Assist. Prof.

Tuğba

Georgia, which was occupied by Russia in the 19th century, existed as an independent republic in 1918-1921, and where the Soviet power was dominant starting from 1921, regained independence in 1991. After regaining independence, one of the most important issues in Georgia has been the issue of national/ethnic and religious minorities. Moreover, the privileges granted to the Georgian Church as well as the violation of the rights of Muslim minorities during this period are seriously criticized.The most crowded population among the Muslims of Georgia is the Borchaly Turks. According to the argument of the Georgian historians, the Borchaly Turks were supposedly made to migrate to the region by Shah Abbas in the 17th century. This argument is wrong, and the researches confirm that Turks have lived in this region since very ancient times. The region&nbsp;known as Borchaly was included in the Kvemo Kartli region in line with the administrative region division made in Georgia after independence. In sectarian terms, an important part of the Borchaly Turks is Shia and the rest are Sunni. At present, there is not even one TurkishMuslim living in Armenia. The fact that Muslim minorities living in Georgia turn to different religious communities and sects reinforces the segregation in society. For example, there is Sunni-Shia segregation among the Borchaly Turks, albeit in small segments. While Salafism spreads strongly in the Kist community, the Salafi/Wahhabi movement may find supporters among the other Muslim groups of Georgia.Another Muslim group living in Georgia are the Kists. The Kists mostly live in villages in the Pankisi Valley, in the northeast of Georgia, and have a strong traditional community structure. Today, the traditionalist-innovative discussions continue in the Kist community. The traditionalists are members of the Qadiriyya or Naqshbandi sect, which has existed in the Caucasus for a long time. The innovators are those who follow the Salafi/Wahhabi movement. This segregation has shown its effect on the Kist community, caused a serious transformation in the belief-based social structure, and also occasionally brought up the Pankisi Valley to the world agenda in the context of security issues.&nbsp;The Muslim minority that has the most serious identity problem in Georgia is the Adzhars. The tendency towards Christianization among the Adzhars is on the increase due to pressure or incentive. As a result of the religious policies of the Tbilisi administration following the collapse of the Soviet Union, there has been a substantial decrease in the number of Muslims in Adzharia. At this point, the Muslim Adzhars are a religious minority not only in Georgia but also in Adzharia.One of the Muslim groups that constitute a minority in number in Georgia is the Meskhetian Turks. The Meskheti region was abandoned to the Russian Empire after the Ottoman-Russian wars, and remained within the Georgian borders during the period of the Soviet Union. In 1944, the Meskhetian Turks were exiled from their ancestral homeland to Central Asia. In 1956-1991, the Meskhetian Turks continued their struggle to return home and their organisation activities. One of the conditions of membership of Georgia to the Council of Europe in 1999 was to ensure the return of the Meskhetian Turks. However, this process failed, and very few Meskhetian Turks migrated to various regions of Georgia.The issue of Muslim minority is one of the issues that are occasionally added to agenda and discussed in Turkey-Georgia and Azerbaijan-Georgia relations. Unfortunately, though the relations between Turkey and Georgia as well as the ones between Azerbaijan and Georgia have a strategic nature, there are still artificial phobias produced in Georgian society such as "threat of Turkey", "fear of Turk" and "economic expansionism of Azerbaijanis". The false propaganda of certain circles in Georgia and the wrong policies implemented by the Georgian administration on minorities in general play an important role in the emergence of this situation. It is observed that there are some efforts to dissolve these issues through bilateral negotiations (i.e., Turkey-Georgia and Azerbaijan-Georgia). On the other hand, thanks to the development of trilateral cooperation format which brings together all three states on the same platform today, it will be possible to dissolve the issues in a more optimal and faster way. Further development of the trilateral cooperation format is of great importance for the security, economic and social development of the region. Likewise, the meetings in the form of trilateral cooperation are held, and important documents such as the Trabzon Declaration of 8 June 2012, Batumi Communique of 28 March 2013 and Ganja Declaration of 19 February 2014 were adopted. The last of these meetings was held in Tbilisi on 23 December 2019. In face of the cooperation developed between Russia, Iran and Armenia, and including certain claims and threats against the countries in the region, it is extremely important to strengthen the cooperation line between Turkey, Azerbaijan and Georgia in terms of regional security and development. In line with the common interests of all three states, dissolution of the issues related to minorities, resolution of religious and ethnic disputes and settlement of problems in this area will be able to raise the Turkey-Azerbaijan-Georgia relations to the level of strategic cooperation in the true sense of the word.

National State Building, Islamic Policy and Regional Cooperation in Georgia during the Period of Independence

The transformation of Russia into an empire started with the annexation of a Turkish rooted society. Russia has grown by adding the countries, seas, and lands of Turkish rooted nations to its country for about 550 years. The joining of Turkish rooted societies to the Russian Empire, the increase in the number of Turks in Russia, and relations with Turkish-rooted independent societies formed the core of Orientalism. The Russian central government and local administrators had to learn Turkish and about Turks. Turkish studies in Russia was born with these needs.&nbsp;Orientalism, Turkish studies, and Turkey studies in the USSR after the Russian Empire were shaped according to the priorities and needs of the USSR. The “Comintern school” was in favor of conducting research according to the goals of the USSR. Among the orientalists and Turkish researchers who grew up in the Russian Empire, those who did not comply with the USSR were subjected to the wrath of the administration. The structure and place of Turkish studies and Turkey studies was changed once again in the 1930s, the 1940s and the 1950s. There were different reasons for the corresponding change. Among these, the war, the demands of the KGB, the Foreign Ministry, and the Communist Party Central Committee have been influential.After the USSR, the RF experienced an economic crisis. RF has proceeded to regulate its production and distribution structure according to the free market economy. There were problems in meeting the costs of science, research, and higher education institutions. Like all researchers, members of the Oriental Institute were also subjected to severe economic difficulties. Researchers went abroad with the hope of working and living in better conditions.&nbsp;The number of researchers that the RF took over from the USSR decreased by about half over time. Solzhenitsyn’s description of the circumstance of science in RF is important. “For three hundred years in Russia, science has not been left to such neglect and poverty, …” Soljenitsyn said.The economic depression made it impossible for academic staff to survive with their salaries. The economic crisis increased diploma fraud. Due to the economic crisis, researchers worked in other public or private institutions besides the institutions they were assigned to. Researchers established private higher education units or worked in established private higher education units. The balance between the number of students and academic staff in higher education was disrupted. While the number of employees in RF higher education institutions increased slightly, the number of students increased remarkably. In these circumstances, the quality of teaching decreased.&nbsp;Compared to the USSR, scientific and research institutions opened their doors abroad during the Yeltsin period. Collaborations increased. Researchers had a rare chance in the USSR era for research in Turkey. Compared to the USSR orientalists, research possibilities opened to Western Orientalists in Turkey. Furthermore, Western research institutions invited many researchers from Turkey. Few researchers were invited to the USSR from Turkey. Another shortcoming was the scarcity of researchers of Turkish origin working in the Turkey unit of the Oriental Institute. This situation could have been a conscious policy decision of the administration of the USSR or the administration of the Oriental Institute.Compared to the USSR, during the Yeltsin period, researchers from Turkey and the number of students in the RF increased. For the first time, a Turkish citizen prepared a thesis at the Oriental Institute. The number of theses prepared by Turkish citizens at the Oriental Institute increased. Despite this positive trend, bilateral relations, bilateral research, and publications were insufficient during the Yeltsin period.&nbsp; Despite some differences, the aims of Western and Russian Orientalism, Oriental studies and publications were similar. That similarity was having authority over the Orient. Said’s determination was partially correct even for the Russian Empire, the USSR, and the Yeltsin period.The colonialists succeeded in imposing local (oriental) researchers to the mechanism of producing information in a manner suitable for the West, they followed a policy of research and knowledge production in line with their interests.2 The determination of Edward Said is also true for the USSR and partly for the RF. Said emphasized that knowledge production and dissemination is not objective but political.&nbsp;Western Orientalism and Russian Orientalism are not exactly the same. The USA and the West saw the orient societies overseas separately and applied separate rules of law. For Russia (Russian Empire, USSR and RF) the east (orient) was also itself. Russia was adherent to the orient. The adherence was in the land and in the Russian soul. After the USSR, Russia called its own soul from the west. It did not come.&nbsp;

Science, Higher Education and Turkey Unit of the Institute of Oriental Studies Russian Academy of Sciences during the Presidency of Boris Yeltsin, 1992-2000

Mehman

Prof.

