.Mustafa Râkım, celî sülüs yazılarında harflerin grafiksel organizasyonu sayesinde özgün bir estetik geliştirmiştir. Nusretiye yazıları, Barok sanatın tekil biçimlerin sürekli devinim hâlinde olduğu yapısıyla benzerlik göstermektedir. Barok sanatın başarı kaynağı olan gizem unsuru, Râkım ekolünde üretilmiş celî sülüs kompozisyonlarında da görülmektedir. Kesinlik yerine dönüşüm ve başkalaşım esas alınarak izleyicinin sürekli yeni keşifler yapmasını sağlayan bir yapı oluşturulmuştur.Sonuç olarak, Osmanlı hat sanatı, Batılılaşma sürecinin etkisiyle yeni bir boyut kazanmış, celî sülüs hat resimsel bir üslupla desteklenerek yeni bir kompozisyon anlayışına bürünmüştür. Mustafa Râkım Efendi’nin Nusretiye Camii’ndeki yazıları, bu dönüşümün en somut örneğini oluşturmaktadır. Onun getirdiği yenilikler, hat sanatının optik kurallara dayalı, estetik dengelerin ön planda olduğu bir sanat dalı olarak evrilmesini sağlamış ve Osmanlı hat sanatına yön veren, adına Râkım ekolü denilecek kalıcı bir miras bırakmıştır.

Ottoman Calligraphy in the Westernization Period: Baroque Influence in Nusretiye Mosque Inscriptions

Aysun

During the final years of the Ottoman Empire, the state expanded the Iltizam System in agriculturally productive lands to solve the cash shortage of the central treasury. This system was based on the principle of the government leasing the right to collect taxes on individuals for a specific time. In this manner, the state received cash payments from the lessee, referred to as the mültezim. On the other hand, mültezims appointed mütesellims to represent them. This system led to the emergence of many derebeys (feudal lords) who attempted to collect excessive taxes by exerting pressure on the people. Especially in the late 18th century and the first half of the 19th century, these derebeys played an important role in domestic politics with the weakening of central authority in the Ottoman Empire. Sultan Mahmud II, in order to reestablish central authority, struggled in politics and the military against threatening derebeys.The Viranşehir Sanjak, which included Eskipazar and Safranbolu, covered a large part of today’s Karabük province in Türkiye in the 19th century. Viranşehir Sanjak experienced its most prosperous period economically in the 18th and 19th centuries. The source of this wealth was trade and production activities. Because of these activities, various individuals and families became excessively rich and gained power in the region. With the central authority transferring its political and military powers to the provinces, some of these lords and families claimed to be “derebeys”. During that time, Ottoman derebeys and their families built various structures in the region.By the order of Sultan Mahmud II, Viranşehir Mutesellim Derebey Hasan Çavuşzade Hüseyin Ağa and his son Musa Bey played significant roles in suppressing the Tahmisçioğlu rebellion in Kastamonu, which was part of the wave of uprisings that started in Anatolia under the influence of Ibrahim Pasha, the commander of the Egyptian army. It is alleged that Hasan Çavuşzade Hüseyin Ağa and his son Musa Bey, taking advantage of the trust they gained from this situation, exerted various forms of pressure on the people and built armories and fortifications against the Sultan. Complaints were made to Istanbul with these claims. In 1835, because of these complaints, Hüseyin Ağa and Musa Bey were dismissed from their positions and arrested by the Istanbul government. During that period, the Ottoman army destroyed some buildings belonging to the Hasan Çavuşzade family.&nbsp;Field studies have revealed that family-owned structures or traces of structures from the 19th century are located in various areas of Viranşehir Sanjak. The regions where these structures are found include the Safranbolu city center, the valleys formed by the Eskipazar (Viranşehir) Stream, and the village of Tamışlar. The city of Safranbolu served as the administrative center of the Viranşehir district, and Hasan Çavuşzade Hüseyin Ağa commissioned the construction of a large mansion featuring a pool in its selamlık (men's reception hall). The valleys shaped by the Eskipazar Stream were used both as a military center along caravan routes and for agricultural production by Hasan Çavuşzade Hüseyin Ağa and his son, Musa Bey. In this region, which includes the Eskipazar district center (Viranşehir), Kıranköy neighborhood, and Çakmakoğlu Valley, we determined that mansions, Turkish baths, khans, mosques, and military fortifications, as well as production facilities such as a lumber mill and a watermill, were either constructed or repaired. The village of Tamışlar, on the other hand, is a high-altitude forest settlement. In addition to serving as the family’s summer residence, it was used for agricultural production. In Tamışlar, mansions, stables, and granaries commissioned by Hasan Çavuşzade Hüseyin Ağa's two sons, İsmail and Halil Bey, have been identified. Within this scope, 25 structures have been documented.&nbsp;This study focuses on three mansions that have preserved their authenticity in two rural settlements in the Eskipazar district (Karabük). The Halim Bey Mansion in the Kıranköy neighborhood and the İsmail Bey and Halil Bey Mansions in the village of Tamışlar. Archival and source research, genealogical studies, personal interviews, and field surveys have been conducted. Additionally, the structures were documented through measured drawings and photographs, and their architectural features were analyzed.&nbsp;The Halim Bey Mansion, located in the Kıranköy neighborhood, is estimated to have been built in the second half of the 19th century by Hasan Bey (born in 1855), the father of Halim Bey and the grandson of Musa Bey. The mansion has three floors: a basement, a lower floor, and an upper floor. The basement is made of rubble stone, while the lower and upper floors are constructed using a timber frame and a stone-filling construction system. The interior design solutions for the basement and lower floor, which serve as the living spaces for the servants, were designed using different elevations by the slope of the land. The upper floor, which is the main living space of the owners, is arranged on a single level and has a plan with an octagonal central sofa (hall). Most of the rooms reflect the traditional room layout of Ottoman-Turkish houses. The façade and interior design of the mansion are well-crafted and modest. Overall, the mansion maintains its structural integrity both externally and internally. However, due to a lack of maintenance, the building faces threats from water and moisture from the ground and roof.The İsmail Bey Mansion is located in the village of Tamışlar. Ismail Bey, the son of Hasan Çavuşzade Hüseyin Ağa, had this structure built in 1871-1872 as a guesthouse and an annex. The mansion consists of three floors. The basement and lower floor walls are made of rubble stone, while the upper floor is constructed with a timber frame system and stone filling. The basement contains storage, the lower floor includes a taşlık (entrance) and servant section, while the upper floor houses the guest rooms and the main room. The upper floor is designed on a single level, while the other floors are designed at different elevations based on the slope of the land. The upper floor, built with careful craftsmanship and design, comprises an octagonal central sofa and the surrounding spaces. All rooms on this floor reflect the classical room layout of Ottoman-Turkish houses. The walls and wooden ceilings of the sofa and the two rooms on the upper floor feature unique decorative elements and embellishments. Structural cracks are present in the corner regions of the building’s rubble stone walls. Additionally, there are losses in the bonding material, particularly in areas close to the ground.The Halil Bey Mansion is located in Tamışlar village, near İsmail Bey Mansion. We estimate that this three-story mansion was built by Hasan Çavuşzade Hüseyin Ağa's another son, Halil Bey, in the late 19th century. The basement walls, along with the northern façade walls of the lower floor and specific interior partitions, were built using stone masonry, while the remaining walls of the lower floor and the entire upper floor were constructed with a timber-frame system. The structure was designed in accordance with the sloped topography, featuring an exposed southern façade at the basement level. The basement floor includes a stable, whereas the lower floor accommodates both service and storage areas, as well as living spaces such as rooms and a sofa. The upper floor, designed as the residential level for the mansion’s owners, features an octagonal central sofa surrounded by various rooms, consistent with other examined examples. This floor includes rooms at each of its four corners, with iwans and other spaces situated in between. The spatial organization follows the traditional layout of Ottoman-Turkish houses. The mansion, which exhibits a simple architectural style both on its façade and interior design, does not have any major structural problems.&nbsp;The three mansions under study, in terms of form, plan scheme, façade arrangement, ornamentation and details, exhibit significant similarities with the architectural style of wealthy families in Ottoman cities during the 19th century, influenced by Europe and Istanbul. The mansions, designed in accordance with the geographical and climatic characteristics of the region, reference the social, economic, and political power once held by the Hasan Çavuşzade Family. These structures enrich the local values in terms of their cultural and architectural aspects. Notably, the Hasan Çavuşzade Family reflected their identity in the details of these buildings (such as ornamentation, façade arrangement, plan scheme, and floor heights).The family, seeking a safe place away from the chaos of the city, chose to settle in rural areas along riverbanks and on caravan routes, which geographically justified the use of the term “derebey” for Hüseyin Ağa and his son Musa Bey. Thanks to their choice of location, the family benefited from fertile lands and gained control over trade. There is also evidence indicating that they established and managed strategic structures, such as khans, for intelligence gathering. While the Hasan Çavuşzade Family held political power, they commissioned the construction of large-scale public buildings. However, after losing political power, the three mansions that were built had more modest dimensions and architectural styles.Because of the architectural heritage preservation activities in Safranbolu that began in the 1970s, the city's architecB tural heritage gained prominence with its inclusion in the UNESCO World Heritage List in 1994. However, the measures taken to preserve the cultural heritage in the areas surrounding the city have proven insufficient, especially in rural regions. The lack of sufficient interest from property owners, residents, and authorities and the scarcity of resources have led to the destruction of the cultural heritage. In the region, we recommend promoting scientific research and awareness-raising activities focused on making such historical documentBlike cultural heritage sustainable and increasing the feasibility of related projects through public participation.

Traces of a Derebey Family in the Ottoman Countryside: An Architectural Analysis of Three Mansions Built by Hasan Çavuşzade Family in Eskipazar (Karabük/Türkiye)

Selman

From the late 18th century onwards, Europe began to see a wave of inventions resulting from the Industrial Revolution. One of these innovations was the use of gas for urban lighting. Scottish engineer William Murdoch illuminated his home in Redruth, England, in 1792 using gas obtained by distilling coal. Murdoch’s invention was further developed, which led to the illumination of a street in London in 1807. This gas, derived from coal, became an integral part of city life. Known as coal gas, this invention rapidly spread after it was first used in Baltimore, USA, in 1817, and then in Paris in 1820.Gas plants built throughout the 19th century shared a common technical setup. The coal arriving at the plant was crushed and placed into a sealed tank functioning as a distiller, where it was heated to temperatures of 1000-1200ºC by an external furnace. In the absence of air, the heat caused the molecules in the coal to separate, producing the gas used for lighting, primarily composed of hydrogen, methane, and carbon monoxide. The gas extracted from the distiller by special pumps was then cooled, stored in gasometers, and distributed to the city through pipes.In 1856, the gasworks initially constructed behind the private stables of Dolmabahçe Palace for the illumination of the palaces soon increased its production to also provide lighting for Beyoğlu, Beşiktaş, and surrounding areas. Although the research conducted on the Dolmabahçe Gasworks, the first gashouse built in the Ottoman Empire, contains much information about the structure, it lacks details on the types of initiatives undertaken for its construction, the exact founding date, the sources and procurement methods of building materials, the content of renovations and expansions during the reign of Abdulhamid II (1876-1909), and the designer-architect of the second gasometer, which still stands and was constructed between 1892 and 1893. New documents identified in the Ottoman archives clarify these questions.The period from 1856 to 1892 represents the first period of the structure. During this period, the initial gasworks, built with domestic production at the Zeytinburnu Factory, had a small gasometer. The renovation and expansion of the gasworks between 1892 and 1893 marked the beginning of the second period, which ended with the dismantling and relocation of the gashouse to the Poligon (shooting range) in Kağıthane between 1955 and 1962. During the second phase of the Dolmabahçe Gasworks, a contract was made with the English company Barrowfield Iron Works to construct new gas furnaces along with the second gasometer. From the 1850s onwards, many European investors and entrepreneurs were seen to be actively seeking a concession for the illumination of Istanbul with gas. These groups, well aware of the sultan and his entourage’s desire for change and development, argued that the Ottoman capital should be illuminated in the same manner as European capitals.&nbsp;On October 20, 1852, a ninety-year concession was requested in Istanbul for the lighting of palaces, government offices, and streets by Baron de Schwartzenberg on behalf of a company founded by Belgian lawyer Lion De Roy. According to the prepared proposal, a gashouse would be constructed in Istanbul, similar to those in Paris, Brussels, and other capitals, with pipes laid to supply gas to homes, squares, and streets, and the necessary technical personnel and materials would be provided for these operations. If the Ottoman Empire wished to acquire the gashouse and its equipment during the concession period, a joint commission would be established after thirty years to determine the value, and the purchase would be made based on that value. Additionally, all goods and real estate acquired for the factory would be exempt from any taxes.On February 20, 1855, three French entrepreneurs, Messrs. Degousee, Beaussier, and Guilbert founded a company and requested a license for the lighting of lamps with gas and the repair of water systems in Istanbul and Beyoğlu. In the draft proposal they prepared, it was noted that as of 1855, Istanbul was the only European capital not illuminated at night, and as a result, it lagged behind its peer cities. The illumination of the city was presented as a sign of civilization and progress. It was argued that night illumination would reduce crime, improve public order, and more effectively ensure the safety of people’s lives and property. The benefits of gas lighting also included facilitating the deployment of troops at night during rebellions and revolutions. According to the terms of the agreement proposed to the Ottoman Empire by Degousee, Beaussier, and Guilbert, the concession period would be thirty years starting from February 1855, gas production would be based on coal and be as powerful as the gas used in Paris, the location of the production facility would be determined and transferred to the company by the Ottoman Empire, and the factory’s construction would be completed in 1856.Another early initiative regarding the gas lighting of Istanbul dates back to April 5, 1856. A company, founded in England with a capital of one million pounds and possessing international experience in this field, requested a 75- year concession for Istanbul and the major cities of the Ottoman Empire. In the proposal, sufficient land by the seaside would be allocated for the gasworks, coal store, and similar facilities, and no taxes would be levied on the equipment, machinery, or coal imported from abroad.All of these initiatives preceding the construction of the Dolmabahçe Gasworks ended in a resultless situation. This is because the Ottoman administrators of the time believed that the gashouse could be built through domestic production. Studies on the Dolmabahçe Gasworks indicate the initial construction date as 1853. However, it was through the efforts of Tophane Marshal Fethi Pasha that a gashouse was first built in Istanbul, at Dolmabahçe, in 1856.Coal stores were constructed in Kabataş for the Dolmabahçe Gasworks. In the early years of the gashouse, coal imported from England was used, but later coal from the Ereğli mines became the primary source. Two years after its construction, on May 11, 1858, new structures were needed to increase its capacity. For this purpose, additional land was purchased, and the necessary equipment was manufactured by the Tophane Müşirliği.The Dolmabahçe Gasworks was transferred to the Şehremaneti (the municipal authority) by a decree dated April 12, 1874. The reasoning behind the decision of the transfer was that gashouses were under the authority of municipalities everywhere, and it was deemed appropriate to do the same in this case. During the transfer, all the equipment of the gashouse, along with its debts, were also transferred to the Şehremaneti. It was decreed that, in return for the expenditures made by the Hazine-i Hassa (the Imperial Treasury) for the Dolmabahçe Gasworks since its establishment, the gas used by the palaces would be provided free of charge.&nbsp;The disruption of the revenue and expenditure balance of the gasworks, which facilitated the gas lighting of much of the Beyoğlu, Beşiktaş, and Harbiye areas, increased the burden on the Şehremaneti. The maintenance and repair of the gashouse could not be carried out with the existing budget of the municipality at that time. As a result, the gashouse was integrated into the Tophane Müşirliği in 1890.When the Dolmabahçe Gasworks was constructed in 1856, its gasometer and other components were produced at the Zeytinburnu Factory. While the gasworks, whose technology had become outdated over time, was being renovated and modernized during the reign of Abdulhamid II, a second gasometer was also constructed. An agreement was made with the Barrowfield Iron Works company on July 4, 1892, regarding this matter. A payment of three thousand pounds was made to Barrowfield for the installation of the gasometer.The mineral coals used by the gashouse were brought by ships to the Kabataş Pier and stored in warehouses there. The coals transported from Kabataş to Dolmabahçe by porters would get wet in rainy weather, which reduced gas production. By a decision taken on September 11, 1897, a coal store was also constructed within the garden area surrounding the Dolmabahçe Gasworks. During World War I, the Dolmabahçe Gasworks was initially used as a logistics center by German soldiers (January 1917-November 1918) and later by British soldiers during the occupation of Istanbul (December 1918-May 1919). In 1955, a decision was made to relocate the Dolmabahçe Gasworks to the Poligon area in Kağıthane due to the construction of the İnönü Stadium on its site. The relocation of the Dolmabahçe Gasworks, which ceased production on August 15, 1960, was completed in 1962. Some parts of this historic gasworks (including a gasometer and pipe and condenser components) were left within Maçka Park.Gasworks began to be a part of Ottoman urban life from the mid-19th century. Within the framework of the modern urbanism movement, the Dolmabahçe Gasworks, constructed in 1856, was the first domestic example of these facilities, where gas produced from coal was liquefied and stored for the illumination of streets and buildings. Under the management of Tophane Marshal Fethi Pasha, the gashouse quickly became not only a source of illumination for the Dolmabahçe Palace and its surroundings but also served civil, administrative, and military buildings within the boundaries of Beşiktaş and Beyoğlu over time. The illumination of other areas of Istanbul was provided by the Kuzguncuk, Yedikule, and Hasanpaşa Gasworks.The Kuzguncuk Gasworks, built between 1862 and 1865 on Baba Nakkaş Street in Kuzguncuk, was established for the illumination of the Beylerbeyi Palace. The Kuzguncuk Gasworks, which continued production until 1940, served the Beylerbeyi area and its surroundings. A gasworks was constructed in Yedikule between 1873 and 1880 for illuminating the historical peninsula. In later periods, the service network of the Yedikule Gasworks expanded to Eyüp, Bakırköy, and Yeşilköy. During the Republic period, it was incorporated into İETT in 1945 and ceased operations in 1993. The second gasworks on the Anatolian side was established in Kadıköy Hasanpaşa in 1892. The Hasanpaşa Gasworks,which served a wide area including Kadıköy, Üsküdar, Erenköy, and Bostancı, was transferred to İETT in 1945 and closed in 1993.The gasometer, which remained after the relocation of the Dolmabahçe Gasworks to the Poligon area in Kağıthane between 1955 and 1962, stands as an important part of our industrial heritage within Maçka Park. Although it is no longer at its original site, this structure needs to be preserved from ruin and handed down to future generations. Since the 2000s, old gasometers in European cities such as Dresden, Vienna, and Leipzig have been repurposed as gasometer museums, exhibition centers, and entertainment venues. Drawing inspiration from these practices, the Dolmabahçe Gasometer should be restored and repurposed according to our own needs and priorities.&nbsp;

The Construction Process of the Dolmabahçe Gasworks in light of New Documents

Cemil

Nesrin Çiçek

Neşe

Istanbul University's Beyazıt Campus has long served as a key historical and cultural center, playing a prominent role from the Ottoman era through the Republican period. The site originally housed the Old Palace, commissioned by Sultan Mehmed the Conqueror following the conquest of Constantinople. During the Ottoman period, the area functioned as a significant military and administrative hub. Following the abolition of the Janissary Corps in 1826, it was allocated to the Asakir-i Mansure-i Muhammediyye (originally Asâkir-i Mansûre-i Muhammediyye, Ottoman Army), which later operated under the name Daire-i Umur-ı Askeriyye (originally Dâire-i Umûr-ı Askeriyye, The Office of Military Affairs). In 1924, the complex was transferred to the Istanbul Dârülfünûn, and after the university reforms of 1933, it became Istanbul University. However, over time, many buildings located in and around Bab-ı Seraskeri (originally Bâb-ı Seraskerî, The Gate of the Army) Square, including the Telegraph Building, were lost.&nbsp;The Bab-ı Seraskeri Telegraph Building played a critical role in the Ottoman Empire’s communication network and marked a major technological milestone with the advent of electric telegraphy. During the Crimean War (1853-1856), the Ottoman Empire established military telegraph lines for the first time. In 1855, the Telegraph Administration Directorate was established to centralize civil and military communication services. The construction of the Babı Seraskeri Telegraph Building, initiated in 1853 and completed in 1856, stands as a landmark achievement in the modernization of the Ottoman communication infrastructure.The building’s architecture reflected both technological innovation and esthetic sensitivity. Its design, which synthesized neoclassical and Art Nouveau elements, featured a symmetrical façade adorned with triangular pediments, wooden arcades, and star motifs. The building’s form embodied a modern architectural approach, focusing on functionality, simplicity, and stylistic harmony with its urban setting.&nbsp;This article presents a comprehensive study on the now-demolished Bab-ı Seraskeri Telegraph Building, which was once located in the northwest section of the Istanbul University Beyazıt Campus. The study is situated within the broader discourse of architectural conservation and urban archeological documentation, addressing a significant but hitherto neglected piece of the Ottoman communication infrastructure. Although the Istanbul University campus is widely recognized for its historical role as the former Bab-ı Seraskeri complex, the telgrafhane has remained absent from previous literature. The building’s exact location, architectural features, and historical functions have been documented through a multi-methodological approach combining archival research, visual analysis (including historical photographs, postcards, and maps), and recent salvage excavations conducted under the supervision of the Istanbul Archeological Museums. These investigations culminated in the production of two separate restitution projects that aimed to visualize the structure’s appearance in different historical phases.Functionally, the Bab-ı Seraskeri Telegraph Office served as a vital node within the Ottoman Empire’s military communication system, particularly from the late 19th century through the early 20th century. Archival documents referencing cipher operations and wartime communications during World War I confirm the building’s role in military communication. Evidence from historical photographs and military correspondence confirms its strategic location near the Ministry of War (Harbiye Nezareti), intended to facilitate the rapid transmission of critical information. During World War I, the telegraph became the principal method of rapid military communication, facilitating the transmission of orders, status reports, and directives between the Ottoman frontlines and the Erkan-ı Harbiye (General Staff) in Istanbul. During the Sivas Congress, a local telegraph center was established to maintain secret communications with the Erkan-ı Harbiye telegraph office. However, once these communications -allegedly conducted under the leadership of Mahmut Ezan Hodja -were uncovered, all the operators involved were arrested, underscoring the strategic value of the Bab-ı Seraskeri Telegraph Building.Architecturally, the building was a single-story, timber-framed structure with Baroque and early Art Nouveau decorative elements, featuring a symmetrical layout and a tripartite portico with star-motif balustrades and ornamental wooden columns. These stylistic features are consistent with the broader architectural vocabulary of the Bab-ı Seraskeri complex and suggest the influence of French architect Louis Bourgeois, who was known to have designed several structures in the area between 1864 and 1866. The architectural features of the Bab-ı Seraskeri Telegraph Office have been meticulously identified and graphically documented through an analysis of various 19th- and early 20th-century visual sources, including photographic albums commissioned by Abdulhamid II (1880–1893) and held in the Library of Congress. A photograph labeled as “Seraskerat Telegraph Bureau” clearly illustrates the structure’s defining characteristics: a rectangular, single-story layout surrounded by a wooden colonnaded veranda on three sides, topped by a tiled hipped roof. The façade features a central projection marked by a triangular pediment and a triple entrance configuration supported by paired columns -elements that reflect the architectural vocabulary of the adjacent Seraskerlik complex, particularly the Rectorate building (formerly the Ministry of War, or Harbiye Nezareti) and its monumental gates.The decorative details of the Telegraph Office evoke the stylistic traits found in late Ottoman civic architecture. Wooden railings with hexagonal star motifs, carved cornices, and vegetal ornamentation on column capitals all point to a synthesis of Baroque and early Art Nouveau influences, reflecting the eclectic tastes of the Tanzimat and postTanzimat architectural reforms. The close alignment of ornamental logic and material palette with other buildings attributed to Bourgeois reflects a deliberate and coordinated design vision. The spatial organization of the building, as inferred from the excavation data and Pervititch insurance maps (1935), follows a central hall layout with functionspecific rooms such as the "Director’s Office," "Cipher Room," and "Translation Office" arranged symmetrically along its longitudinal axis. These features are consistent with the typology of Ottoman telegraph buildings of the late 19th century, as also evidenced in the unexecuted plans for the Konya Telegraph and Post Office.In historical maps, including the German Blue Maps (1913-1914) and Ekrem Hakkı Ayverdi’s mid-19th-century city surveys, the Telegraph Office is clearly labeled and documented in its precise geographical and architectural context. These cartographic materials not only affirm the building’s existence but also its significance within the administrative and communicative infrastructure of the military complex. According to the German Blue Maps, the building was known as “Poste et Télégraphe,” indicating its dual function. Moreover, the building’s presence in multiple visual sources reinforces its once-prominent role in state operations and communication strategy. Its demolition during the 1950s, due to functional obsolescence and campus reconfigurations, marked a substantial loss in terms of the Ottoman technological and architectural heritage. The current study thus fills a critical gap in our understanding of the spatial manifestations of modern communication infrastructures in the Ottoman capital.&nbsp;In 2023, the Bab-ı Seraskeri Telegraph Office became the focus of salvage excavations carried out under the authorization of the Istanbul No. 4 Regional Council for the Protection of Cultural Property and under the supervision of the Istanbul Archeological Museums. The fieldwork was initiated in response to a request from the Department of Construction and Technical Affairs of Istanbul University. The excavation aimed to locate and document any surviving architectural remains of the structure. During the excavation, significant portions of the building’s foundation walls were uncovered, alongside ancillary structures such as a cistern and a probable fountain base. The presence of these elements confirmed the building’s former footprint and provided important insights into its construction phases and spatial organization. The stratigraphic sequence and physical remnants were carefully mapped using terrestrial laser scanning, generating a detailed base for graphic documentation.Two phases of restitution were developed in accordance with the excavated evidence and corroborated by historical visual materials. The first restitution project illustrates the earlier configuration of the telegraph office, based on photographic evidence from the late 19th century. This incorporation of features visible in the 1913-1914 German Blue Maps clearly demonstrates a later stage of architectural expansion and programmatic adjustment. Both restitution drawings were prepared in compliance with Turkey’s Cultural Heritage Law No. 2863. The integration of cartographic overlays, archival sources, and typological analysis of comparable Ottoman telegraph buildings provided additional validation for the architectural restitution. In this sense, the study follows international standards of archeological site management, including layered documentation, comparative analysis, and integrative modeling. The project’s methodology aligns with conservation best practices promoted by organizations such as ICOMOS and ICCROM, emphasizing the balance between documentation, interpretation, and preservation.More importantly, this effort highlights the critical role of preventive archeology in historically dense urban settings like Istanbul. Despite the loss of the original superstructure, the subsurface remains of the Telegraph Office serve as a powerful material witness to the spatial articulation of the late Ottoman state institutions. The documentation and interpretation of this site not only preserves its memory but also reinserts it into the historical narrative of Istanbul University’s campus and the broader city. The rediscovery and documentation of the Bab-ı Seraskeri Telegraph Office represent a significant contribution to both the architectural historiography of the late Ottoman period and the heritage conservation efforts in Istanbul’s Historical Peninsula. As one of the earliest purpose-built telegraph stations associated with military operations, the building holds historical importance not merely as an infrastructural unit but also as a spatial manifestation of modernization policies during the Tanzimat and post-Tanzimat periods.While the introduction of the telegraph in the Ottoman Empire has been extensively explored from technological, political, and military perspectives, its architectural context has remained largely overlooked. This study addresses this omission by documenting a lost building that once embodied the intersection of communication infrastructure and Ottoman state architecture. By presenting a previously undocumented example, it contributes to the typological understanding of 19th-century public architecture in the empire. Employing a multidisciplinary approach, the research combines material remains with archival sources -such historical photographs, maps, and insurance plansalongside in situ archeological data.In conclusion, the Bab-ı Seraskeri Telegraph Building played a pivotal role in the Ottoman modernization process, serving as both a military communication hub and an administrative center. Its architectural significance, technological innovation, and strategic function underscore its historical importance. Although the physical structure has been lost, the archeological discoveries and restitution projects underscore the value of integrating historical and material evidence in heritage conservation. These initiatives not only restore the memory of a vanished building but also offer a methodological framework for future studies in urban archeology and preservation.&nbsp;