Recently, despite the growing interest in the socio-political, scientific, and literary activities of Ahmed Bey Agaoglu (1869-1939) and the emergence of a number of works based on a thorough study of various aspects of his rich creativity, unexplored aspects of the activity and creativity of the thinker still remain. One such unexplored aspect is the law-related activities and creativity of Ahmed Bey, who was a graduate of Sarbonna Law School. Currently there is a clear gap in this area. The purpose of the present research is to fill that gap as much as possible.In the article, initially assessing the multi-dimensional activities of A. Agaoglu as a lawyer, four key areas of this activity are identified, and Agaoglu’s contributions to each of these areas are generally characterized. Then, the contribution of Agaoglu as a lawyer-pedagogue to the teaching of law in Turkey's two main universities is pointed out and his textbooks on constitutional law and legal history are covered. Further, based on the works of the thinker reflecting his public and political views, his legal views are analyzed and his opinions on a&nbsp;number of theoretical issues of law, such as understanding of law, individual freedoms, the relationship between rights and duties, and the relationship between law and religion, are examined.In particular, it is noted that Agaoglu defined law as a dynamic social phenomenon which regulates relationships between individuals and thereby he stood in the position of a sociological approach to law. Agaoglu considered the existence of individual freedoms an important prerequisite for the development of societies and cultures, and highly valued their role. In his view, societies without individual freedoms cannot go ahead. One of the most important components of Agaoglu's understanding of law was the principle of respect for citizens' rights. According to him, societies without rights can not survive and thrive. In such societies, generally, "the concept of law disappears and society is thrown away like a lifeless, inactive toy." Furthermore, where people are ignorant of their rights, “justice is gone, and public life is ruined.” The realization of rights involves the execution of relevant duties as a necessary condition and guarantee. According to Agaoglu, since it is not possible to ensure rights without duty, "to think of duty without right also is to put all human beings in the place of animals." By attaching a broader social and moral meaning on the close relationship between rights and duties, the thinker considered the protection of rights the "highest and most honorable duty" of members of society.In research based on the analysis of various aspects of Agaoglu's activity related to law, his portrait of identity as a lawyer is depicted in its following main traits: (1) as a fighter and consistent defender of the rights of Azerbaijani Turks and of all Turkish Muslims, as well as of women's rights, (2) as an influential deputy represented in the supreme legislative bodies of Ottoman and Republic Turkey and the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic, (3) as a lawyerpedagogue, who educated his students in the spirit of respect for the advanced political, legal and moral values of their time, whose textbooks on the subjects of constitutional law and history of law were the first in Turkey in this field, and (4) as a liberal-minded lawyer-thinker, who embraced a sociological understanding of law, advocated the secularization of law by separating it from religion, and considered the extension of individual freedoms an important factor in the development of society, and the protection of human rights and freedoms as the main objective of the democratic state's legal system.

Ahmed bey Agaoglu: Portrait Traits of Identity as a Lawyer

Selma

The Joint American Military Mission to Aid Turkey (JAMMAT), established in March of 1947 for a task to coordinate the military aids to Turkey was a modernization program undertaken by the United States at the beginning of the Cold War. The main objective of the United States was to prevent a new interventionalist government (USSR) as a result of a formation taken place due to the Cold War. So, the USA apparently garnered Turkey among countries that were open to the Soviet threat and strengthened its own policy in this way. This study aims to evaluate the book titled “Memories of 1950 in Ankara, Turkey” written by Elizabeth McNeill-Leicester, who was commissioned in JAMMAT in 1950 and spent one year in Ankara. This book published in 2009 and not yet translated into Turkish helps us to witness 1950’s Ankara from the viewpoint of a woman. Elizabeth McNeill made her career in the U.S. Foreign Service. McNeill served in the Department of Army Civilian (DAC) in Occupied Japan and in the Public Relations department in the Military Mission for aid to Turkey in Ankara. During the rest of her career she served in the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and was posted to the American Embassy in Iran, Pakistan, India, Senegal, Colombia and Iran again. Between her services in Senegal and Colombia she studied French Civilization at the University of Sorbonne.&nbsp;Elizabeth McNeill, the author of the book, came to Ankara in 1949. McNeill remained in Ankara until the end of 1950. During this time, the writer criticized Turkey, Ankara and the public heavily. At every opportunity, Elizabeth McNeill emphasized that the USA helped Turkey in many ways and therefore Turkey should be grateful to the Americans. During her time in Ankara as a JAMMAT officer, she wrote her observations in detail, which gives us tips about Ankara in the year of 1950. McNeill described Ankara using words such as "bleak, barren, grey, colourless, desert".&nbsp;The excess of concrete buildings and the lack of green made the author unhappy, but she did not hide that she was influenced by Turkish food. In this book, we see that there are hygienic problems in Ankara and that women have problems eating alone. Elizabeth McNeill, who also provided us with information about hotels and restaurants in Ankara, also explained the hotel she stayed in and the house she moved to after the hotel. Fees paid at the hotel, hire purchase given for the home, and information about payments made for the street food show us the economic situation of Turkey in 1950. In addition, comments on the USA’s economic aid, reflection of United States of America-Soviet Union relations on US officials, and analyses of the Korean War can be seen in the book. It is no surprise to see that American interests are fully respected in these analyses. On the other hand Elizabeth McNeill’s book is so important in terms of social historiography and allowing us to see the situation in Turkey in the 1950s. Especially the social and economic evaluation of the capital Ankara should be seen as valuable.&nbsp;Apart from this, the comments made about the Turkish soldier draw attention. Considering that JAMMAT, which she was mainly in charge of, is also a military structure, the analysis on this issue should be considered important. In fact, we see that the Turks were also grateful for their help. It is also mentioned that these aids are related to the Turkish military to make it a modern war force. It was also mentioned that the Turkish soldier approached them with suspicion. This situation is explained by McNeill saying that the Turks do not appreciate the value of the things the Americans did. As it can be seen, the comments made in the memoirs are remarkably negative, whatever the subject is. Due to all her negative thoughts she expressed that she was really upset while leaving Ankara at the end of her book. Considering all these criticisms, the book has to be evaluated comprehensively and despite these negative thoughts, it should be approached academically and from a historical point of view. As mentioned in the book, the following statement of Atatürk should be a guide here:“Remain yourselves, but learn how to take from the West what is indispensable to an evolved people. Admit science and new ideas into your lives. If you don’t they will devour you.”It should be noted that in this article other sources providing information about the period regarding the evaluation of the memoirs, including Atatürk's lines, were also examined. As a matter of fact, memoirs and periodicals and official publications, apart from the survey works, also guided the preparation of this article.

Turkish-American Convergence at the Beginning of the Cold War Period and Ankara in the Memoirs of a JAMMAT Officer

Hüseyin

The British operations in India began in 1600 with the trading of the East India Company. The company started to trade with Shah Cihangir's permission in 1608. The British East India Company increased its influence in the country to deal with kings and princes on behalf of Britain. The company got bigger day by day and formed a private army of approximately 260 thousand people. As a result of the rapid growth of the British administration, the public hated the British. The British found an opportunity in this land because there was not a strong central Indian power, government. The British relied on the strength of their armies. Although the Indians sometimes rebelled against the British armies, they were easily suppressed. The most important reason behind the failure of the Indians was their inability to come together against their enemies.With the weakening of the Mughal Empire, the balance of power in the country had changed rapidly. Many local Indian princes and kingdoms were fighting each other. These local powers were unaware of the external threat in their country. They were purged one by one by the British armies. The British had armies in Madras, Bombay and Bengal. There were salaried Indian soldiers under the command of British officers. Tens of thousands of soldiers were serving in the army of Bengal; whose hometown was also the Indian local kingdom of Avadh. With the occupation of this local kingdom by the British, dissatisfaction among the soldiers arose. The troubles were compounded by the selfish and disdainful behavior of the British officers. In addition, many Indian soldiers feared that the British would Christianize them by detaching them from their Hindu and Muslim faith. Indian soldiers revolted as a result of the combination of many factors. According to the Indian historian Javed Iqbal, the rebellion that started in 1857 was also the biggest revolt of the Indians against the British. For this reason, it has become one of the most studied topics in Indian history. The British mercilessly suppressed this revolt of the Indians, which turned into a struggle for independence. Millions of Muslims and Hindu Indians were slaughtered.After the rebellion, the British parliament revoked the powers of the British East India Company. Thus, the British Crown directly ruled India from 1858 to 1947. With the start of the First World War, the British made their wartime laws permanent in order to govern India more easily. Protests of the Indians led to the Amritsar massacre in 1919, in which British&nbsp;soldiers killed hundreds of civilians. After this incident, Indians under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi entered into a full independence struggle. While more than 100 thousand people were imprisoned, hundreds of Muslims died in the events that took place in Peshawar in 1930. The Bengal famine occurred in 1943, and millions died as a result of British Prime Minister Churchill's continued delivery of food from India to Europe. Meanwhile, Indian soldiers were fighting alongside the British against the Japanese. After the war, 10 thousand Indian soldiers revolted with a desire for independence. When the British were forced to back down a year later, India split and 2 million people died.While the wealth of this country helped and developed Britain, it impoverished this most developed country of the East. With a one-sided domination policy implemented by the British with the understanding of colonialism and thinking only of their own gains, famines arose one after another in the country, and the people of this rich country of the East, lost millions of lives. Therefore, it is necessary to investigate how millions of people lost their lives due to non-war causes in an Eastern country while developing a Western country. With this study, the policies implemented by the British in India during the colonial period and the shortages that occurred as a result of it were tried to be revealed. It is necessary to know the policies implemented by the British in this country, who directly intervened in the life of the Indian people for their own commercial gains. It is necessary to determine the conditions under which famines occurred in the country. Thus, it would be easier to understand why millions of people lost their lives during famines. The study was done by analyzing the information obtained by searching the resources related to the subject. In the first part of the three-part study, how the British exploited India's existing resources was emphasized. In the second chapter, the effects of railways and irrigation channels on famine were investigated. In the third and last part, the methods of the British to combat these famines and what they did for the people were tried to be revealed.