A Cultural Heritage that Did Not Survive to the Present Day in Istanbul University Beyazıt Campus: Bâb-ı Seraskerî Telegraph Building

Nefise

The term “sayfiye” refers to the settlements preferred by urban residents who want to escape the hot and hectic life of cities in summer. These areas are close to the city centre and offer urban residents a life intertwined with nature and the sea. This concept, which derives from the Arabic word “sayf” (summer), has been used to describe a way of life adopted principally in İstanbul during the summer months. The different geographical conditions of the city have given the opportunity for the development of many country areas at the same time and at different times. In the historical period, these regions have not only been areas for rest and entertainment. At the same time, by providing cultural interaction between the people, it has prepared the ground for the emergence of a different lifestyle and socio-economic structure from the city centre in these areas.&nbsp;“Sayfiye” areas are especially important in the history of cities in the 19th century. It can be considered an important balance element that has emerged against industrialising and crowded urban environments since the middle of the century. Moving away from the city for health and recreation refers not only to physical needs, but also to a quiet environment where people can be alone with nature and get away from the pressures of city life. Especially, the “sayfiye” lifestyle in 19th-century İstanbul symbolises getting away from the restricting conditions of urban life temporarily and becoming free. In the summer time, the increasing heatwave and the population density in the capital city have led families more likely from upper and middle economic income groups to coastal and rural settlements. The seasonal movement in İstanbul has provided a basis of suburbs, as much as it did for the “sayfiye” areas. This is how the organic relationship between the “sayfiye” culture of İstanbul and the urbanisation forms has emerged.The study focuses on the period between 1851- 1923 when İstanbul had overcome significant political, sociological and cultural transformations. Although the scope of the study extends from the Byzantine period to the establishment of the Republic of Turkey, the years 1851-1923 appear to be the most important period that accelerates change and determines the transformation of “sayfiye” areas. During this period, the fact that the modern public transportations had started to operate both on sea and air, the implementation of comprehensive legal reforms, which began with the proclamation of the Tanzimat, and significant changes in social life have played an important role in the formation and transformation of the “sayfiye” regions.Long before this transformation process, “sayfiye” regions had mostly belonged to sultans and the courtiers in palaces. During the Byzantine and early Ottoman periods, palaces, monasteries, and villas located on the shores of the Bosphorus and the Marmara Sea again stand out as “sayfiye” areas used by the ruling sector. However, in the 19th century, transporting these areas became easier, especially with the spread of scheduled steamship and train lines. In particular, these developments in transportation have made the “sayfiye” areas cease to be privileged places and have enabled them to turn into areas that can be used and reached by wider segments of society economically. This transformation in the Ottoman capital also harmonises with Europe and America, where going to coastal and rural recreation areas has become part of a modern lifestyle.The main purpose of this study is to analyse the historical and spatial dynamics of “sayfiye” areas in İstanbul in the context of urban development and socio-cultural transformations. The study reveals how the “sayfiye” settlements in İstanbul have evolved architecturally and spatially and how the transformation in leisure practices has taken place while transforming into suburbs and eventually an urban area. In addition, the research examines how “sayfiye” areas take on a role as social circles in which the socio-cultural characteristics of urban residents are redefined differently from those in the city centre.&nbsp;This research has adopted an interdisciplinary approach that methodically combines disciplines such as historical geography, urban sociology, architectural history and cultural landscape analysis. The comprehensive examination of archival documents, historical maps, cadastral records, periodical publications, travel books and visual materials such as engravings and postcards constitutes the basis of the study. Primary sources such as Erkan-ı Harbiye Maps, Necip Bey Maps and archival documents provide important information about the settlement patterns and property structures of “sayfiye” areas. These documents were supported by the analysis of memories and depictions of the period. Therefore, an attempt has been made to create a holistic framework that reveals the social, cultural and spatial dimensions of İstanbul’s “sayfiye” life in detail.Additionally, in order to monitor spatial transformations and settlement morphologies over time, the analyses performed using period maps were used. It contributes to the spatial analysis of the publications of the period and the content analysis of personal narratives, daily life practices, architectural texture and country areas. Comparative spatial analysis conducted between different “sayfiye” regions such as the Bosphorus coasts, Princes’ Islands, Kadıköy- Bostancı and Yeşilköy reveals the different development processes of these recreational areas. In this context, the role of transportation routes, the process of opening land plots for reconstruction and public-private space relations have been specially considered.&nbsp;The findings of the study reveal that the fact that the transformation of “sayfiye” regions in İstanbul cannot be independently evaluated without studying both urbanisation and urban sprawl. There are some interrelated reasons that trigger this transformation:• Developments in the field of transportation: The launch of scheduled ferry services by Şirket-i Hayriye in 1851 and the start of scheduled commuter trains on both sides of İstanbul in the following period significantly increased the accessibility of the “sayfiye” areas. These developments have made long-term seasonal stays possible, as well as daily and shorter-term visits. The simplification of weekend or daily trips has allowed leisure time to be integrated more fluidly into everyday life. • Legal reforms: The enactment of the 1858 Land Law and the regulations that followed it ensured the spread of private property in “sayfiye” areas and the facilitation of land purchases and sales. The parcelling out of lands due to supply around these areas and their subsequent sale by the state accelerated the transformation of these areas into suburbs. These reforms not only accelerated the suburbanisation process but also directed a great number of investors to these areas. • Social diversifications and multiculturalism: “Sayfiye” style of living attracted not only Ottoman elites but also non-muslim communities, Levantines and foreign nationalities to itself. This multicultural structure contributed to cosmopolitan lifestyles by making socio-cultural make up particularly in regions as Tarabya, Yeşilköy and the Princes’ Islands. Thus, the multicultural urban identity that existed in the city centre has also appeared in “sayfiye” regions as well.• Architectural and Urban Development: The transition process from temporary wooden summer houses to permanent masonry and then reinforced concrete villas reflects a remarkable architectural change in the “sayfiye” areas in İstanbul. The most important features of these “sayfiye” residences are mostly eclectic stylistic elements, spacious patios, decorative details and carefully arranged gardens. These features of the structures, on the one hand, express the social status aspirations of the period, while on the other hand, they show the desire to establish a closer relationship with nature. • Urban Disasters: Fire, earthquake and epidemics: Frequent fires, cholera epidemics and earthquakes in the city centre have led people to settle temporarily or permanently in “sayfiye” areas located in a peripheral location away from the city centre. These areas offered both physically safer and more favourable living environments in terms of health under the conditions of the period. This perception of safety and health has led to the transformation of the country areas, which were initially used temporarily, into semi-permanent or even permanent settlements over time.One of the focal points of the study is the study of the settlement texture and morphological differences in different “sayfiye” regions of the country. The Bosphorus shores attract attention as linear settlements that develop around piers, promenade areas and transportation centres and stretch along the coast. An important socio-spatial differentiation is observed in these settlements. While the mansions belonging to wealthy families are located in areas near the coast, there are local people engaged in fishing and agriculture in village centres, who live constantly in these areas throughout the year and meet the cleaning, maintenance and daily needs of summer residences. This situation reveals that “sayfiye” areas do have the potential not only for seasonal use, but also for permanent settlement and service production.The Princes’ Islands exhibited a scattered and village-like settlement pattern, shaped around religious buildings, piers and squares. While Büyükada is standing out for its edifice mansions and lively cultural life, Heybeliada has serviced as the centre of education and marine. Burgazada, on the other hand, has offered a peaceful and forested getaway. Each island has developed their own unique identity following its natural characteristics and social structures.Kadıköy-Bostancı has come to the fore with its grid-planned street layout, wooden mansions on large parcels, and transportation to this region is provided by trains and ferries. With its wide boulevards, right-angled street structure and detached villas, Yeşilköy reflects the European design approach shaped by the influence of Levantine and foreign communities. In these two regions, tea gardens, cinemas, first sea baths and then public beaches have been influential in the formation of an active social life.“Sayfiye” settlements consist of lively commercial axes, usually filled with cafes, bakeries, bookstores, theatres and cinemas in the inner parts. Public gardens, seaside promenades and outdoor entertainment venues have enriched the public life of these regions by revealing both social integration and class separation. The more free and comfortable environment offered by hut life has prepared the ground for women and children to experience a freer life. Designed in a gender-sensitive way, sea baths have made it possible for women and children to go to the sea. Social events, the culture of going to the sea and music gatherings have enriched the social life of “sayfiye” culture.At the end of the study, the decisive role of the “sayfiye” areas in the urban development process and cultural structure of İstanbul is revealed. These places should be evaluated not only as recreation and entertainment areas, but also as areas where new ways of life, architectural approaches, and spatial arrangements are applied. “Sayfiye” culture has left a permanent mark on İstanbul’s social memory by building a bridge between rural and urban life.The heritage of “sayfiye” culture still keeps shaping today's İstanbul. The coastal regions and the Princes' Islands happen to face the growing construction pressure and transformations based on tourism. Knowing the historical importance and cultural worth of İstanbul's “sayfiye” regions has vital importance regarding the protection of the multi-layered identity of this rapidly changing and transforming cityIn conclusion, this study contributes to academic discussions on urban history, cultural geography, conservation and heritage studies, tourism and sociology studies. It shows that the “sayfiye” places of İstanbul are not only a reflection of social changes but also of the spaces that shape these changes. The enduring impact of the “sayfiye” culture on the urban fabric of İstanbul makes this phenomenon not only a historical issue but also a valuable perspective for understanding contemporary urban dynamics and cultural sustainability.

Istanbul’s “Sayfiye” Areas in the Period 1851-1923: Cultural and Urban Dynamics of Transformation

Şule

Res. Assist.