Famines in India During the British Colonial Period

Vügar

Assoc. Prof.

The Azerbaijani Democratic Republic (ADR), which existed for only 23 months between 1918 and 1920, occupies an extremely important place in the history of contemporary (Northern) Azerbaijan. So far a considerable amount of works including archival documents as well as academic studies investigating different aspects of this period has been produced. However, accepting the importance of chronological-historical (and partly descriptive) works made by national historians, this short experience should also be evaluated by using methods that the International Relations discipline presents. This kind of assessment, that would be especially meaningful in the centenary of its fall, will contribute to our understanding of the ADR experience. This article has been written as an introduction to such an assessment and includes some initial classifications and generalizations. The article is composed of three parts.In the first part, the article identifies the general framework for the ADR foreign policy under three subtitles, namely, parameters, threats and periodization. In this sense, it classifies the following five fundamental parameters as shaping the ADR foreign policy: 1) de facto and de jure recognition of the state independence, 2) guaranteeing the general security and security of borders, 3) the search for allies (especially among great powers), 4) establishing political/economic/trade relations with neighbors and other states, 5) promotion of the idea of the Caucasian Confederation. Subsequently, the article identifies the following four main threats that threatened the existence and security of ADR: 1) the Baku Bolshevik Commune, 2) General Denikin’s Voluntary Army, 3) Violent tension with Armenia and local war in the borderland, 4) the Bolshevik Russia. The ADR somehow overcame the first two threats, tried to keep the third one under control, but failed to challenge the last. The article also divides the ADR foreign policy process into three periods: 1) (full) protection by the Ottoman state, 2) (semi) protection by Britain, 3) a period without protection (de facto independence).In addition to these classifications, in the second part, the article deals with the practical side of ADR foreign policy, that is, bilateral relations with neighbors and regional and great powers and tries to summarize a general framework of policies and contacts. It seems that in a short time the ADR not only achieved the establishment of formal relations in all these levels,&nbsp;but also developed multidimensional (political, economic, military etc.) foreign engagement. Moreover, the article touches on some aspects on conduction of diplomacy by the ADR, that is, principles, instruments and institutionalization of diplomacy. It concludes that in a short period of time, the ADR founders tried to institutionalize diplomacy and to build an effective ministry having central apparatus and ad hoc as well as resident missions abroad. The ADR demonstrated all characteristics of a small state by focusing on multilateral diplomacy, integration with neighbors as well as defending principles of peaceful co-existence. The main idea that this article tries to develop here is that the ADR’s founders, though lacking state management experience, were able to quickly acquire capabilities that were necessary to conduct foreign policy in that time, gave priority to institutionalization in foreign policy and diplomacy, and used almost all diplomatic instruments in order to make the state independence recognized.All of this, it can be said, was reflected on the diplomatic discourse and activities of Ali Merdan Topchubashi (1865-1934), who rightly deserves to be called the “chief diplomat” of ADR. In the last part, the article briefly illustrates Topchubashi’s diplomatic activities in Istanbul and Paris, and presents him as a zenith of ADR diplomacy.

Foreign Policy of Azerbaijan Democratic Republic (ADR) and Ali Merdan Topchibashi

Elnur

Since development of relationships between the subjects of the international system (between states, between states and international organizations, between international organizations, etc.) is necessary and certain evaluation criteria (indicator/indicators) should be determined. Researchers, who examine the relations between various states, often describe them as "developing relations" if there is no acute(sharp) crisis in the chronological framework. However, in cases where serious crisis does not occur, such relationships can develop or weaken due to various factors. In this respect, it is imperative to determine indicators (evaluation indicators of international relations) to evaluate the periods of development and decline of relations with scientific methods between states, including participants (subjects) of the international relations system.&nbsp;Some researchers, such as Russian researchers M.A. Timopheyeva, M.G. Vlasova, N.V. Derugin, N. Bistrov, R. Vexman and others have mentioned the importance of an indicators intelligence and prognosis of international relations. In his study on the application of mathematical methods in the study of international relations, I. Mikheyev analyzed methods of indicators. M.G. Vlasova defined the concept of an indicator as follows: "Indicators are events that are observed as an indicator of the movement of a particular process or scenario". However, Indicators spoke more about security and defense than indicators of interstate relations.&nbsp;Research allows the following concrete definition for the concept of indicator in interstate relations: "Indicators that allow to evaluate the movement of relations between the subjects in the system of international economic relations within a specific time frame".It is possible to have up to an average of hundred indicators used to evaluate the movement of interstate relations. However, grouping these indicators is one of the important conditions for conducting a systematic analysis. In this sense, it is possible to divide the indicators used to determine the direction of action of interstate relations into three groups: Political indicators, Economic indicators and Social indicators.For the first time, it has been tried to determine the main political indicators in the science of international relations and apply them in the example of relations between the Republic of Armenia and the Islamic Republic of Iran. The direction of development and decline of relations between the Republic of Armenia and the Islamic Republic of Iran in the political arena is determined by using the following indicators:1) The number of reciprocal visits at the level of heads of state and government within the chronological framework; 2) The number of meetings held by the senior representatives of the two countries in foreign countries and within the framework of the meetings of international organizations; 3) Number and rate of mutual expeditions of managers of institutions responsible for foreign policy and number of ideas disscussed; 4) Overlapping of authorities in the decision making process in international organizations and supporting the proposed projects; 5) The number, scope, and place of the documents signed between the two countries in the state administration system. 6) Level of inter-parliamentary relations and approval frequency (amplitude) of bilateral agreements signed. 7) Paying special attention to the other country in the government's activity programs.Analysis shows that it is possible to successfully apply the indicator method as a way of learning interstate relations in modern conditions. Only in this case, the theses put forward to develop, maintain, or decline interstate relations can be considered scientifically objective.A few points need to be clarified here. First of all, there should be indicators to determine the nature of the movement of interstate relations (development and decline). Second, these indicators should be applied to interstate relations in a concrete time frame. Third, evaluations for the indicators received can show the character of the movement, the progress, and decline only if the researcher has the opportunity to compare the same demonstrators with data set in another time frame.

The Using of Political Indicators in the Example of Armenia-Iran Relations

Dongin

This study under the title “Sociocultural Structure of the Koreans of Kazakhstan” discusses the history of forced migration and the current sociocultural status of Koreans in Kazakhstan society. The culture of Koreans in Kazakhstan is in close contact with their past and present lands, state policies, other communities in the region, and their cultures. Due to the low Korean population in this region, a lack of national autonomy, high urban settlement rate, and rapid socioeconomic development, Koreans have adapted to Russian culture and particularly to Kazakh culture while retaining part of their ethnic identity.Kazakhstan Koreans are one of the ethnic groups that make up the Republic of Kazakhstan and their population is around 100,000. A large number of Koreans living in the northern region of Korea began to migrate to the eastern part of Russia in the second half of the 1800s to escape economic poverty. Then, in 1937, Stalin's ethnic pressure and forced immigration policy against minorities led to the migration of Koreans from Russia to Central Asia. In order to survive under the pressure of the Soviet system, they had to accept the Soviet system and live as Soviet citizens. After Gorbachev's policy of openness, most Central Asian Koreans moved to big cities and got higher education. They occupied relatively high social positions and began to play important social roles in the Soviet Union. At the same time, the Russification of Koreans in Russia has advanced rapidly. Therefore, the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991 caused another uncertainty and struggle in the Korean society of Central Asia. In this study, the socio-cultural status of Koreans settled in Kazakhstan is discussed and how Turkish people and Korean people affect each other and the consequences of these interactions.The data for the study was collected by using quantitative and qualitative research methods to examine the language, religion, ethnic identity, education, economic, and social life status of Koreans in Kazakhstan. First, it has been observed that the most commonly used language in daily life is Russian among Kazakhstan Koreans. Followed by English and Kazakh. In terms of frequency of use and grammar level; Korean is the language with the lowest score. Language is one of the biggest factors in creating an ethnic identity in a society. Therefore, it can be seen to be one of the most important factors in the Russification of Koreans. Secondly, the Korean people in Kazakhstan do not belong to a certain common religion, they are distributed among different religions. Among the total population of Kazakh Koreans, there are 5.2% Muslim, 49.4% Christian, 11.4% Buddhist and the other 28.5% do not belonging to any religion. In addition, the presence of Kazakh Koreans who are Russian Orthodox or Muslim in Kazakhstan shows that Kazakhstan Koreans have a religious interaction with the local people. Third, the rate of population in completing higher education among Kazakh Koreans is 47.1%, which is approximately 20% higher than the average of all ethnic groups in Kazakhstan. Kazakhstan Koreans, like South Korea and the Korean diaspora around the world, show a desire to provide their children with quality education. Fourth, it was observed that among the survey respondents, the number of senior title holders such as professors and doctors ranked first and private company executives ranked second. For this reason, it is understood that Kazakhstan Koreans live a more comfortable life in economic terms. Fifth, in terms of ethnic identity, 89.6% of Kazakhstan Koreans are proud to be Korean and 70.7% feel a sense of belonging to the Korean ethnic group. However, it was observed that their level of participating actively in Korean associations or social organizations related to Korea or sharing about Korea was relatively low. Finally, although some interviewees stated that they were exposed to ethnic discrimination in their daily lives, employment areas, or use of language, most of the interviewees stated that they considered this discrimination as a normal situation due to their being non-local people. According to the results of the survey, the number of Kazakh Koreans satisfied with living in Kazakhstan were in the majority.Kazakh Koreans have been in constant contact with cultures from various regions such as Russia, Turkestan, and Europe. This experience has been used as a tool to adapt well to the local community. Also it has become the basis for harmonious relationships with other people. The Korean people of Kazakhstan make a great effort to preserve their ethnic origins and at the same time quickly adapt to the social changes of today. In addition, in order for this diaspora to establish healthy relations with the local state and to create a stable social order, it is necessary to be under careful observation and to support correctly the Kazakh Koreans, who are in this minority.