Traditional educational structures in the Ottoman Empire were mekteps (school) and madrasahs with a long history dating back to the Islamic religion. In addition to these structures built for educational purposes, education was also carried out in institutions built for various purposes in the Ottoman Empire such as mosques, lonca (professional association), kiraathane (coffee / tea cafe) and darussifa (treatment center). Even houses and palaces were also used for educational purposes. Madrasahs and mekteps were generally built by foundations and volunteers or courtiers. Since madrasahs were foundation institutions, their functioning, financial resources, use and supervision were all carried out within the rules of the foundations. The content and quality of education was generally determined by the city/region in which the building was built, the social and political position of the founder, or the discretion and authority of the teaching staff.By the 18th century in the Ottoman Empire, this situation had changed, and modern educational structures were built, different from traditional educational structures. In this context, the first educational institutions were built by the military, whose functioning was deteriorating. In 1775, the first naval school, Mühendishane-i Bahri-i Hümayun, was opened. This process pioneered by Mühendishane-i Bahr-i Hümayun was followed by modern high schools such as Mühendishane-i Berr-i Hümayun (School of Engineering, 1795) and Tıphane-i Amire (School of Medicine, 1827).In 1839, the Rescript of Gülhane (Tanzimat) was proclaimed. The period between the proclamation of the Rescript of Gülhane (Tanzimat) and the First Meşrutiyet (Constitutional Monarchy) Era (1839-1876) was a period of high level of institutionalization and restructuring in the Ottoman education system. The masonry Darülmaarif Mektebi (high school), (1850), built in this period, was the first education building constructed in a modern style. This structure was followed by modern masonry buildings such as Darülfünun (University), (1845-1854), Kuleli Askerî Lisesi (Military High School), (1863), and Mekteb-i Tıbbiye-i Şahane (Faculty of Medicine), (1876). These schools were educational buildings with different plan schemes than These schools were educational buildings with different plan schemes than madrasahs, which were traditional educational buildings with courtyards and iran. While building elements such as iwan, courtyard and portico were used in various typologies (open/closed courtyard, single, double, four iwan etc.) in madrasahs, these architectural elements were not included as dominant design elements in 19th century educational buildings. Unlike madrasahs with a closed, inward-orientated courtyard plan, these buildings were designed with a plan typology that generally developed around a corridor and attracted attention with their open Neo-Classical façades. During the reign of Abdulhamid II (1876-1909), efforts were made to expand and centralize education by making the previous efforts to modernize education more comprehensive. For this purpose, modern educational buildings were built in provinces all over the Empire, and the needs and programs of these schools were tried to be met with state facilities.The province of Diyarbakır in northern Mesopotamia was also affected by educational reforms in the Late Ottoman Period. During this period, schools that differed from traditional educational structures emerged in the city. Hadimi Terakki Ibtidai Mektebi (primary school), (1890-1891), Diyarbekir Askeri Rüsdiye Mektebi (military secondary school), (1883), Diyarbakır Idadi Mektebi (high school), (1891), Diyarbakır Hamidiye Sanayi Mektebi (Industrial and Vocational School) (1900) and Diyarbakır Inas Mektebi (girls’ school), (1876 or 1910-1912) are among the educational buildings constructed in the city during this period. Jambs, floor moldings, symmetrical planning and accentuated entrances are common period features seen in the buildings. It is noteworthy that the common hipped roof construction system used in these buildings is different from the flat roof with wooden beams, which is common in traditional Diyarbakır architecture. In addition, the buildings were not constructed with the locally-specific building typology of enclosed, introverted, courtyard, iwaned buildings. For this reason, it can be said that the buildings were influenced by the Neoclassical architecture, which is frequently seen in the public buildings of the period, rather than the local architecture. When the situation of the buildings within each other is evaluated, it is thought that Diyarbakır Idadisi influenced the Hamidiye Sanayi Mektebi, which was built directly opposite the Diyarbakır Idadisi and was also a building of the Abdulhamid II period, during the construction process. The location selection criteria of the buildings (in the new settlement area outside the city walls), their mass formation (symmetrical planning and the presence of a roof tower), window forms and floor moldings have a very similar design compared to other buildings.&nbsp;Diyarbakır Idadisi was built very close to the Historical Walled City of Diyarbakır, but outside the city walls. The building is located in the Fiskaya settlement area on the banks of the Tigris River, just in front of the city walls on the Karacadağ basalt plateau. At the 39th UNESCO World Heritage Committee Meeting held in Bonn, Germany in 2015, Diyarbakır Walls were inscribed on the UNESCO World Cultural Heritage List as "Diyarbakır Castle and Hevsel Gardens Cultural Landscape Area" as Turkey’s 14th heritage site. Diyarbakır Idadisi is also located within the Historic Wall Protection Zone, along with cultural assets built in different periods. It is thought that the building was built outside the city walls in the 1870s as a continuation of the zoning movements made within the scope of the policies of creating new settlement areas outside the city walls. The building has been repaired in various years such as 1892, 1903, 1908, 1956 and recently and has survived until today. Although the original elements were lost during the various repairs, the building largely reflects the artistic characteristics of the period in which it was built.The school, which was built as a two-storey masonry building with a basement, was located in a large garden with various outbuildings at the time it was built. The building was a modern educational structure for its time with its cafeteria, dormitory, bathroom and a capacity of 150 students. In this study, the construction process, architecture and ornamentation of Diyarbakır Idadisi are described based on documents such as photographs, plans and sketches obtained from the Republican Archive of the Directorate of State Archives of the Presidency of the Republic of Türkiye dated 1933 and various sources. The place of the building in the history of art is evaluated with documents obtained from sources such as the Prime Ministry Ottoman, Republican and Abdulhamid II Archives (Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.). The building is compared with the idadi schools built in different provinces in the same period and the educational buildings of different levels such as rüstiye (secondary school), iptidai (primary school) and industrial schools built in the same period in the city.Diyarbakır Idadisi is one of the nineteenth century Ottoman modern educational buildings and was built as a type project, as in various provinces, with the aim of spreading and centralizing education. Among the 19 buildings analyzed as idadi schools, there are 9 idadi schools that are almost identical to Diyarbakır Idadisi in terms of plan typology, façade design and construction technique. These buildings were constructed in different geographies of the Ottoman Empire such as Lesbos, Kastamonu, Canakkale and Mamuret-ul-Aziz. In addition to these 9 buildings, it has been determined that there are similar idadi buildings in terms of façade construction, even if not in terms of plan. In the educational buildings built in the same period in the city, it was observed that the concern of being a modern educational institution was maintained with similar architectural styles, especially in the façade arrangements.It can be said that the Diyarbakır Idadisi, about the construction process of which detailed information such as architectural and artistic details were obtained through archival documents, photographs and drawings, was generally built according to the principles of neoclassical and national architectural styles. These styles, which were widely accepted in the architecture of the late Ottoman period, were also frequently used in public and school buildings constructed in the Imperial geography. Therefore, in terms of façade design and planning, Diyarbakır Idadisi has a common architectural style with the idadi schools built in the same period. In particular, İzmit, Mamuret-ul-Aziz, Bolu, Çanakkale, Kütahya, Diyarbakır, Çankırı, Sinop and Midilli and Diyarbakır idadis are almost identical in terms of plan and façade design. In terms of local architectural qualities, it is quite similar to the buildings of the period in terms of the use of basalt stone material and ornamentation techniques (cas ornamentation: It is a type of ornamentation formed by lime, which is frequently seen on the facades of Diyarbakır traditional buildings).&nbsp;The building, which has stood for over a century, has begun to suffer from the deterioration and loss of its architectural and artistic features due to the wear caused by usage over time and environmental factors. Documentation of the changed, partially destroyed or lost parts of the building is of great importance for the conservation of the construction techniques, material knowledge and site selection criteria specific to the period in which it was built. The conservation of any cultural asset is only possible through the harmonious integration of various stages, from its historical development to its current state, including its restoration, functional adaptation, and raising awareness among its users. This study, which aims to examine the historical development of Diyarbakır Idadisi and reveal its original design, seeks to provide an understanding of the building’s condition during the period of its construction, thus guiding contemporary conservation efforts.&nbsp;

Idadi Schools of Abdulhamid II Period: Era-Specific and Local Architectural Features of Diyarbakır Idadisi

Giulia

This article reconstructs the history and activities of the Italian School of Fine Arts (Scuola Italiana di Belle Arti), which was established in Izmir in 1906 and operated until 1919. It also includes the first academic study on the life and works of its founder and director, the Italian painter Spiridione Pisani. Despite the growing scholarly interest in the cultural interactions between the Ottoman Empire and the Kingdom of Italy during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, historiography has largely overlooked the Izmir Italian School of Fine Arts. However, the history of this institution, in addition to being a remarkable example of Italian cultural diplomacy, also offers valuable insight into the multicultural context of late Ottoman Izmir. This essay aims to examine the school’s foundation and pedagogical mission in light of unpublished archival documents. It also sheds light on Spiridione Pisani, a figure who has been largely neglected in academic literature, despite his active participation in both Italian-Levantine and Ottoman artistic contexts. Furthermore, this study investigates the Izmir Italian School of Fine Arts within the framework of Italy’s cultural presence in the Ottoman Empire. In doing so, this essay underlines how artistic and educational institutions contributed to strengthening cultural ties and preserving influence, particularly among the local Italian-Levantine communities.The first part of this study focuses on the figure of Spiridione Pisani, an artist of Italian origin, founder and director of the Izmir Italian School of Fine Arts. Outlining Pisani’s family background, as well as the social and cultural milieu within which he was reared, is important for understanding the context in which he operated and that eventually led him to move to the Ottoman Empire to establish his school. Born on February 28, 1871, Pisani grew up in a family of artists who had been operating in the Ionian Island of Corfu for generations. Both his father and mother, in fact, came from local Italian Levantine families with a strong artistic heritage. In particular, his father, Stefano Pisani, was an esteemed decorative painter. He was known to run a painting studio together with his eldest sons, Angelo and Alessandro. The sources indicate that Stefano and his sons took part in important projects on the island of Corfu. For instance, they participated in the restoration of the local opera house, the Noble Theatre of Saint James (Nobile Teatro di San Giacomo), as well as in the mural and ceiling paintings that decorated the stately palace of Achilleion, built by Empress Elisabeth of Austria (“Sissi”) in 1889-1890.In this familiar context, Spiridione Pisani soon began his artistic training. Pisani spent his formative years in Rome, Athens, and Corfu. Since the nineteenth century, the Corfiot School of Painting has been influenced by the Italian academic tradition and especially by the Italian Renaissance. Consequently, during the nineteenth century, a significant number of artists from the Ionian Islands completed their education in Italian fine arts academies. Following this tradition, in 1887, Pisani was sent to Italy at the age of 16 to study painting at the Academy of Fine Arts in Rome. Although his time in Italy was brief, this experience was a crucial step in Pisani’s artistic development. Indeed, in the historiography of modern Greek painting, Pisani is mentioned as one of the first artists to introduce impressionism to Corfu through Italy. After returning to Greece in 1889, Pisani continued his training at the Athens School of Fine Arts, where he attended engraving and painting lessons, thus achieving his first successes. In addition to his academic education, sources indicate that Pisani was a fellow student of Charalambos Pachis, a highly esteemed painter from Corfu. Interestingly, Pisani later married one of Pachis’s daughters, Melpomene, thus strengthening his ties with the Corfiot School.After finishing his studies and establishing a reputation, Pisani started operating a private school of fine arts in Corfu, where important artists such as Fotos Giofyllis and Epaminondas Thomopoulos attended. In 1898, with the support of the Italian Ministry of I Foreign Affairs, Pisani also managed to establish a night school of painting within the Royal Italian Elementary School for Boys of Corfu. There, Pisani taught until 1906, much to the satisfaction of the Italian Ministry. This experience led the Italian Consul General in Izmir, Odoardo Toscani, who was an art lover and a painter himself, to promote the opening of a similar institution in the Ottoman city. Between the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the Italian Levantine community of Izmir had grown significantly. As a result, in 1906, the Royal Italian Central Elementary School for Girls (Regia Scuola Elementare Femminile Centrale) was opened to overcome the lack of Italian teaching girls’ schools, as well as to promote the image of Italy within Izmir. Consequently, in the same year, Spiridione Pisani was appointed to establish his School of Fine Arts within the monumental building of the Italian School for Girls.&nbsp;The Izmir Italian School of Fine Arts officially opened on November 5th, 1906, and rapidly established itself as a cultural reference point for the local elite, as it was attended by the sons and daughters of the most influential Levantine families, as well as by the children of diplomats stationed in the city on official assignment. The school implemented a curriculum that was largely influenced by the Italian academic tradition, offering classes in art history, anatomy, painting, and drawing, but not neglecting contemporary artistic research and placing particular emphasis on live painting. Additionally, the press of the era reported that students who completed their studies at the school would have the opportunity to enroll in upper-level courses at European academies of fine arts. Consequently, one of the objectives of Pisani’s school was to serve as a cultural vehicle and a foundation course for the Levantine community. In 1911, Pisani’s pupils achieved significant recognition by participating in the 1911 International Exhibition of Industry and Labor (Esposizione Internazionale delle Industrie e del Lavoro) in Turin. Twenty-three student works, which included drawings and paintings, were selected for the “Italians Abroad” section of the exhibition, and one of the students, Marie Antoinette Agatha “Laïla” Geohamy, was also awarded a silver medal. In the same year, Pisani was appointed art instructor at the esteemed Ottoman Imperial School in Izmir (Lycée Impérial Ottoman de Smyrne). This new appointment witnesses the artist’s professional ascent and reflects his ability in navigating through significant social networks within both Levantine and Ottoman environments.The second part of this study focuses on the history and activities of Pisani’s school during the war years. The outbreak of the Italo-Turkish War (1911-1912) had a significant impact on Pisani’s life and career within the Ottoman Empire. Following Italy’s invasion of Ottoman Libya, a mass expulsion of Italian employees in the Ottoman Empire began. As a result, on September 30, 1911, Spiridione Pisani was dismissed from his post at the Ottoman Imperial School in Izmir and expelled from the Ottoman Empire along with his family. According to contemporary sources, Spiridione Pisani and his family’s situation in Rome was critical. Despite the efforts, Pisani failed to achieve a teaching position in the Italian school system. Archival sources highlight that in January 1913 the Pisani family was back in Izmir. In the Ottoman city, Pisani attempted to reestablish his career. First, he sought to regain his employment at the Ottoman Imperial School. The Ottoman Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Hariciye Nezâreti) had initially agreed to restore Pisani’s position, according to the Treaty of Ouchy signed after the Italo-Turkish War. Nevertheless, various bureaucratic obstacles forced the artist to give up on his request.Pisani’s return to Izmir in 1913 signaled the beginning of a new chapter in the history of the Italian School of Fine Arts. The artist received an annual grant from the Italian government to reestablish his school in Izmir. In this regard, Italian sources highlight a serious disagreement between Pisani and the Sisters of Ivrea, the religious order that ran the Royal Italian Central Elementary School for Girls. Due to this conflict, Pisani could no longer operate within the landmark building of the School for Girls, and, eventually, he was forced to find a different location. Despite all the difficulties, preparations for the reopening of the school in September officially began. Pisani informed the press about the upcoming event and published a brochure that described the school’s mission, fees, and program. The abrupt end of the collaboration with the Sisters of Ivrea administration likely damaged Pisani’s reputation among the Italian Levantine community. However, it is noteworthy that just two months after the reopening of the school, the Italian daily “Italy!” (“Italia!”), published an article regarding the eighth painting exhibition of the school’s pupils, praising the work of Pisani. The fact that this daily was promoted by the Dante Alighieri Association, one of the most important organizations for the promotion of Italian culture and language abroad, suggests that the artist could still count on the support of Italian authorities. The attendance of the Italian Consul in Izmir, Tommaso Carletti, at the school’s exhibition further supports this idea.The activities of the Izmir Italian School of Fine Arts faced another setback in 1915, when World War I broke out and Italy’s entry into the conflict alongside the enemies of the Empire worsened diplomatic tensions, leading to more restrictions on Italian institutions operating within Ottoman territory. During this period, Pisani reportedly continued his teaching informally in Ayvalık. Although archival documentation about this phase is limited, references in contemporary Ottoman newspapers suggest that Pisani was still active as an educator during the war years. Indeed, in November 1918, the daily “Anatolian Gazette” (Anadolu Gazetesi) published two separate articles announcing the imminent reopening of the institution. Pisani’s effort to revive the Italian School of Fine Arts was, nevertheless, shortlived. Beginning on May 15, 1919, the Greek occupation of Izmir led to a period of political instability in which the Italian artist was no longer able to operate safely. As a result, the school was permanently closed, while Spiridione Pisani and his family were forced to leave Izmir and relocate to Rome, where the artist faced severe economic struggles until 1927, the year of his death.This essay is based on primary sources found in both Italian and Turkish archives and collections, including documents, journals, ephemera, reports, letters, photographs, and newspapers. Although secondary sources on this topic are limited, essays and monographs regarding late Ottoman Izmir and its Italian Levantine community have been used to reconstruct the historical and cultural context in which Spiridione Pisani operated. Primary sources suggest that the Izmir Italian School of Fine Arts was not only a center for artistic education but also a cultural bridge and medium for promoting the Italian language, culture, and aesthetics. Therefore, the school’s mission and activities, such as annual exhibitions and participation in international expositions, should be read through the lens of cultural diplomacy. Within this frame, Spiridione Pisani emerged as a key figure for the success of this “cultural experiment.” Pisani’s artistic background, Italian ancestry, international training experience, and above all, his Levantine heritage had, indeed, allowed him to operate efficiently in the specific context of the Italian Levantine community of Izmir. Although it is difficult to measure the real impact of Pisani’s school on late Ottoman Izmir’s cultural memory and heritage, both archival and visual sources suggest that this institution promoted an artistic production that deserves further investigation.