Socio-Cultural Structure of the Korean in Kazakhstan

Cafer

Omer Faik Numanzade, who was involved in many media activities in the cities of Tbilisi and Baku in the Caucasus between 1903 and 1911, returned to his hometown Ahıska after 1911. Numanzade carried out much needed work in the field of education and culture in Ahıska between 1911 and 1917. In this way, he prepared a kind of infrastructure for social and political developments in that town. He invited teachers from Azerbaijan to Ahıska and established courses for teachers within his capacity as member of the Ahıska National Committee (Ahıska Muslim Society). Sadly, these activities were very short-lived due to the start of the First World War in 1914 when the Russian Army began to carry out acts of destruction in Eastern Anatolia and in the Ahıska region. Therefore, the people of the region experienced great difficulties. In addition, during this period, Armenian gangs carried out persecution and massacres against Muslim Turks. All these developments became a significant milestone in Omer Faik’s life.After the Brest-Litovsk Treaty was signed on March 3, 1918 and the Erzincan Armistice on December 18, 1917, Russian military units began to withdraw from the Eastern Anatolia Region and the Caucasus. However, the Russians armed the Armenian gangs and Georgian units in their place. With the withdrawal of the Russians from the region, the Armenians created their own gangs and the Georgians increased their pressure against the Muslim Turks by forming their own militia. With the withdrawal of the Russian Army from the Caucasus, a complete political and administrative vacuum occurred in the region. Muslim Turks in the region, which had been subjected to Armenian and Russian persecution before, now took action in order not to be exposed to Georgian pressure and occupation and to gain their freedom.After the events that took place in the region with the 1917 Russian Revolution, Omer Faik argued that the Caucasian Turks needed the Ottomans to protect their very existence, and he maintained that the Turkish army should annex the Caucasus. For this, he went to Istanbul to meet with Enver and Talat Pasha and express his requests. The contacts of Omer Faik in Istanbul worked well and he was instrumental in the Caucasian Islamic Army’s gaining entry into the Caucasus. In addition, Numanzade asked Talat and Enver Pasha to combine Iranian Turks with Caucasian Turks. However, with the resignation of the Committee of Union and Progress on October 8, 1918 and the signing of the Mondros Armistice on October 30, 1918, the Turkish Army had to withdraw from the Caucasian territories except Elviye-i Selase. With the Armistice of Mondros, the Turks in the Caucasus were left alone, and the people of the region faced many difficulties.Omer Faik Numanzade was involved in many important activities in order to gain the freedom and rights of Turks in Georgia as early as 1917 and he started to campaign for this cause. On October 29, 1918, the Ahıska Hükûmet-i Muvakkatası (Contemporary Ahıska Government) was established and Omer Faik Numanzade was elected as the president. The Ahıska Government, chaired by Omer Faik, joined the Kars Islamic Council, which was established in Kars on 5 November 1918. The Kars Islamic Council declared itself to be in power on 30 November. However, with the withdrawal of the Ottoman army from the region on December 4, 1918, the Georgians occupied Ahıska. The Kars Government declared the establishment of the Cenub-i Garbi (South West) Caucasian Government on 17 January 1919 to prevent Armenian and Georgian invasions. In this government, the Ahıskan Turks were also given the right to be represented. Moreover, the Muslim-Turkish troops belonging to this new formation took back the Ahıska region from the Georgians on 2 February 1919. Within a short space of time, the Ahıska region changed hands several times between the Turkish government in Kars and the Georgians. On April 22, 1919, with the intervention of the British in the region, the existence of the Southern Caucasus Government ended. With this, the Turkish domination in Ahıska also ended.

Political Activities of Ömer Faik Numanzade in Line with the Events in the South Caucasus After the 1917 October Revolution

Adem

Türkiye’nin Stratejik Silah Kapasitesi, Editör: Abdullah Erboğa, İstanbul, Seta Yayınları, 2019, 352 s. ISBN: 978-605-7544-95-7

Turgut

Uluslararası Göç ve Güvenlik, Editörler: Doç. Dr. Gökhan Telatar – Doç. Dr. Umut Kedikli, Ankara, Nobel Yayınları, 2019, 274 s. ISBN: 978-605-033-137-0

Sümeyye

Uluslararası İlişkilere Tarihsel Bakış, Prof. Dr. Refet Yinanç’a Armağan, Ed. Fırat Purtaş, Ankara, Nobel Yayınları, 2019, 568 Sayfa, ISBN: 978-605-7846-36-5

Mustafa

Prof. Dr.

CALL FOR PAPERS

Fuat

Assoc. Prof. Dr.

In the process of disintegration of the Ottoman Empire, the emergence of independent nation-states brought along minorities and border problems. A significant part of the disputes between Turkey and Greece today are also related to the contractual arrangements signed by these states during their independence processes. In this study, in addition to the main debates concerning territorial sovereignty between Turkey and Greece, disputes regarding sovereign rights, especially arising from the Law of the Sea, are examined.In the international community, the borders of sovereign states are necessarily determined by a treaty arrangement. In addition to limitations, special arrangements and obligations such as the demilitarisation of some regions can also be agreed upon between neighboring states. Such arrangements are also in question in determining the territorial borders between Turkey and Greece. For example, it is seen that the islands transferred to Greece by treaties were transferred with the obligation to be demilitarized. On the other hand, the determination of maritime borders as well as land borders may cause disputes between neighbouring states. As a result of technical studies on the determination of the land borders between Turkey and Greece, the land borders between the two countries could be made indisputable. However, since the entry into force of the Lausanne Peace Treaty, there has been no joint work on determining maritime borders between the two countries. Due to the developments in the Law of the Sea, the tendency of states to benefit more from the seas has brought Turkey and Greece, which are coastal countries in the Aegean Sea, against each other in terms of both sovereignty borders and limitation of sovereign rights. The fact that no study has been carried out to determine the boundaries of sovereignty of the maritime country makes it unclear what the limits of the sovereign rights of these countries are. Therefore, it is not possible to determine the limits of sovereign rights regarding maritime jurisdiction areas without determining the common and indisputable border of the maritime country.In the study, it is discussed how the country transfers were carried out between the two states and how and with what constraints the borders of sovereignty were determined within the framework of the contractual arrangements that created the status. In essence, it can be said that the disputes between Turkey and Greece have three dimensions that are directly related to the contractual status. Accordingly, although there is a contractual arrangement that creates a status, one of the parties may violate this regulation with a fait accompli. Secondly, although it&nbsp;is a general contractual arrangement, either party may interpret the provisions of this regulation differently or the contractual arrangement does not contain a provision regarding the relevant dispute. Thirdly, no contractual arrangement specific to the dispute between the parties has ever been made, and one of the parties is trying to create a de facto situation by making a fait accompli. It is possible to observe these three features in the relations between Turkey and Greece. As a matter of fact, according to the study conducted by the Turkish Foreign Policy Crisis Studies Group, there were 14 foreign policy crises between Turkey and Greece between 1923 and 2016. The vast majority of these crises are directly related to the sovereignty and/ or sovereign rights of the parties.Therefore, the handling of the existing disputes between the parties by using peaceful resolution methods and reaching a permanent and satisfactory solution is directly related to the parties' compliance with the contractual status, the realization of contractual arrangements that have not yet been realized, and the avoidance of fait accomplis that will escalate the tension between the parties. If the parties try to change the status quo for their benefit, it will not only trigger a new crisis but also increase the risk of a hot military conflict. The starting point for the negotiation is the Lausanne Peace Treaty (and other contractual arrangements) signed between the parties. It is not possible to establish an undisputed sovereignty order without completing the unfinished work of determining the borders of territorial sovereignty. The demarcation of an undisputed territorial border would also make it easier for the parties to agree on more flexible options for sovereign rights and technical responsibilities. In this context, the point that will challenge the parties in the negotiations is due to the originality of the political geography in the Aegean Sea. In particular, both the numerical multiplicity of the islands surrounding the Anatolian coasts and the fact that they belong to Greece, which is a country with a distant coast, restrict the policies of the parties in an equitable, just and optimum solution.The emergence of independent nation-states during the disintegration of the Ottoman Empire brought with it minority and border problems. A significant part of the disputes between Türkiye and Greece today are related to the contractual arrangements signed by these states during their independence processes. In this study, in addition to the basic debates regarding territorial sovereignty between Turkey and Greece, the disputes regarding sovereign rights arising from the Law of the Sea are examined.&nbsp;In the international society, the borders of sovereign states are determined by a contractual regulation. In these contractual arrangements, in addition to limitations, special arrangements and obligations can also be agreed upon between neighbouring states, such as the demilitarisation of some regions. Such regulations also apply to determining the territorial borders between Turkey and Greece. For example, it seems that the islands transferred to Greece through treaties were transferred with the obligation of being demilitarized. On the other hand, determining maritime borders as well as territorial borders may cause disputes between neighbouring states. As a result of technical studies on determining the land borders between Türkiye and Greece, the land borders between the two countries have become indisputable. However, since the&nbsp;Lausanne Peace Treaty came into force, no joint work has been carried out between the two countries regarding determining maritime borders. Due to the developments in the Law of the Sea, states' tendency to benefit more from the seas has brought Turkey and Greece, which are coastal countries in the Aegean Sea, face to face in terms of both sovereignty boundaries and limitation of sovereign rights. The fact that no study has been carried out to determine the borders of sovereignty regarding the maritime country makes it unclear what the limits of the sovereign rights of these countries are. Therefore, it is not possible to determine the boundaries of sovereign rights regarding maritime jurisdiction areas without determining the common and undisputed border of the maritime country.In the study, how territorial transfers took place between two states is discussed and it is discussed how and with what restrictions the borders of sovereignty are determined within the framework of the contractual regulations that create the status. In essence, it can be said that the disputes between Türkiye and Greece have three dimensions that directly concern the contractual status. Accordingly, although there is a contractual regulation that creates a status, one of the parties may violate this regulation. Secondly, although it is a general contractual regulation, any party may interpret the provisions of this regulation differently or the contractual regulation does not contain a provision regarding the relevant dispute. Thirdly, no contractual regulation has been made specifically for the dispute that has arisen between the parties, and one of the parties is trying to create a de facto situation by making it a fait accompli. It is possible to observe these three features in the relations between Turkey and Greece. As a matter of fact, according to the study conducted by the Turkish Foreign Policy Crisis Investigation Group, there were 14 foreign policy crises between Turkey and Greece between 1923 and 2016. The majority of these crises are directly related to the sovereignty and/or sovereign rights of the parties.Therefore, addressing the existing disputes between the parties using peaceful resolution methods and reaching a permanent, satisfactory solution is directly related to the parties' compliance with the contractual status, realization of contractual arrangements that have not yet been realized, and avoiding fait accomplis that will escalate the tension between the parties. If the parties attempt to change the status quo to their advantage, it will not only trigger a new crisis but also increase the risk of a hot military conflict. The starting point for negotiations is the Lausanne Peace Treaty (and other contractual arrangements) signed between the parties. It is not possible to achieve an undisputed sovereignty order without completing the unfinished work of determining the borders of territorial sovereignty. Determining an undisputed territorial border will also make it easier for the parties to agree on more flexible options regarding sovereign rights and technical responsibilities. In this context, the point that will challenge the parties in the negotiations stems from the uniqueness of the political geography, especially in the Aegean Sea. In particular, both the numerical abundance of the islands surrounding the Anatolian coast and the fact that they belong to Greece, a distant coastal country, restrict the policies of the parties in an equitable, fair and optimum solution.

Maritime Jurisdiction Disputes in Turkey-Greece Relations

Turkey and Uzbekistan are two new nation-states that gained their independence, the first in the first quarter of the 20th century and the second in the last quarter of the same century. Although Turkey and Uzbekistan are new states, they are the successors of the Ottoman Empire and Turkistan Khanates, which were established in two ancient geographies of Turkish-İslamic civilization, Anatolia and Transoxiana. Moreover, Turkey and Uzbekistan have similarities in terms of origin, religion, language, history, and culture. İn fact, they have common political, scientific, and religious personalities such as Amir Timur, Ali Kuscu, Ulugh Begh and Imam Bukhari. Therefore, the Ottoman Empire maintained political military, scientific, and cultural relations with the Khanates of Bukhara, Samarkand, Khiva, and Hokand in Turkestan between XVI.-XX. Centuries.&nbsp;As it is known, Ottoman-Uzbek relations began with the defeat of the Uzbek khan, Muhammed Shaybani Khan, to the Safavid ruler Shah Ismail in Mahmudabad near Merv in 1510 and later, Shah İsmail sends the head of Shaybani to the Ottoman Sultan, Beyazid II. This was Shah Ismail’s challenge to the Ottoman Sultan, Bayezid II. At the same time, this challenge caused the start of the Ottoman-Safavid struggle and caused the establishment of OttomanUzbek political relations because Ottoman sultans wanted to establish a Sunni alliance with the Uzbek khans against the Safavids. Also, the Uzbek khans were afraid of the Safavids taking over the Sunni regions in Transoxiana. Thus, Ambassadors began to come and go between the Ottoman sultans and the Uzbek khans. Firstly, Selim I, the Ottoman Sultan, sent Muhammed Beg to Köçküncü Han Samarkand Khan, before the Battle of Çaldıran dated 1514. The purpose of Selim I was to cooperate with Samarkand Khan against Shiites. Likewise, Suleiman the Magnificent, the Ottoman Sultan, sent letters to the rulers of Samarkand (Ubeydullah Khan) and Bukhara (Ali Sultan) before the Iraqi expedition, calling for “jihad” against Shiite Iran. These letters pleased the two Uzbek khans. Despite the Amasya (1555) and İstanbul (1590) treaties, the Ottoman Empire left the Uzbek khans alone against the Safavids because the Safavids had promised not to attack the Uzbeks. But they didn’t promise that by encouraging wars with Austria of the Ottoman Empire. Safavids declared war against the Uzbeks. Unfortunately, the Ottomans did not answer the Uzbeks’ calls for help. On the contrary, the Ottomans replied “We&nbsp;are at peace with Iran. You live in peace”. This attitude of the Ottomans was purely political pragmatism. In addition, the power struggle between the Uzbek khans played an important role in the attitude of the Ottomans. Finally, the Russians benefited from this rivalry and after the middle of the last quarter of the 19th century, Turkestan was occupied by the Russians. As it is known, Turkestan pilgrims were going to Mecca on three roads. One of these roads was the Crimea-Istanbul-Mecca road via the Caspian. Moreover, Istanbul was the center of the caliphate for Turkestan pilgrims. The pilgrimage would not be accepted for them without visiting Istanbul for them. The Ottoman Sultans attached great importance to the safety of pilgrimage routes. In addition, this issue was a matter of political superiority for the Ottoman Sultans. Therefore, the Turkestan pilgrims preferred this route.&nbsp;&nbsp;On the other hand, Turkestani Pilgrims who came to Istanbul were hosted in the Naqshbandi Uzbek lodges in Istanbul. These lodges acted as consulates. Likewise, the Ottoman governments were meeting their needs and allocating ferries for pilgrims After the proclamation of the Second Constitutional Monarchy, students from Turkistan came to Istanbul for education. One of these was the Uzbek writer Abdurrauf Fitrat. Turkistan youth like him wrote articles in magazines like Sırat-ı Müstakim. In addition, the people of Bukhara helped the Ottoman Empire financially in the Balkan War and the First World War. Towards the end of the war, Enver Pasha and his friends joined the Basmacilik movement. These relations lasted until the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. The main source of this study is the Ottoman Archive of the Directorate of State Archives, Presidency of Republic of Turkey. In addition, books and articles related to the subject were also used.&nbsp;

The Historical Background of The Relationships of TurkeyUzbekistan: The Political and Cultural Relations Between the Ottoman Empire and Turkestan (XVI.-XX. Centuries)