The Izmir Italian School of Fine Arts and its Founder, Painter Spiridione Pisani (1871 – 1927) in the light of Turkish and Italian Archival Documents

Nilay

Agah

Bağış

This article offers an in&gt;depth historical and architectural analysis of a significant building complex, known as Bulgur Palas. This iconic and monumental example of civil architecture from the early twentieth century is located in the Cerrahpaşa district of Istanbul. Commissioned by Bolu Deputy Mehmed Habib Bey, the building is a noteworthy example of the First National Architectural Style. The function of Bulgur Palas has transformed throughout the decades due to war, economic hardships, and social dynamics. Therefore, the building became a symbol of sociopolitical transformations from the late Ottoman era to Republican Turkey. Built as a grandiose residential complex during the late Ottoman era, the building adopted numerous functions as a military facility, storage and lodgment for the Ottoman Bank during the rest of the twentieth century. Eventually, after many years of neglect, Bulgur Palas has recently been acquired by Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality and repurposed as a cultural center in 2024 after a comprehensive restoration and retrofitting.&nbsp;This research aims to shed light on the social, architectural, and cultural history of this significant edifice from the early twentieth century, drawing on the outcomes of the recent restoration and scholarly research. Unpublished archival documents and visual and textual materials from the Ottoman State Archives, Archives of the Turkish Republic, Archives of the Turkish National Assembly, Atatürk Library photography and maps collection, photography archives of the Air Forces, Istanbul University Rare Books Library, SALT Archive, Bibliothèque nationale de France, as well as Ottoman, Turkish, and French newspapers and magazines of the period were used to unveil the history of the building and the period in general.This article is composed of three sections. The first part focuses on Mehmed Habib Bey, the patron of the building and a controversial figure of the Second Constitutional Period. The second part of the research focuses on the building complex, reveals its construction date and history based on historical maps and archival data, and discusses its role in architectural history. This part also discusses the architect of the building, which is currently unidentified according to written documents. The last section scrutinises the characteristic architectural and decorative program of Bulgur Palas, particularly discussing its unfinished status and unplastered brick façadeIt is known that the monumental mansion, its surrounding facilities, and walled courtyards were commissioned by Mehmed Habib Bey, who was the deputy of Bolu during the Second Constitutional Era. An active member of the Committee of Union and Progress, Habib Bey swiftly became a prominent character in politics, and was elected as a deputy during the first and second elections of the period. Even though he was not reelected during the third elections, he was appointed to critical positions, thanks to his personal connections with the grandees of the Committee of Union and Progress, such as Topal İsmail Hakkı Paşa, the director of Munities of the Ministry of War (Harbiye Nezareti Levazım Reisi) and the member of the Assembly of the Notables (Meclis-i Ayan) Ürgüplü Mustafa Hayri Efendi. With the outbreak of the Great War (World War I), Habib Bey became a "military contractor" responsible for providing supplies for the Ottoman army. This lucrative position brought him an immense fortune. The press of the period explicitly blamed Habib Bey for becoming a “war profiteer” (harp zengini) and named him Bulgur Kralı (the King of Bulgur).&nbsp;His monumental mansion, erected at one of the hilltops of the Historic Peninsula, was an ostentatious display of his accumulated wealth during the war years. Therefore, the grandiose mansion of Habib Bey was named Bulgur Palas (the Palas of cracked wheat) as a critique of his rapid fortune. However, with the end of the First World War and the occupation of Istanbul, Habib Bey was sent into exile to Malta together with other members of the Committee of Union and Progress. Bulgur Palas was left unfinished, and during the Armistice period, the building was confiscated by the Ottoman Ministry of War. Against the objections of Bedia Hanım, Habib Bey’s wife, the mansion –against its unfinished status– was converted into a military facility to accommodate wounded soldiers. After Habib Bey’s return from exile in 1921, his financial status continued to decline and finally the Ottoman Bank confiscated Bulgur Palas in exchange for his debts. The building complex remained under the possession of the Ottoman Bank for much of the twentieth century. Bulgur Palas became a storage facility for the bank’s archives and its annexes were used as lodgment for its employees. During this period, the monumental mansion was left in a neglected state, away from public access and scholarly research. Therefore, the history of this significant building remained a mystery for the wider public until its recent acquisition by the Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality in 2021.&nbsp;The exact building date of Bulgur Palas is not yet documented. However, based on the archival documents from Istanbul Atatürk Library Maps Collection and the Ottoman Archives, it can be stated that the building activities commenced by 1912-13. The architect of Bulgur Palas is not known either. Even though the building is attributed to Ottoman/Italian/Levantine architect Giulio Mongeri in some academic and non-academic sources, no solid evidence or written records could be found within the scope of this research so far to support this argument. The only written document mentioning Mongeri in relation to Bulgur Palas is from the archives of the Ottoman Bank. As the architect of the bank, Mongeri made a financial evaluation for the building. However, it is a fact that the morphological details of Bulgur Palas resonate with the architecture of Mongeri buildings, and certain correspondences in spatial and decorative vocabulary could be observed. Nevertheless, this article argues that Bulgur Palas is an archetypical example of the First National Architectural Style, which nearly became the official architectural style of the Committee of Union and Progress during the Second Constitutional Era. Therefore, other architects of the period, such as Vedad Tek, Kemaleddin Bey, Yervant Terziyan, Arif Hikmet Koyunoğlu, Ali Talât Bey, Muzaffer Bey, Mihran Azaryan, who adopted and used the First National Architectural Style in their designs could also be the architect of Bulgur Palas.The monumental mansion, with its elevated entrance, belvedere towers, decorative details, marble balustrades, lavish marble columns and ornamented column capitals, is a typical representative of the First National Architectural Style. However, Bulgur Palas is exceptional as a civil building, constructed by a private patron for residential purposes. The most striking and characteristic aspect of the building is its unplastered red brick façade. Both the exterior and the interior of the building –except for the annexes– were not plastered and it is not known whether this was a conscious design decision or the building was left incomplete due to financial difficulties followed by political upheavals. The belvedere towers, another prominent architectural feature of Bulgur Palas, are plastered on the outside. It is documented that there used to be three towers in the building in its original configuration, yet one of them was later demolished at an unknown date. Despite its unfinished status, the interior organisation of the spaces adorned with different types of arches at each floor confirms the architectural quality and diligence attributed to the building.The monumental scale, high belvedere towers, and unusual red colour of Bulgur Palas, surrounded by high walls with grandiose entrance portals, contrasted with the relatively modest residential fabric of the Cerrahpaşa district. The building, with its elevated position, commands the skyline of Old Istanbul both from the sea and the land. Therefore, the building remained a point of curiosity for the onlookers yet remained inaccessible to the public. The acquisition of the building complex by Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality in 2021 started a new chapter in the history of Bulgur Palas. The restoration and renovation works, carried out by Renova Restoration, offer a holistic perspective to repurpose the complex into a cultural center. Contemporary adaptive reuse principles were implemented to retrofit the structure and convert its spaces into a library, café, exhibition spaces, and workshop areas for public use.&nbsp;With its opening to the public as a vibrant cultural center in 2024, Bulgur Palas and its history became a point of attraction in the press and on social media. However, no scholarly research or in-depth survey has been conducted so far, unveiling the mystique surrounding the building. This article aims to fill this gap by publishing the findings of our academic research with the broader public. This study, focusing on a significant component of Istanbul’s urban heritage, documents the architectural and historical past of Bulgur Palas and hopes to become a source for future research. As a monograph of a single building complex, the research hopes to offer a methodology to document and publish the findings of other restorations that were recently completed or will take place in the near future. In this context, the story of Bulgur Palas and its patron, offers a unique narrative of the dissolution of the Ottoman State, the foundation of the Republic of Turkey, and the role of local governance in preserving the historical and architectural heritage of Istanbul.