Ramile

Personal friendship between presidents is of great importance in international relations. The friendship between Heydar Aliyev and Suleyman Demirel played a great role in the development of Azerbaijan-Türkiye relations. As a result of the personal friendship between two great political figures - Heydar Aliyev and Suleyman Demirel, National Leader Heydar Aliyev released Nakhchivan from the blockade, supplied it with food and energy, built a bridge connecting Türkiye to Azerbaijan, and built a bridge between Türkiye and Nakhchivan. The friendship of Heydar Aliyev and Suleyman Demirel increased the mutual respect, sympathy and love of the people of Türkiye and Azerbaijan. When Nakhchivan was attacked by Armenia, Suleyman Demirel announced the essence of the Kars Treaty of 1921 to the whole world. In addition to the official meetings of the two statesmen, in each of their private meetings, views were exchanged on the consistent development of Azerbaijan-Türkiye cooperation, the international situation, and a number of regional problems. Along with President Heydar Aliyev, Suleyman Demirel also kept the peaceful settlement of the Armenia-Azerbaijani conflict under his control, and always stood by Azerbaijan in international meetings and the adoption of important documents. The friendship of the two leaders was important in the implementation of the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan and Baku-Tbilisi-Erzurum projects. Remembering the words of his friend Suleyman Demirel about Türkiye's great need for gas, Heydar Aliyev directed Azerbaijan's gas to meet Türkiye's needs.Conceptual views of Heydar Aliyev in laying the foundation of fraternal relations between the Republic of Azerbaijan and the Republic of Türkiye have been accounted for today. Türkiye recognized the independence of the Republic of Azerbaijan for the first time among the countries of the world, and mutual diplomatic missions began to operate. Heydar Aliyev, who relied on Türkiye as a brotherly state with the same language and roots and tried to strengthen&nbsp;its influence in the Caucasus, pursued a balanced policy with other neighboring countries, including Russia, which is one of the permanent members of the UN Security Council and has the right to veto decisions. He also had official visits to France, Great Britain, China, and the United States, clarified the fair position of Azerbaijan, and signed documents. However, the National Leader knew that the support of Azerbaijan in the region and in the world could be a brotherly Turkish state with one language and one blood, and that Türkiye's moral and political support of Azerbaijan in the Patriotic War to the end, and the creation of even more enthusiasm in the fight against the enemy and confidence in victory among the Azerbaijani people proved it once again.Türkiye has a role in the political and economic life of Azerbaijan. In order to settle the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict diplomatically, the Republic of Türkiye provided political support to the Republic of Azerbaijan in a principled form, regularly maintained relations with the Azerbaijani government to study the situation, made a statement about the aggression of the Armenian armed forces against Nakhchivan, and made a proposal to send the Turkish army to the region. He made appeals and statements to the UN Security Council about settling the conflict, Suleyman Demirel raised the Karabakh issue during his visit to the United States and called on the United States to stop supporting Armenia in the Nagorno-Karabakh issue. He brought the Khojaly genocide to the agenda of the political commission of NATO.From March 27 to April 3, 1993, immediately after the beginning of the Armenian aggression in the Kalbajar region and in the process of the subsequent occupations of Armenia, when the government of Azerbaijan appealed to the UN regarding the situation in the region, Türkiye called the UN Security Council for urgently preventing the aggression against Azerbaijan and liberate all Azerbaijani lands. Türkiye played a great role in the adoption of the 1996 Lisbon Declaration and the adoption of 4 resolutions of the UN Security Council confirming the territorial integrity of Azerbaijan.The Akyaka border crossing point on the railway from Gyumri to Kars and the Alijan border crossing point on the land road passing through Igdir were closed by Türkiye due to Armenia's territorial claims against Türkiye, its claims of promoting the "Armenian genocide", and its occupation of Azerbaijani territories.The non-opening of the border crossing gates with Armenia is one of the factors that proves the brotherly relations between Azerbaijan and Türkiye. President Heydar Aliyev performed strong activities in establishing Azerbaijan-Türkiye relations on great spiritual and national roots and succeeded in this.Azerbaijan also has a role in the political and economic life of Türkiye. Azerbaijan has always defended Türkiye in the international world. President Heydar Aliyev strongly objected to the discussion of the "Armenian Genocide" project in the US Congress, the French Parliament, Italy and Russia. Heydar Aliyev expressed the importance of uniting Azerbaijan and Türkiye against injustice. He believed that historians are responsible for refuting the "Armenian genocide" and considered it is necessary to involve historians from Azerbaijan, Türkiye, as well as Georgia, Russia, Iran and other places to investigate this issue by revealing the documents. Heydar Aliyev emphasized that Russia's military base in Armenia is a threat not only to Azerbaijan, but also to the region and Türkiye, Türkiye is responsible for protecting the region, and without Türkiye's participation, there will be no security in the Caucasus. On November 18, 1999, at the Istanbul summit, the signing of the agreement on the transportation of crude oil from the territories of Azerbaijan, Georgia and Türkiye through the Baku-TbilisiCeyhan oil pipeline, and the Baku-Tbilisi-Erzurum gas pipeline on June 26, 2002 in Ankara. The introduction of the project stimulated the development of Azerbaijan-Türkiye strategic cooperation and security in the region.

The Role of the Friendship of Heydar Aliyev and Suleyman Demırel in Establishing Relations Between Azerbaijan and Türkiye on a Solid Foundation

Hakan

Res. Assist.

Güngör

The illegitimate separatist authority, which maintained its de facto existence for 30 years under the shadow of the Armenian occupation in Karabakh, has been at the very center of the Russia-Armenia-Iran encirclement that is trapping Azerbaijan. In this respect, the energy and transportation lines opening towards the West passing through the Tovuz region of Azerbaijan can be considered as the breaking point of the encirclement. The attacks against this region, which occurred on the eve of the Second Karabakh War, have posed a vital danger to the national security of Azerbaijan. For this reason, Baku, with the unlimited support of Ankara, has launched military operations to save Karabakh from occupation. In this process, the two allies have realized the importance and sensitivity of the Tovuz region. As a matter of fact, in the ceasefire agreement signed after the Karabakh Victory, Azerbaijan’s diplomatic success has enabled the creation of an alternative route to this region.In this study, the reflections of Türkiye’s effort to become a regional great power in the South Caucasus have been analyzed with the Regional Security Complex Theory (RSCT) and the importance of the Zangezur Corridor in this context has been shown. First of all, the question that “How can Türkiye become a regional great power?” has been answered on a theoretical basis. Türkiye, which is described as an insulator state according to RSCT, has increased its influence in the South Caucasus during and after the Second Karabakh War and has embarked on a path to eventually become a regional great power. In response, Iran, Türkiye’s historical rival in the region, and Armenia, which owes its existence to its hostile policies against Türkiye, have began to act together in the South Caucasus. For these reasons, the boundaries between security complexes have begun to be eroded. Türkiye, which has increased its influence in the South Caucasus thanks to the strategic partnership it has established with Azerbaijan, has&nbsp;ceased to be an insulator state. In the coming period, it will be the most important actor in the region through the Zangezur Corridor.The Zangezur Corridor is of vital importance for Türkiye to become a regional great power. In this context, the question that “Why do Türkiye and Azerbaijan insist on opening the Zangezur Corridor?” has been given an answer with a historical perspective. In its effort to become a regional great power, Türkiye has managed to penetrate the South Caucasus thanks to the military and diplomatic support it provided to Azerbaijan during and after the Second Karabakh War. As a matter of fact, the Shusha Declaration signed with Azerbaijan has reinforced Türkiye’s power in the region. Moreover, even though Türkiye was not among the parties to the ceasefire agreement, it has legitimized its demand for the opening of the Zangezur Corridor by this means. In this respect, the Zangezur Corridor, designed as an alternative to the route in Tovuz, is likely to be another breaking point of the encirclement that is trapping Azerbaijan. Because, thanks to this corridor, Azerbaijan will be directly connected to Türkiye via roads and railways. However, Armenia and Iran, on both sides of the corridor, have interpreted this plan in line with their own geopolitical interests and have produced alternative solutions.As an alternative to the Zangezur Corridor, Iran has proposed the Aras Corridor; Armenia, on the other hand, has come up with the Crossroads of Peace Project. These alternatives need a comprehensive comparison in line with Türkiye’s aim of becoming a regional great power. As a matter of fact, in this study, the question that “What are the political, military, economic, and cultural dimensions and effects of the Zangezur Corridor and its alternatives?” has been answered. As a result, it has been determined that the Zangezur Corridor will be more beneficial for Türkiye than its alternatives, despite some of the political and military risks it carries. Because through this corridor, Türkiye will strengthen its own political power in the South Caucasus. On the other hand, in this way, Türkiye will be able to ensure its economic influence in the region by eliminating its historical rival Iran. Meanwhile, Türkiye will pressure Armenia and force it to adopt a moderate attitude and cooperate. Finally, Türkiye will not only strengthen the existing cultural unity with Azerbaijan, but will also have the opportunity to diversify its existing historical ties with Turkistan by opening to the Caspian Sea. It has been anticipated that, given these conditions, Türkiye could emerge as a regional great power. Indeed, the guiding question of the study, “How do the Zangezur Corridor and its alternatives contribute to Türkiye’s efforts to become a great power?” has been comprehensively addressed. Thus, the hypothesis formulated as “The Zangezur Corridor, despite some risks it carries, will contribute more to Türkiye’s emergence as a regional great power” has been tested and validated based on the findings obtained.&nbsp;In this study, regional and global actors have been examined under the guidance of the following questions: What are the interests and priorities of these actors? What are their political, military, economic, and cultural power and influence? What strategies and policies do they implement in this context? Firstly, Iran, Türkiye’s historical rival in the region, opposes the Zangezur Corridor in the South Caucasus due to both internal and external reasons, aiming to prevent the emergence of Turkish influence. Among the internal reasons are the “Iran-Turan”&nbsp;rivalry, which persists in the political subconscious of Iranian leaders, and the Iranian Turks, who are perceived as a serious threat in this context. One of the external reasons is the potential establishment of good relations between Ankara and Tel Aviv through Baku, while another is Moscow’s dominance over Iran’s foreign policy. Indeed, Russia regards the South Caucasus as its sphere of influence. Furthermore, although Russia may tolerate Türkiye’s influence in the South Caucasus to some extent, it will not consent to any further steps towards Turkistan, as it also views this region as within its sphere of influence. On the other hand, Armenia, as the defeated state, is persistently resisting and refusing to fulfill its commitments. It hopes to alleviate its isolation in the region by gaining support from Western powers. However, as the West, unable to intervene in the Second Karabakh War and the ceasefire process, has lost its influence in the South Caucasus in favor of Türkiye and Russia.