Bulgur Palas: A Monumental Urban Heritage of the First National Architectural Style

Pınar

As in every field of art, it is not possible to evaluate the art of theater independently from social, political and cultural structures. The ways in which these structures are reflected in art vary according to countries in different geographies. It is also necessary to evaluate the existence of socio@cultural influence in the way the theater art, which was practiced in the West in the second half of the 20th century and became institutionalized and commercialized depending on the policies of the states, turned to the cultural and artistic resources of countries outside Europe. Contemporary theater thinkers and practitioners with the advent of the twentieth century, opposed pioneering theater experiments that broke the formal patterns in theater and create a new movement with the support of a certain intellectual group rather than seeking a remedy for the commercial concerns of the reflective realist theater, which was concerned with the values of the middle class, on one hand and for the fragmentation of society, on the other. In this context, contemporary theater is considered as a theater of rebellion and search.In these searches, some theater people believed that the art of acting would develop with the performing arts of different cultures and by approaching acting from an anthropological perspective in order to revitalize European theater. Eugenio Barba, an Italian director and theater person, was one of those who searched for a "third" theater that could be fed from different sources. All these researches and experimental studies in the field of theater in an effort to create a unified acting model have overlapping points with the concept of "globalization" that emerged at the end of the 20th century and influenced all countries of the world.Globalization is generally based on the policy of economically powerful North-Western countries to establish superiority over politically, socially and culturally underdeveloped or developing countries. It is also explained as the reduction of the world, which consists of people who will act in accordance with the common social, political and cultural rules determined accordingly, to a single common place under the name of "Global village". Marshall McLuhan, in his book "The Gutenberg Galaxy: The Formation of Typographic Man", written in 1962; argued that following technological developments, the world will turn into a global village as the developments in the world reach people in all countries without recognizing national and geographical boundaries thanks to the mass media, especially the Internet, putting all humanity in a single state of consciousness and that humanity will be separated from its culture in this global village.With the impact of globalization and the development of communication tools, some countries and cultures outside the West, which dominate the world order, have also become visible. Furthermore, as a result of the interaction of different cultures with each other through migrations from other continents to Europe, there was a need for sociology to establish a relationship with anthropology, and this situation was reflected in the art of theater. The Odin Theater, founded by Eugenio Barba, introduced the concept of a "Third Theater" outside the traditions of commercial-corporate theater and the avant-garde-experimental theater formed against it at the Theater Meeting held in Belgrade in 1976 with the cooperation of UNESCO. At this meeting, theater groups from different cultures from various continents and countries of the world shared their working methods and experiences with each other, and theater art found its place in an intercultural communication environment. As a result of his cultural interactions there, in 1979, Barba transformed the laboratory in Holstebro into the International School of Theater Anthropology (ISTA), which included actors, directors and instructors and organized a number of international events. The international events organized by ISTA brought together artists from different nations and traditions in an atmosphere of exchange. The common aim of these meetings is to identify and investigate the common principles that guide the actor’s body and consciousness and enable him/her to attract the attention and interest of the audience. However, these groups or individuals will realize a professional cooperation and exchange of experiences, not on a cultural level.&nbsp;Theater anthropology is the study of the sociological (social), cultural and physiological (physical) behavior of human beings (actors, dancers, etc.) in an organized performance situation. However, the main interest of theater anthropology is the discovery of similar principles, under the name of "pre-expressive non-verbal techniques", which will form the basis for all actors in different geographical regions, with various cultures and traditions. Barba’s work in theater anthropology is not about the anthropological study of traditional cultures or performance, but about the actor. According to Barba, the only relationship with cultural anthropology is the actor’s questioning of his or her own visible tradition. Thus, through confrontation with a culture that seems alien to oneself, one trains one’s own way of seeing and becomes participatory on the one hand and detached from culture on the other. In theater anthropology studies, the main goal is to create an extra@daily body in the actor. Barba explains this situation with the concept of "fictional/artificial body" to break the automatic reactions of everyday life on stage. The "fictional body" enables the actor to reconstruct his/her body and exhibit a general stage behavior by denying the naturalness of bodily behaviors that have emerged as a result of the historical and cultural process and shaped according to his/her own culture, in short, by isolating him/her from his/her culture. For this reason, the "fictional body" has a transcultural physiological structure because different cultural elements are abstracted from their contexts. Barba emphasizes that the techniques belonging to those different cultures can be used wherever needed, regardless of their context. This approach leads to the conclusion that “the artificial body” which is positioned beyond the concept of “culture” described by Malinowski as a universal whole consisting of mankind’s thoughts and skills, beliefs and habits, covers the actor human only as a physiological structure. However, handling the human body and its locomotor system independently of the system of emotions and thoughts of the culture to which it belongs; eliminates the difference between an artist trying to preserve his or her soul-body integrity in order to reach his or her essence and an athlete, a puppet or a robot. From another perspective, this understanding meets on a common ground with the practicians like Gordon Craig who describes the actor as a “super-puppet” (über-marionette) regardless of the spiritual and emotional process and Meyerhold who calls his approach to acting as “biomechanics”. However, the approach of “isolating from the culture” seems to be against the use of the body, which is shaped by the emotions and thoughts that base their source in the culture, regarding the creation of meaning. In Barba’s Works, even though the actor’s personal experiences that belong to his or her world of emotion@thought are being used as the source; the form or text that is aimed to be presented is being detached from its real meaning, which is shaped by the culture it belongs to. Thus, in addition to the artificial body, an artificial meaning is also produced. Indeed, as stated by Clifford Geertz who defines the culture as “the networks of meaningfulness itself”; the culture cannot be thought apart from the meaning that is created by the societies, when it is addressed as an interpretive science instead of an empirical science seeking a law.In fact, what is in question here is the transformation of the traditional techniques and artistic approaches of other non-Western performance genres into a physical stylization within the Western form. In order to achieve this, the actor has to free his/her body from his/her own cultural habits and then act with a new artistic/fictional body language. According to Barba, in order to achieve this, the actor should work with some techniques for the use of energy belonging to Eastern performing arts.However, is the culture in question here Western culture that Western actors are isolated from while using the body usage techniques of Eastern performing arts to create the fictional body, or is it the Eastern culture that is the "other"? As a matter of fact, considering that cultural policies under the influence of globalization also shape the understanding of art, the concept of globalization has spread through the phenomenon of culture and the idea that globalized culture is a culture belonging to the West has emerged. It can be said that globalization, which dominates the world in the twenty-first century, is one of the factors affecting the formation of uniform, common behavioral patterns based on Western culture and thus a stereotyped body use in people with cultures that are different from each other and foreign to the West. In this sense, it is absolutely essential for an actor to break these molds and strive to reach his/her true self. However, some questions seem open to discussion at this point: Is it possible for the actor to reach his/her essence by isolating himself/herself from the culture to which he/she belongs? Can the actor risk alienation from his/her essence while trying to get rid of behavioral patterns originating from culture? Can essence and culture be considered independent of each other? Is it possible for the actor to train his/her own way of seeing and to discover a subtext (story) about his/her own life independent of culture?

The Concept of “Abstraction From Culture” in Theater Anthropology and Its Evaluation of Globalization

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Alper

Water is the source of life for all living things. Because of our need for water, mankind has always seen water as a sacred element throughout history. Water, over artifacts and monuments symbolized life, healing, fertility, strength, beauty and enjoyment. It was seen as sacred in Turkey and was believed to be the spirit of water. In addition, water was associated with fortune, life, soul, chance, fortune, conscience, and character. In Turkish culture and the Islamic faith, water and rain are considered as the source of life and abundance. In Turkish-Islamic architecture, waterspouts are called corten. Waterspouts protected mortar and masonry walls from corrosive effects by getting rid of rain and snow water away from the wall and foundation. In the Anatolian Seljuks and Dynasties periods, a large part of the cortens in architectural works was made simple and another was meant to be figurative. The pre-Islamic and Islamic beliefs of Turks determined their view of water. Cortens was produced positively in the context of these religious beliefs. It is known that the cortens, especially those with figures, are made with symbolic purposes such as fertility, abundance, happiness, and power. Therefore, the figures are in direct relation with these concepts. The usage of animal figures was avoided apart from these meanings. Although Islamic belief and Turks perceived water positively, the Christian faith and the Latins perceived water as positive in the spiritual direction and negative in the material direction. Sacred water was used for religious rituals. No doubt the most important of these rites is baptism, which is seen as a spiritual cleansing rather than a material one and early Christians emphasized the spiritual aspect. During the Middle Ages, the Western Christian world did not accept bathing as an innocent practice leaving out it in religious rituals. Many monks and saints believed St. Francis of Assisi’s idea that an unwashed body is a sign of piety! For this reason, Western society avoided water except for the occasional bath. In the 12-14th centuries, the works of Gothic architecture started in Europe. In this architectural understanding in which religious structures are predominant, buildings tend to rise vertically. In Gothic architecture, the waterspouts represented as figures that provide the evacuation of rain water are called gargoyles. The gargoyles have a terrifying psychological effect on the believer. These are mostly waterspouts with plastic properties made in the form of terrifying demonic creatures. In the medieval Christian world, the church taught religion to society through art. That is, art was made for the purpose of religious propaganda. In the Middle Ages, the Church even resorted to the most formidable forms of evil in order to spread its religious teachings. Some gargoyles served as a moral reminder to sinners, and because gargoyles were thought to represent the souls condemned for their sins, it was suggested that sinners were forbidden to enter the church. By reflecting the horrible appearance of hell, Satan, which is an unconventional image that does not conform to the church, reminds people that they will be safe in the sacred church. Although some gargoyles are quite simple in design, the&nbsp;majority of them are decorated in detail. These are decorative carvings representing grotesque animals, birds, dragons, satyrs, mermaids, snakes, and many other themes. They can also be in the form of fascinating hybrids and mythical creatures such as semi-human semi-animal figures. The functional purpose of the gargoyles is the waterspout. The symbolic aim is to ward off evil. The waterspouts in religious and secular buildings served the same purpose in different architectures throughout the 12-14th centuries. The figured waterspouts are shaped differently in proportion to the value judgments, beliefs, traditions, cultural and architectural heritage of societies. Due to the ban on animal and human figures in Islamic architecture, the figured ornament was rarely seen. The Turks have a moderate approach to figurative ornaments due to their old beliefs. In the Anatolian Seljuk architecture, almost all the building groups have symbolic, mythological, astrological, cosmological and talismanic figures. We usually see figured ornament around openings such as doors and windows, but it is rarely encountered in the waterspouts. Cortens have symbolized power, strength in relation to protection while symbolizing goodness, abundance and mercy in relation to rain. The cortens associated with guardianship of religion generally had been located on facades trough the roads where people can see easily. In the cortens, animal or human figures can be seen. Animal figures include depictions of lions, rams and bulls. Mythical creatures include depictions of dragons. The lion is the symbol of strength; the rams and bulls are symbols of abundance, and the dragon symbolizes both abundance and power. The Abbey Church of Saint Denis in France is accepted as the first Gothic structure. The eastern section of the church was designed by Abbot Suger. The Western world inherited the Greek, Hellenistic, Etruscan and Roman architectures and adapted these ancient styles to gothic architecture. The understanding of ornaments in Gothic architecture developed in the scholastic thinking of the church. All the decorations around the religious buildings were made parallel to the teachings of the church. Emphasis on the instructional use of visual imageries, resulted in the creation of many monsters. The animal figured waterspouts were used in the western world by Greeks and Etruscans who especially preferred those with lion heads. The gargoyles depict a wide variety of animals and imaginary creatures that we tend to associate with evil. It is not a coincidence that they often have cloven hooves, bat wings, goat beards and horns. Gargoyles were consciously depicted as demons and associated with evil. The use of these figures in waterspouts caused them to consider water as a symbol of disaster and trouble. Since Turkish-Islamic architecture has a limited number of cortens showing figures, we tried to include all the samples. The cortens are classified according to the&nbsp;figures they depict. As there is a large number of gargoyles in Gothic Architecture, we included only a few samples. Some examples of gargoyles in churches or monasteries in different parts of Europe were compared. Similarities between these gargoyles were found in different structures. Finally, similar and different characteristics of the figured waterspouts in two separate cultures are indicated.

A Comparison Experiment on the Figures of the Rainspout in Gothic Architecture and Turk-Islam Architecture in the 12th and 14th Centuries