Zangezur Corridor and Alternative Solutions: Risks, Threats, and Opportunities for Türkiye

Elterişhan

Kaliningrad, located on the Baltic Sea coast, is a Russian exclave in the westernmost part of the Russian Federation with no direct connection to the mainland and an example of a border region of great importance. Although Kaliningrad is geographically separated from the Russian mainland, it remains an integral part of Russia’s sovereign territory. Kaliningrad’s strategic geographical location and the point at which it has evolved in the historical process also distinguish the region. Originally known as “Königsberg”, the region developed as the capital of East Prussia and remained under German control for 700 years until it was captured by Soviet forces in 1945. Following the end of the Second World War, the Soviet Union took control of East Prussia, an action recognised by the Allies at the Potsdam Conference in 1945. The transformation of East Prussia into Kaliningrad was a rapid, comprehensive and sustained effort. The first stage of this process involved the erasure of German cultural and historical elements from the region. In this context, the region underwent a rapid process of Sovietisation, which saw the removal of almost all remnants of German settlements and their replacement with Soviet-style buildings. As a result, Kaliningrad was reconstructed to symbolise the progressive social values of the Soviet Union and to present the Soviet perspective in historical narratives. Kaliningrad played an important role in the strategic military planning and infrastructure of the Soviet Union. In this context, Kaliningrad underwent a serious transformation in the post-World War II period and became a strategically located “military base” on the Baltic Sea. Over time, with a military force of more than 100,000 active military personnel stationed in the region, a vast military-industrial complex and a civilian infrastructure customised to meet military demands, Kaliningrad has emerged as one of the most heavily militarised regions of the Soviet Union. At this point, this military force not only acted as a protective shield, deterring a possible invasion and protecting the region, but also had the capacity to be used as a potential staging area for offensive operations against Western Europe. Kaliningrad’s borders were completely closed to Poland and the West, and access to the region was restricted even for Soviet citizens. Thus, foreigners were prohibited from entering this highly militarised and closed zone. Kaliningrad therefore emerged as a symbolic example of a garrison city, recognised for its strong military infrastructure. The 1991 dissolution of the Soviet Union led to a profound change in the geographical position of Kaliningrad and in Russia’s internal and external relations. With this development, Kaliningrad, which was previously part of&nbsp;the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic, came under the sovereign authority of the Russian Federation. However, as a result of the independence of the three Baltic states, the region bordering Lithuania and Poland became geographically separated from the rest of mainland Russia. As a result, Kaliningrad underwent a significant transformation, emerging as an exclave, thus raising concerns about the problems associated with its geopolitical position. The emergence of a new geopolitical situation has led to many difficulties in providing the region with basic needs, energy and raw material supplies, transport and military transit. The strategic value of the Kaliningrad exclave has also increased significantly as it has become the westernmost region of Russia. Ultimately, the value of the region was determined by a combination of symbolic and strategic factors. The strategic factor behind Moscow’s actions became apparent as it sought to capitalise on the geopolitical importance of the region. This factor included both the protection of Kaliningrad as a military base against the West and its use as a tool to facilitate Russia’s integration into the Western world. Thus, the region has rapidly become an important component of Russia’s diplomatic agenda and strategic plans, especially in relation to hard security issues. Prior to the eastward expansion of NATO and the EU in the 2000s, Kaliningrad was a contested region, defined not only by its strategic challenge to NATO, but also by the lack of a mutual agreement between the EU and Russia on transit arrangements through the region. To address this problem, the EU resorted to an ad hoc co-operation mechanism to manage transit arrangements for Kaliningrad, while NATO underwent a significant shift in priorities, focusing on ensuring security following the deployment of Iskander missiles in the region. As a result, Moscow’s perception of a growing threat from the West has led to a greater emphasis on the region. Accordingly, the region has become a political tool in Russia’s foreign policy and the Kremlin has used NATO enlargement as a means to legitimise its military presence in the region.

The Kaliningrad Question in the National Security of the Russian Federation

Elshan

Clash of Civilizations in the Works of Azerbaijani Intellectual Reza Baraheni

Marko

Hasan

Contemporary Dynamics in Croatian-Turkish Relations (1992-2022)

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Bengül

Ahmet

Kemalettin Sami Pasha And Berlın Embassy Actıvıtıes (1924-1934)

Seda

A Legal Struggle After Lausanne: Mixed Arbitral Tribunals

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Elşad

The Process To The Khojaly Massacre And Khojaly Massacre In The Turkish Press

Russıa’s Polıcy In Syrıa In The New Geopolıtıcal Envıronment In The Mıddle East

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The Journal of Eurasian Inquiries (AVID) is a research journal published within the Research Institute of Turkology at Istanbul University. It was established in 1924 and holds the distinction of being Turkey's first research institute. AVID aims to share scientific studies, with the academic world. Prepared in the field of social sciences related to the Eurasian region, spanning from Turkistan to the Caucasus, and from the Balkans to the Middle East.

The Journal of Eurasian Inquiries was first published in 2012 and is released twice a year, in March and September. It is an internationally refereed journal that is currently indexed by TR Index, Index Islamicus, Research Bible (Academic Research Index), Social Science Research Network (SSRN), SOBIAD, Turkish Education Index (TEI), EBSCO, and DOAJ.

Muhammed

Index Islamicus

ResearchBib

Türk Eğitim İndeksi

EBSCO

Social Science Research Network (SSRN)

DOAJ

SOBIAD

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Journal of Eurasian Inquiries

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Editor in Chief

Co Editor in Chief

Section Editor

Editorial Assistant

Editorial Management Board Member

Language Editor

Editorial Board Member

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The Journal of Eurasian Inquiries (AVID) aims to provide a platform for scientific studies related to the Eurasian geography and serve as a discussion platform for these studies. AVID aims to increase the accumulation of knowledge in the Eurasian field by featuring high-quality, original, and scientific publications. Thus, it can contribute to the resolution of current issues related to Eurasia. AVID also aims to enrich the Turkish literature on the Eurasian region and adopts a double-blind peer-review and open access process.The Journal of Eurasian Inquiries primarily focuses on theoretical and conceptual studies in the social, political, and economic field related to Eurasia. As an open-access and international journal, AVID has become an important resource for researchers worldwide.AVID publishes research and compilation articles, evaluation studies, book reviews, conference, symposium, and congress papers, as well as field research reports mainly in Turkish, in Turkish dialects which are independent state languages, as well as in English and Russian.

Aim and Scope

Index IslamicusResearch Bible (Academic Research Index)Social Science Research Network (SSRN) SOBİADTurkish Education Index (TEİ) EBSCODOAJ

Indexing and Abstracting

The journal is committed to upholding the highest standards of publication ethics and pays regard to Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing published by <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">the Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">the Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">the Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a>, and the <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> on <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a> The subjects covered in the manuscripts submitted to the Journal for publication must be in accordance with the aim and scope of the Journal. Only those manuscripts approved by every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Changing the name of an author (omission, addition or order) in papers submitted to the Journal requires written permission of all declared authors.Plagiarism, duplication, fraud authorship/denied authorship, research/data fabrication, salami slicing/salami publication, breaching of copyrights, prevailing conflict of interest are unethical behaviors. All manuscripts not in accordance with the accepted ethical standards will be removed from the publication. This also contains any possible malpractice discovered after the publication. Plagiarism Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. If plagiarism/self-plagiarism will be found authors will be informed. Editors may resubmit manuscript for similarity check at any peer-review or production stage if required. High similarity scores may lead to rejection of a manuscript before and even after acceptance. Depending on the type of article and the percentage of similarity score taken from each article, the overall similarity score is generally expected to be less than 15 or 20%. Double Blind Peer-Review After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by the editors-in-chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope. The editor provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles and hands over the papers matching the formal rules to at least two national/international referees for evaluation and gives green light for publication upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.

Policies

The journal is an open access journal and all content is freely available without charge to the user or his/her institution. Except for commercial purposes, users are allowed to read, download, copy, print, search, or link to the full texts of the articles in this journal without asking prior permission from the publisher or the author. This is in accordance with the <a href="https://www.budapestopenaccessinitiative.org/read" target="_blank">BOAI</a> definition of open access.The open access articles in the journal are licensed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.en" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) license.

All expenses of the journal are covered by the Istanbul University. Processing and publication are free of charge with the journal. There is no article processing charges or submission fees for any submitted or accepted articles.

Authors publishing with the journal retain the copyright to their work licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/" target="_blank">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/</a> ) and grant the Publisher non-exclusive commercial right to publish the work. CC BY-NC 4.0 license permits unrestricted, non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

Editor should consider publishing correction if minor errors that do not effect the results, interpretations and conclusions of the published paper are detected. Editor should consider retraction if major errors and/or misconduction that invalidate results and conclusions are detected.Editor should consider issuing an expression of concern if there is evidence of research or publication misconduct by the authors; there is evidence that the findings are not reliable and institutions of the authors do not investigate the case or the possible investigation seems to be unfair or nonconclusive. The guidelines of <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/flowcharts/complete-set-english" target="_blank">COPE</a> and <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/" target="_blank">ICJME</a> are taken into consideration regarding correction, retractions or expression of concern.

To guarantee that all papers published in the journal are maintained and permanently accessible, articles are stored in Dergipark which serves as a  national archival web site and at the same time permits LOCKSS to  collect, preserve, and serve the content.Additionally, authors are encouraged to self-archive the final PDF version of their articles in open electronic archives with  that conform to standards of Open Archives Initiative (<a href="https://www.openarchives.org/" target="_blank">https://www.openarchives.org/</a>). Authors should provide a link from the deposited version to the URL of IUPress journal website.