Sevinç

Drawing attention with its decorations in addition to its architectural features, Double Minaret Madrasa has been the center of attention of many researchers and has been examined in many respects. Our aim is not to repeat the evaluations and studies related to the structure, but to present new suggestions for its ornaments. A large part of the decorations of the madrasa has been destroyed and only the entrance facade has survived. Unfortunately, in the recent restorations, the extent of this damage has increased. Within the scope of our research, new determinations have been made regarding the original status of some decorations in the structure. Built in 1271, the Double Minaret Madrasa was abandoned over time, and the stones of the building were used in the construction of other buildings. Excavations were carried out in the structure under the presidency of Prof. Dr. Haluk Karamağaralı between 1963-1965, and restorations were carried out in various periods. The ashlar facing of the structure ends in the upper part of the pointed arches of the openings that leads to ascend to the minaret inside. There is almost a square panel just above the opening which leads to ascend to the left (north) minaret. In this panel, which is made with Mâ’kılî writing style, an arrangement consisting of turquoise and eggplant purple colored glazed tiles and bricks is seen. In this writing style based on geometric basis, all the letters are angled. In the ornament, the word “Allah” is placed in four different directions. The missing tiles were renewed, the writing panel was completed, and the unglazed tiles were painted in the repairs carried out in 2007-2008. However, various errors in the writing and completions of the current panel are striking. This panel decorating the minaret base has a mathematical arrangement. Letters are placed in two rows; there are gaps between the leaning unglazed bricks. These areas are filled with (baklava) diamond-shaped and eggplant-purple glazed tiles. Thus, the name “Allah” has been made apparent with the eggplant purple tiles. The areas around the unglazed bricks and eggplant purple tiles are surrounded by turquoise glazed tiles. In the restoration, it is understood that the tips of letters on the left side of the panel are not completed and the “elif “ letter in the upper left corner is missing. Additionally, one arm of the swastika was left missing. A panel is located just above the opening leading to ascend to the right (south) minaret. In the panel, the original of which consisted of mâ’kılî style writing, there are geometrical looking irregular shapes instead of writing. It is understood that the work underwent a repair in an unauthentic way. It is seen in the panel that the names of “Muhammad”, “Ebubekir”, “Omar”, “Osman” and “Ali” are respectively written with Arabic letters in the mâ’kılî writing style. The current panel should be completely replaced and completed in accordance with the original. In the upper part of the bases, an arrangement of brick and tile is seen. In this ornament, square shaped turquoise tiles were placed between long rectangular unglazed bricks. The same ornament is repeated on the eastern and southern facades of the bases. However, in the restoration work, the same decoration which should be on the top of the left side minaret is left unpainted. On the outer sides of the both minaret bases (north and south), a large panel of tiles was placed. In the panels, which are understood to be formed with tile mosaic technique originally, two wide borders circle the big medallion in the middle. There is a palmette lotus frieze in the first row. Unglazed bricks and turquoise colored tiles were placed in skipping form in the second row. In the corners of the medallion, the plant ornamentation in from of palmette, rumi and curly branches is repeated. The border forming the frame is thick and its surface is decorated with a geometric decoration made of pentagons in two rows. There are 12 pointed arched niches in the polygonal section which enables the transition from the shoe cabinet section to the cylindrical body. It is understood from the traces that these niches with different widths were adorned with ornaments made with tile mosaic technique originally. It can be detected from the old traces that four of the pointed arched niches had plant decorations. In the plant ornamentation, there are palmettes at the ends of the interwoven hexagrams. Ornament made in accordance with the principle of infinity; the palmette ends of the stars are connected by concave curves and a hexagonal is formed. The palmettes decorate each corner of the hexagon. The decorations inside the other niches have almost disappeared. Minaret bodies are completely decorated with a beautiful harmony of bricks and tiles. Bricks shaped in different sizes, such as square and rectangle, are arranged in horizontal plane. Square shaped eggplant purple colored tiles are placed between the bricks. In the body ornament of the minarets, the name “Muhammed” which is written with eggplant purple glazed tiles in the mâ’kılî writing style is seen. Thin, rectangular turquoise colored tiles were mortared between both bricks and the joint gaps surrounding the eggplant purple glazed tiles. Turquoise and eggplant purple colored tiles have been destroyed much faster because they have no organic bond with the structure and most of them have come off. One of the few examples, whose portal was crowned with double minaret, Sivas Double Minaret Madrasa is one of the most important works in terms of Turkish art. The double minaret integrates the portal with its decoration and adds color to the stone structure with its tiles. In the double minaret, in which turquoise and eggplant purple colored tiles were used, mâ’kılî writing is seen as well as geometric and plant ornaments in parallel with the decoration features of the period. These decorations are important in terms of reflecting the characteristics of the period. The blanks between the letters and the gaps have the same widths in mâ’kılî writings with angled, plain, sharp, lines. The master followed these rules in the examples of the Double Minaret Madrasa, but also filled the inside of the lines that made up the letters, resulting in seemingly thicker letters. In Mâ’kılî writing, words having high religious meanings and in this writing style words like Allah, Muhammad, Ali, Ebubekir, Omar, Osman and Kalima Shahadah are often used. The masters showed not only manual skills but also mathematical and design proficiencies. It is no doubt that the tiles of the Sivas Double Minaret Madrasa, which has been destroyed for the most part presently, are among the most outstanding examples of Anatolian decorative arts and reflect the fancy and tastes of their periods. Therefore, urgent measures should be taken to prevent further damage to the building both in terms of architecture and decoration.

New Proposals for the Brick and Tile Decorations on the Minarets of Çifte Minareli Medrese (Double Minaret Madrasah) In Sivas

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Women as the Object and the Subject of Art in the 2nd Constitutional Period

Uskudar Ahmediye Complex & Its Place in the Architecture of the Tulip Period

Art-Sanat is an international academic peer-reviewed electronic journal published twice a year (January and July).

Academic, scientific and original research articles in the fields of Archaeology, Art History, Architectural History, Restoration-Conservation, Museology, Fine Arts and Performing Arts are included.

Owner: Istanbul University Research Institute of Turkology (on behalf of Director of the Institution Prof. Dr. Ayşe Zişan Furat)

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AimThe aim of Art-Sanat Journal is to support, publish and develop academic, scientific and original studies related to Archaeology, Art History, Architectural History, Restoration-Conservation, Museology, Fine Arts and other art fields.ScopeAcademic, scientific and original research articles in the fields of Archaeology, Art History, Architectural History, Restoration-Conservation, Museology, Fine Arts and Performing Arts are included.Studies based on surveys, especially in education departments, technical studies such as building and construction technologies in Architecture, and studies in the field of cinema are excluded.Non-original articles or review articles are excluded.Translations, book reviews, exhibition presentations, interviews and news articles are excluded.

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All expenses of the journal are covered by the Istanbul University. Processing and publication are free of charge with the journal. There is no article processing charges or submission fees for any submitted or accepted articles.

Authors publishing with the journal retain the copyright to their work licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/" target="_blank">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/</a>) and grant the Publisher non-exclusive commercial right to publish the work. CC BY-NC 4.0 license permits unrestricted, non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

Editor should consider publishing correction if minor errors that do not effect the results, interpretations and conclusions of the published paper are detected. Editor should consider retraction if major errors and/or misconduction that invalidate results and conclusions are detected.Editor should consider issuing an expression of concern if there is evidence of research or publication misconduct by the authors; there is evidence that the findings are not reliable and institutions of the authors do not investigate the case or the possible investigation seems to be unfair or nonconclusive. The guidelines of <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/flowcharts/complete-set-english" target="_blank">COPE</a> and <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/" target="_blank">ICJME</a> are taken into consideration regarding correction, retractions or expression of concern.RetractionJournal follows <a href="https://publicationethics.org/sites/default/files/retraction-guidelines-cope.pdf" target="_blank">COPE’s Retraction Guidelines</a> in case of retraction. The editor has the right to retract an article if: <ul><li>There is clear evidence that the findings are unreliable; either as a result of a major error (e.g. miscalculation or experimental error), or as a result of fabrication (e.g. of data) or falsification (e.g. image manipulation).</li><li>It contains plagiarised content. </li><li>It has been published elsewhere without proper attribution. </li><li>It contains material or data without authorisation for use.</li><li>There is copyright infringement or there is some other serious legal issue.</li><li>It reports unethical research. </li><li>There is evidence that the peer-review process is compromised or manipulated.</li><li>The author(s) failed to disclose a significant competing interest (also known as a conflict of interest) that, in the opinion of the editor, would have unduly influenced the interpretation of the work or the recommendations of the editors and peer reviewers.</li></ul>In case of retraction the following steps are followed:<ul><li>Retraction notice including article title is published in a subsequent issue of the journal. The retraction notice is paginated and listed in the table of contents. </li><li>A link is provided between the retraction notice and the original article in the electronic version. </li><li>The online article is preceded by a page containing the retraction notice; the reader can then proceed to the article itself.</li><li>The original article remains unchanged, except for a watermark on the .pdf on each page stating that it has been &#34;retracted”.</li></ul>Article Removal for Legal ReasonsIn the following circumstances, except the metadata (title and authors), the text of the article is removed and a page informing that the article has been removed for legal reasons replaces the article. <ul><li>The article is found to be defamatory or to infringe the legal rights of others, and retraction is not deemed to be an adequate solution.</li><li>The article has been, or is reasonably likely to be the subject of a court order.</li><li>There is a significant risk to public health. </li></ul>

To guarantee that all papers published in the journal are maintained and permanently accessible, articles are stored in Dergipark which serves as a  national archival web site and at the same time permits LOCKSS to  collect, preserve, and serve the content.Additionally, authors are encouraged to self-archive the final PDF version of their articles in open electronic archives with  that conform to standards of Open Archives Initiative (<a href="https://www.openarchives.org/" target="_blank">https://www.openarchives.org/</a>). Authors should provide a link from the deposited version to the URL of IUPress journal website.

The Artificial Intelligence Policy, prepared in light of developments in artificial intelligence (AI) and practices in scholarly publishing, sets out the editorial and ethical principles that authors, reviewers, and editors should follow when using such technologies. The following sources have been considered in the preparation of the AI policy:Committee on Publication Ethics <a href="https://publicationethics.org/guidance/cope-position/authorship-and-ai-tools" target="_blank">(COPE) - Authorship and AI tools</a>; International Committee of Medical Journal Editors <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/browse/roles-and-responsibilities/defining-the-role-of-authors-and-contributors.html#four" target="_blank">(ICMJE) - Artificial Intelligence (AI)-Assisted Technology; World Association of Medical Editors  (WAME) Chatbots, Generative AI, and Scholarly Manuscripts</a><a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/browse/roles-and-responsibilities/defining-the-role-of-authors-and-contributors.html#four"></a>AI-assisted technologies (such as large language models [LLMs], chatbots, or image generators) can develop and produce a wide variety of content, including text, images, audio, and synthetic data. When used ethically and safely, these capabilities can increase productivity and foster innovation, but when used without human guidance, they pose risks such as inaccurate and biased results, omissions and errors in citations, deficiencies in protecting privacy and intellectual property rights, and potential violations of authors' and publishers' rights. IUPress adopts the following core principles to avoid these risks in the use of AI:  <ul><li>Details of any AI used in the production of content (including but not limited to text, figures, images, and code) must be declared and clearly explained in the appropriate section of the paper (as an acknowledgement and/or in the methods section). </li><li>No AI tool may be listed as an author in any scientific paper. </li><li>Authors are responsible for the accuracy, completeness, and originality of their work, even if AI is used in any way; they are responsible for the proper referencing and attribution of others' ideas, data, words, or other materials. </li><li>Reviewers and editors must not upload submitted work, in whole or in part, to any generative AI application.</li></ul>In the editorial processes of IUPress publications, tools are available to assist editors in identifying AI-generated content. On the other hand, it is common to use AI tools that provide suggestions for improving and enhancing readability, language, and grammar, and such AI tools can be used in IUPress publications under the supervision of editors and authors.

Artificial Intelligence Policy

<ul><li>Authors are required to declare if they have used AI-assisted technologies (such as large language models [LLMs], chatbots, or image generators) in the creation of their submitted work. </li><li>Authors should explain, both in the cover letter and in the appropriate section of the submitted paper (as a footnote and/or in the methods section), which AI tool and which version of it they have used and for what purpose. </li><li>Authors should also indicate how they used the AI tool and how they assessed the validity of the results obtained using this technology, and what aspects of the paper, manuscript content, data or supporting files were influenced by the use of the AI tool or were generated by AI.</li><li>It is the authors' responsibility to ensure the accuracy, validity and appropriateness of content and citations generated by AI-assisted technologies and to eliminate potential errors, inconsistencies and biased results. </li><li>Authors should always check the original sources to eliminate possible plagiarism, recognising that there is a potential for plagiarism in texts produced with AI-assisted technologies. They should confirm that they have checked and that the sources are original.  </li><li>AI-assisted tools (such as ChatGPT) cannot be listed as authors because they cannot be responsible for the accuracy, integrity, and originality of the work, and these responsibilities are essential to authorship. Therefore, authors are responsible for all material involving the use of AI-assisted technologies. Authors should ensure that all statements in the article that state the hypotheses, interpretations, conclusions, limitations, and implications of the study represent their own opinions.  </li><li>Studies created by authors using AI tools in the following ways, which substitute for the basic researcher's and author's responsibilities, violate the principles of scientific publishing and publication ethics, and such studies are not eligible for inclusion in publications: </li></ul><ul><ul><li>Generation of text or code without rigorous review, </li><li>Generation of synthetic data to replace missing data without a robust methodology, </li><li>Creation of any inaccurate, synthetic content, including abstracts or supplementary materials, </li><li>Creation and manipulation of images and figures (pictures, graphs, data tables, medical images, image snippets, computer codes and formulae) or original research data (enhancing, hiding, moving, removing or adding a particular feature within an image or figure) using AI.</li></ul></ul>

It is essential to maintain confidentiality in the peer review process and not to share or use the reviewed work in this process. <a href="https://publicationethics.org/sites/default/files/ethical-guidelines-peer-reviewers-cope.pdf" target="_blank">(COPE – Ethical Guidelines for Peer Reviewers</a>)<ul><li>Reviewers should not upload a manuscript or part of a manuscript submitted to them for review to generative AI tools or large language models to assist in the review, evaluation or decision-making process, as uploading content to such AI tools by reviewers violates the authors' privacy and property rights.  </li><li>Reviewing a scientific paper is a responsibility that can only be undertaken by human beings. The critical thinking and original evaluation required for peer review is beyond the scope of this technology, and there is a risk that the technology will produce inaccurate, incomplete or biased conclusions about the paper. The peer review report and decision letters should reflect the personal assessment of the reviewers and editors of the submitted content. The reviewer is responsible and accountable for the content of his/her report. </li><li>AI tools may be used in a limited way to improve the quality of the language of the peer review report (for translation or language editing) in the context of peer review. If such use is made, the reviewer must declare the use when submitting the report. </li><li>Reviewers who suspect inappropriate or undisclosed use of generative AI in a submission should report their concerns to the editor.</li></ul>

Editors are obliged to ensure that the confidentiality of the manuscripts submitted to the journal is maintained during the evaluation process, and it is essential that the peer-reviewed work is not shared or used outside the parties involved in that process. (COPE - Code of Conduct and Best Practice Guidelines for Journal Editors) <a href="https://publicationethics.org/files/Code_of_conduct_for_journal_editors_Mar11.pdf" target="_blank">(COPE – Code of Conduct and Best Practice Guidelines for Journal Editors)</a>.<ul><li>Editors should not upload a submitted article, or any part of it, to generative Artificial Intelligence tools or Big Language Models to assist in the review, evaluation or decision-making process, as this may violate authors' privacy and property rights. </li><li>Managing the editorial review of a scientific article implies responsibilities that can only be attributed to humans. Generative AI or AI-assisted technologies should not be used by editors to assist in the evaluation or decision-making process of an article, as the critical thinking and original evaluation required for this task is beyond the scope of this technology and there is a risk that the technology will produce inaccurate, incomplete or biased conclusions about the article. The editor is responsible and accountable for the editorial process, the final decision and its communication to the authors.</li><li>Editors should not use generative AI tools to compose decision letters or abstracts of unpublished research. </li><li>Editors may use generative AI tools to help find appropriate reviewers.</li><li>If editors suspect the use of generative AI in a submitted manuscript or a submitted referee report, they should conduct an editorial review of the matter and consider the policy.</li></ul>

Art-Sanat Journal is committed to upholding the highest standards of publication ethics and pays regard to Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing published <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">by the Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">the Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">the Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a>, and <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">the World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> on <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a>All parties involved in the publishing process (Editors, Reviewers, Authors and Publishers) are expected to agree on the following ethical principles.All submissions must be original, unpublished (including as full text in conference proceedings), and not under the review of any other publication synchronously. Each manuscript is reviewed by one of the editors and at least two referees under double-blind peer review process. Plagiarism, duplication, fraud authorship/denied authorship, research/data fabrication, salami slicing/salami publication, breaching of copyrights, prevailing conflict of interest are unnethical behaviors.All manuscripts not in accordance with the accepted ethical standards will be removed from the publication. This also contains any possible malpractice discovered after the publication. In accordance with the code of conduct we will report any cases of suspected plagiarism or duplicate publishing.

Ethics

The journal adheres to the highest standards in research ethics and follows the principles of international research ethics as defined below. The authors are responsible for the compliance of the manuscripts with the ethical rules.-    Principles of integrity, quality and transparency should be sustained in designing the research, reviewing the design and conducting the research.-    The research team and participants should be fully informed about the aim, methods, possible uses and requirements of the research and risks of participation in research.-    The confidentiality of the information provided by the research participants and the confidentiality of the respondents should be ensured. The research should be designed to protect the autonomy and dignity of the participants.-    Research participants should participate in the research voluntarily, not under any coercion.-    Any possible harm to participants must be avoided. The research should be planned in such a way that the participants are not at risk.-    The independence of research must be clear; and any conflict of interest or must be disclosed.-    In experimental studies with human subjects, written informed consent of the participants who decide to participate in the research must be obtained. In the case of children and those under wardship or with confirmed insanity, legal custodian’s assent must be obtained.-    If the study is to be carried out in any institution or organization, approval must be obtained from this institution or organization.-    In studies with human subject, it must be noted in the method’s section of the manuscript that the informed consent of the participants and ethics committee approval from the institution where the study has been conducted have been obtained.

It is authors’ responsibility to ensure that the article is in accordance with scientific and ethical standards and rules. And authors must ensure that submitted work is original. They must certify that the manuscript has not previously been published elsewhere or is not currently being considered for publication elsewhere, in any language. Applicable copyright laws and conventions must be followed. Copyright material (e.g. tables, figures or extensive quotations) must be reproduced only with appropriate permission and acknowledgement. Any work or words of other authors, contributors, or sources must be appropriately credited and referenced.All the authors of a submitted manuscript must have direct scientific and academic contribution to the manuscript. The author(s) of the original research articles is defined as a person who is significantly involved in “conceptualization and design of the study”, “collecting the data”, “analyzing the data”, “writing the manuscript”, “reviewing the manuscript with a critical perspective” and “planning/conducting the study of the manuscript and/or revising it”. Fund raising, data collection or supervision of the research group are not sufficient roles to be accepted as an author. The author(s) must meet all these criteria described above. The order of names in the author list of an article must be a co-decision and it must be indicated in the <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/172395B610F14DE1A70863DF7F923B59" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a>. The individuals who do not meet the authorship criteria but contributed to the study must take place in the acknowledgement section. Individuals providing technical support, assisting writing, providing a general support, providing material or financial support are examples to be indicated in acknowledgement section.All authors must disclose all issues concerning financial relationship, conflict of interest, and competing interest that may potentially influence the results of the research or scientific judgment.When an author discovers a significant error or inaccuracy in his/her own published paper, it is the author’s obligation to promptly cooperate with the Editor to provide retractions or corrections of mistakes.

Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, sexual orientation, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors. He/She provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles for publication and ensures that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential before publishing.Editor-in-Chief is responsible for the contents and overall quality of the publication. He/She must publish errata pages or make corrections when needed.Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers. Only he has the full authority to assign a reviewer and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal.Reviewers must have no conflict of interest with respect to the research, the authors and/or the research funders. Their judgments must be objective.Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees must be ensured. In particular situations, the editor may share the review of one reviewer with other reviewers to clarify a particular point.

Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation. Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by editor-in-chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope.Short presentations that took place in scientific meetings can be referred if indicated in the article. The editor hands over the papers matching the formal rules to at least two national/international referees for evaluation and gives green light for publication upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims. Changing the name of an author (omission, addition or order) in papers submitted to the Journal requires written permission of all declared authors. Refused manuscripts and graphics are not returned to the author. The copyright of the published articles and pictures belong to the Journal.

Peer Review

Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation. Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by editor-in-chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope. Editor-in-chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, sexual orientation, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors and ensures a fair double-blind peer review of the selected manuscripts. The selected manuscripts are sent to at least two national/international external referees for evaluation and publication decision is given by editor-in-chief upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims. Editor in chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal. Reviewers’ judgments must be objective. Reviewers’ comments on the following aspects are expected while conducting the review. - Does the manuscript contain new and significant information? - Does the abstract clearly and accurately describe the content of the manuscript? - Is the problem significant and concisely stated? - Are the methods described comprehensively? - Are the interpretations and consclusions justified by the results? - Is adequate references made to other Works in the field? - Is the language acceptable? Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side. A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process. The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees is important.

Writing RulesPublication Principles and Writing Rules of Art-Sanat JournalArt-Sanat Journal is an electronic journal with international academic referees which is published twice a year (January and July). In Art-Sanat Journal, published openly on DergiPark Open Journal Systems; only original, scientific and scholarly articles on Archeology, Art History, Architecture History, Conservation-Restoration, Museology and Performing Arts about Turks and communities related with Turks are accepted.To contact, our e-mail address is <a href="mailto:art-sanat@istanbul.edu.tr" target="_blank">art-sanat@istanbul.edu.tr</a>. (Direct messaging on DergiPark site is inactive. If you have any inquiries, please send an e-mail to the aforementioned address.)Our web pages are             <a href="https://iupress.istanbul.edu.tr/en/journal/art-sanat/home" target="_blank">https://iupress.istanbul.edu.tr/en/journal/art-sanat/home</a>                                               <a href="https://dergipark.org.tr/iuarts" target="_blank">https://dergipark.org.tr/iuarts</a> The languages of Art-Sanat Journal are Turkish and English. The articles which are sent to the Journal are analyzed by the editor and the board of publishing, then forwarded to three academic referees and should at least two of them approve, they are then published. The writers of the articles are not disclosed to the referees.Copyright:All rights reserved by Art-Sanat Journal. The publication rights of the published articles belong to Art-Sanat Journal. The author has the legal and scientific responsibility for the contents of the articles. The visual materials (figures, photographs, pictures, drawings, plans, etc.) used in the articles should not be used without reference and the author has to obtain permission for the copyrighted material. The legal responsibility for these issues belongs to the authors. The sources for the visuals must certainly be openly stated and permission to use the copyrighted material must be obtained. In case a visual belong to the author, a statement in which the copyright belongs to the author is declared should be added under each visual.The articles submitted for publication in the Art-Sanat Journal should neither have been published elsewhere nor have been submitted to another journal. The IThenticate (Plagiarism Prevention Program) is used to ensure plagiarism control for each submission.If an article is based on an acheological excavation, the head of the excavation, the excavation team, the institution(s) that support the excavation and project code name/number or official permit date and number must be stated in the footnote section. If the article is written by someone else than the head of the excavation, the permit obtained from the head of the excavation must be uploaded to the system and also stated in the footnote section. If the article is about some artifacts that are displayed in a museum, the date and number of the official permit of the study obtained from the related museum directory must be stated in the footnote section. Any study about historical sites, such as ruins, requires an official permit from the public autorities and institutions involved. General Information:In case the article is generated using a master’s or doctorate thesis, an asterisk (*) should be added at the end of the article heading, then the details concerning the thesis’ author, name, in which university it was written, the names of the institution, department and the advisor must be stated in the footnote section. If the article is supported by any project including BAP and funded financially from any source, after the “Conclusion” part, there must be a “Financial Support” section with the information about type and the code of the project, stating that the study received financial support.As of 2020, “Permission from the Ethical Board” must be obtained and attached to the study if the article is written utilizing one or any combination of applications such as surveys, interviews, conversation, focus group study, observatios, experimenting etc.The articles submitted to Art-Sanat Journal must be in Microsoft Word format. Under the title of the article, the author's name and surname should be included. After the name of the author, the asterisk (*) should be used as a footnote sign and the job title, the institution and the e-mail address of the author and the submission date of the article should be specified at the bottom of the first page. ORCID number should also be written under the author’s name. Articles with multiple writers should include each author’s ORCID number. If you do not have an ORCID number please register: <a href="https://orcid.org/" target="_blank">https://orcid.org/</a>.Articles should have Turkish and English titles, abstracts (150-200 words) and 3-5 keywords.  After the English abstract, the Turkish articles should contain an English extended summary of 800-1000 words. The English articles should contain a Turkish extended summary of 800-1000 words.The articles should consist of “Introduction”, numbered subheadings, “Conclusion” (Evaluation and Conclusion are two separate sections) and “Bibliography/References”. The visuals should be placed in a suitable way between paragraphs (F.1).Each of the visual material must be in jpeg format with a resolution of at least 300 dpi (images with a poor image quality will not be used). For the visual materials used in the article, numbering should be done with the abbreviation bold F. (F.1., F.2., F.3., etc.). The description of the visual material should be specified below the material in parentheses. If visual material belongs to the author, it should be indicated.Article should be written in Times New Roman, 12 pt., 1.5 line spacing, before 6NK-after 6NK spacing and both side justified. Footnotes should be written in Times New Roman, 10 pt., 1 line spacing and both side justified. Words that need to emphasized should be written in italic. The Quotations less than five lines should be written in quotation marks in the same paragraph and the quotations longer than five lines should be written separately 1 cm inside from left and right sides of page, blocked and in 8 pts. The article should not exceed 10.000 words, the visuals used in the article should not be more than the number of text pages and also maximum 25 images are allowed. The visuals which are directly related to the subject should be preferred with reference to comparison images. Images should be numbered in the text and used in the relevant place.

Author Guidelines

Ensure that the following items are present:●    Cover letter to the editorü    The category of the manuscriptü    Confirming that “the paper is not under consideration for publication in another journal”.ü    Including disclosure of any commercial or financial involvement.ü    Confirming that the statistical design of the research article is reviewed.ü    Confirming that last control for fluent English was done.ü    Confirming that journal policies detailed in Information for Authors have been reviewed.ü    Confirming that the references cited in the text and listed in the references section are in line with CMOS 16.●    <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/172395B610F14DE1A70863DF7F923B59" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a>●    Permission of previously published copyrighted material if used in the present manuscript●    <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/48AF2DA482C84901A8AB29FBCD8298AC" target="_blank">Title page</a>ü    The category of the manuscriptü    The title of the manuscriptü    All authors’ names and affiliations (institution, faculty/department, city, country), e-mail addressesü    Corresponding author’s email address, full postal address, telephone and fax numberü    ORCIDs of all authors.●    Main Manuscript Documentü    The title of the manuscriptü    Abstract (150-200 words)ü    Key words: 3 to 5 wordsü    Extended Summary (800-1000 words) in Englishü    Main article sectionsü    Grant support (if exists)ü    Conflict of interest (if exists)ü    Acknowledgement (if exists)ü    Referencesü    All tables, illustrations (figures) (including title, description, footnotes)

<div><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/172395B610F14DE1A70863DF7F923B59" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/48AF2DA482C84901A8AB29FBCD8298AC" target="_blank">Title Page</a></div>

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