Journal of Eurasian Inquires is committed to upholding the highest standards of publication ethics and pays regard to Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing published by <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">the Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">the Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">the Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a>, and <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">the World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> on <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a>All parties involved in the publishing process (Editors, Reviewers, Authors and Publishers) are expected to agree on the following ethical principles.All submissions must be original, unpublished (including as full text in conference proceedings), and not under the review of any other publication synchronously. Each manuscript is reviewed by one of the editors and at least two referees under double-blind peer review process. Plagiarism, duplication, fraud authorship/denied authorship, research/data fabrication, salami slicing/salami publication, breaching of copyrights, prevailing conflict of interest are unnethical behaviors.All manuscripts not in accordance with the accepted ethical standards will be removed from the publication. This also contains any possible malpractice discovered after the publication. In accordance with the code of conduct we will report any cases of suspected plagiarism or duplicate publishing.

Ethics

The journal adheres to the highest standards in research ethics and follows the principles of international research ethics as defined below. The authors are responsible for the compliance of the manuscripts with the ethical rules.<ul><li>Principles of integrity, quality and transparency should be sustained in designing the research, reviewing the design and conducting the research.</li><li>The research team and participants should be fully informed about the aim, methods, possible uses and requirements of the research and risks of participation in research.</li><li>The confidentiality of the information provided by the research participants and the confidentiality of the respondents should be ensured. The research should be designed to protect the autonomy and dignity of the participants.</li><li>Research participants should participate in the research voluntarily, not under any coercion.</li><li>Any possible harm to participants must be avoided. The research should be planned in such a way that the participants are not at risk.</li><li>The independence of research must be clear; and any conflict of interest or must be disclosed.</li><li>In experimental studies with human subjects, written informed consent of the participants who decide to participate in the research must be obtained. In the case of children and those under wardship or with confirmed insanity, legal custodian’s assent must be obtained.</li><li>If the study is to be carried out in any institution or organization, approval must be obtained from this institution or organization.</li><li>In studies with human subject, it must be noted in the method’s section of the manuscript that the informed consent of the participants and ethics committee approval from the institution where the study has been conducted have been obtained.</li></ul>

It is authors’ responsibility to ensure that the article is in accordance with scientific and ethical standards and rules. And authors must ensure that submitted work is original. They must certify that the manuscript has not previously been published elsewhere or is not currently being considered for publication elsewhere, in any language. Applicable copyright laws and conventions must be followed. Copyright material (e.g. tables, figures or extensive quotations) must be reproduced only with appropriate permission and acknowledgement. Any work or words of other authors, contributors, or sources must be appropriately credited and referenced.All the authors of a submitted manuscript must have direct scientific and academic contribution to the manuscript. The author(s) of the original research articles is defined as a person who is significantly involved in “conceptualization and design of the study”, “collecting the data”, “analyzing the data”, “writing the manuscript”, “reviewing the manuscript with a critical perspective” and “planning/conducting the study of the manuscript and/or revising it”. Fund raising, data collection or supervision of the research group are not sufficient roles to be accepted as an author. The author(s) must meet all these criteria described above. The order of names in the author list of an article must be a co-decision and it must be indicated in the <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/D6721902505A4BFEAE344C7B9108B155" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form.</a> The individuals who do not meet the authorship criteria but contributed to the study must take place in the acknowledgement section. Individuals providing technical support, assisting writing, providing a general support, providing material or financial support are examples to be indicated in acknowledgement section.All authors must disclose all issues concerning financial relationship, conflict of interest, and competing interest that may potentially influence the results of the research or scientific judgment.When an author discovers a significant error or inaccuracy in his/her own published paper, it is the author’s obligation to promptly cooperate with the Editor to provide retractions or corrections of mistakes.

Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, sexual orientation, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors. He/She provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles for publication and ensures that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential before publishing.Editor-in-Chief is responsible for the contents and overall quality of the publication. He/She must publish errata pages or make corrections when needed.Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers. Only he has the full authority to assign a reviewer and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal.Reviewers must have no conflict of interest with respect to the research, the authors and/or the research funders. Their judgments must be objective.Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees must be ensured. In particular situations, the editor may share the review of one reviewer with other reviewers to clarify a particular point.

Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by editor-in-chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope.The editor hands over the papers matching the formal rules to at least two national/international referees for double-blind peer review evaluation and gives green light for publication upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.

Peer Review

Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by Editor-in-Chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope. Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, sexual orientation, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors and ensures a fair double-blind peer review of the selected manuscripts.The selected manuscripts are sent to at least two national/international external referees for evaluation and publication decision is given by Editor-in-Chief upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal.Reviewers’ judgments must be objective. Reviewers’ comments on the following aspects are expected while conducting the review.- Does the manuscript contain new and significant information?- Does the abstract clearly and accurately describe the content of the manuscript?- Is the problem significant and concisely stated?- Are the methods described comprehensively?- Are the interpretations and consclusions justified by the results?- Is adequate references made to other Works in the field?- Is the language acceptable?Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees is important.

All correspondence will be sent to the first-named author unless otherwise specified. Manuscpript is to be submitted online via <a href="http://dergipark.gov.tr/login" target="_blank">http://dergipark.gov.tr/login</a> that can be accessed at <a href="https://dergipark.org.tr/en/pub/iuavid" target="_blank">https://dergipark.org.tr/en/pub/iuavid</a> It must be accompanied by a <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/A2037312153941BCAACB13C5FA6294D1" target="_blank">title page</a> specifying the article category (i.e. research article, review etc.) and including information about the manuscript (see the Submission Checklist). Manuscripts should be prepared in Microsoft Word 2003 and upper versions. In addition, <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/D6721902505A4BFEAE344C7B9108B155" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a> that has to be signed by all authors must be submitted. 1. The journal publishes manuscripts in Turkish, English, Russian. 2. Manuscript should be written in MS Word format, double-spaced and in 11 point Times New Roman font. We kindly ask you not to send a pdf file. The title should be written with capital letters (12 point, bold), sub-headings in lower case letters (11 point, bold). 3. Research and review articles, as well as articles in translation should each include on its title page two abstracts (in the language of article and in English) of 180-200 words each. Key words (max. 10 words each) will also be provided underneath both of the abstracts. No abstract and bibliography are needed for research notes, addendum, book &amp; scientific meeting reviews, and letters to the editor. While uploading addendum, book review and letter to the editor files on the DergiPark system, please enter the first paragraph of the article in the abstract section. 4. Appendixes, with related bibliographical references,are placed after the main text, and before the bibliography. Their references should be included in the bibliography. 5. Short quotations should be given between double quotes within the paragraph. Long quotations (10 points) should have double indentation on the left (only), without quotes. 6. Figures and images should include captions with related bibliographical references. Bibliographical references mentioned in the captions should be included in the bibliography Their captions should be incorporated within the text, and not be collected at the end of the manuscript. Also, they should be separately uploaded to DergiPark system. Captions of images and figures should be numbered separately. Captions should be in 9 points. 7. Notes and bibliography must be in line with journal’s reference style based on Chicago Manual of Style (16th edition). 8. Notes (8 point) should be given at the bottom of every page, signalled by superscript numbers in the main text. Reference numbers should follow the punctuation marks (.35 or ,23).9. Submitted manuscripts and abstracts should be conformed with the grammar and orthography of the language (Turkish, English, Russian) in which they were written. 10. A <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/A2037312153941BCAACB13C5FA6294D1" target="_blank">title page</a> including author information must be submitted together with the manuscript. The title page is to include fully descriptive title of the manuscript and, affiliation, title, e-mail address, postal address, phone, fax number of the author(s) and ORCIDs of all authors (see The Submission Checklist).

Author Guidelines

<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/D6721902505A4BFEAE344C7B9108B155" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a> <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/7E6C614E3B774D91AF14B623030299F4" target="_blank">Title page</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/BA6134942D0E4293B50B7A5B224AD16C" target="_blank">Information for Authors</a>

Ensure that the following items are present: <ul><li>Confirm that “the paper is not under consideration for publication in another journal”.</li><li>Confirm that final language control is done. </li><li>Confirm that journal policies detailed in Information for Authors have been reviewed. </li><li>Confirm that the references cited in the text and listed in the references section are in line with journals’s reference system based on Chicago Manual of Style.</li></ul>● <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/D6721902505A4BFEAE344C7B9108B155" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a> (will only be sent after the article has been accepted for publication) ● Permission for non-published material ● <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/1A3A4AF4403D4011A8AC3B849ACA3753" target="_blank">Title page</a> <ul><li>The category of the manuscript </li><li>The title of the manuscript both in the language of the manuscript and in English </li><li>All authors’ names and affiliations (institution, faculty/department, city, country), e-mail addresses </li><li>Corresponding author’s email address, full postal address, telephone and fax number </li><li>ORCIDs of all authors. </li></ul>● Main Manuscript Document <ul><li>Important: Please avoid mentioning the the author (s) names in the manuscript. </li><li>The title of the manuscript both in the language of the manuscript and in English </li><li>Abstracts (180-200 words) both in the language of manuscript and in English </li><li>Extended Abstract (600-800 words) in English for the Turkish and Russian articles which are not in English </li><li>Key words </li><li>Manuscript body text </li><li> Acknowledgements, grant supports, conflicts of interest should be indicated </li><li>References and bibliography </li></ul><ul><li>All tables, illustrations (figures) (including title)</li></ul>

Issue Type	Regular
Editor(s)	Mustafa Balcı
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