Assist. Prof.

Tuğba

Georgia, which was occupied by Russia in the 19th century, existed as an independent republic in 1918-1921, and where the Soviet power was dominant starting from 1921, regained independence in 1991. After regaining independence, one of the most important issues in Georgia has been the issue of national/ethnic and religious minorities. Moreover, the privileges granted to the Georgian Church as well as the violation of the rights of Muslim minorities during this period are seriously criticized.The most crowded population among the Muslims of Georgia is the Borchaly Turks. According to the argument of the Georgian historians, the Borchaly Turks were supposedly made to migrate to the region by Shah Abbas in the 17th century. This argument is wrong, and the researches confirm that Turks have lived in this region since very ancient times. The region&nbsp;known as Borchaly was included in the Kvemo Kartli region in line with the administrative region division made in Georgia after independence. In sectarian terms, an important part of the Borchaly Turks is Shia and the rest are Sunni. At present, there is not even one TurkishMuslim living in Armenia. The fact that Muslim minorities living in Georgia turn to different religious communities and sects reinforces the segregation in society. For example, there is Sunni-Shia segregation among the Borchaly Turks, albeit in small segments. While Salafism spreads strongly in the Kist community, the Salafi/Wahhabi movement may find supporters among the other Muslim groups of Georgia.Another Muslim group living in Georgia are the Kists. The Kists mostly live in villages in the Pankisi Valley, in the northeast of Georgia, and have a strong traditional community structure. Today, the traditionalist-innovative discussions continue in the Kist community. The traditionalists are members of the Qadiriyya or Naqshbandi sect, which has existed in the Caucasus for a long time. The innovators are those who follow the Salafi/Wahhabi movement. This segregation has shown its effect on the Kist community, caused a serious transformation in the belief-based social structure, and also occasionally brought up the Pankisi Valley to the world agenda in the context of security issues.&nbsp;The Muslim minority that has the most serious identity problem in Georgia is the Adzhars. The tendency towards Christianization among the Adzhars is on the increase due to pressure or incentive. As a result of the religious policies of the Tbilisi administration following the collapse of the Soviet Union, there has been a substantial decrease in the number of Muslims in Adzharia. At this point, the Muslim Adzhars are a religious minority not only in Georgia but also in Adzharia.One of the Muslim groups that constitute a minority in number in Georgia is the Meskhetian Turks. The Meskheti region was abandoned to the Russian Empire after the Ottoman-Russian wars, and remained within the Georgian borders during the period of the Soviet Union. In 1944, the Meskhetian Turks were exiled from their ancestral homeland to Central Asia. In 1956-1991, the Meskhetian Turks continued their struggle to return home and their organisation activities. One of the conditions of membership of Georgia to the Council of Europe in 1999 was to ensure the return of the Meskhetian Turks. However, this process failed, and very few Meskhetian Turks migrated to various regions of Georgia.The issue of Muslim minority is one of the issues that are occasionally added to agenda and discussed in Turkey-Georgia and Azerbaijan-Georgia relations. Unfortunately, though the relations between Turkey and Georgia as well as the ones between Azerbaijan and Georgia have a strategic nature, there are still artificial phobias produced in Georgian society such as "threat of Turkey", "fear of Turk" and "economic expansionism of Azerbaijanis". The false propaganda of certain circles in Georgia and the wrong policies implemented by the Georgian administration on minorities in general play an important role in the emergence of this situation. It is observed that there are some efforts to dissolve these issues through bilateral negotiations (i.e., Turkey-Georgia and Azerbaijan-Georgia). On the other hand, thanks to the development of trilateral cooperation format which brings together all three states on the same platform today, it will be possible to dissolve the issues in a more optimal and faster way. Further development of the trilateral cooperation format is of great importance for the security, economic and social development of the region. Likewise, the meetings in the form of trilateral cooperation are held, and important documents such as the Trabzon Declaration of 8 June 2012, Batumi Communique of 28 March 2013 and Ganja Declaration of 19 February 2014 were adopted. The last of these meetings was held in Tbilisi on 23 December 2019. In face of the cooperation developed between Russia, Iran and Armenia, and including certain claims and threats against the countries in the region, it is extremely important to strengthen the cooperation line between Turkey, Azerbaijan and Georgia in terms of regional security and development. In line with the common interests of all three states, dissolution of the issues related to minorities, resolution of religious and ethnic disputes and settlement of problems in this area will be able to raise the Turkey-Azerbaijan-Georgia relations to the level of strategic cooperation in the true sense of the word.

Müstəqillik Dövründə Gürcüstanda Milli Dövlət Quruculuğu, İslam Siyasəti Və Regional Əməkdaşlıq

The transformation of Russia into an empire started with the annexation of a Turkish rooted society. Russia has grown by adding the countries, seas, and lands of Turkish rooted nations to its country for about 550 years. The joining of Turkish rooted societies to the Russian Empire, the increase in the number of Turks in Russia, and relations with Turkish-rooted independent societies formed the core of Orientalism. The Russian central government and local administrators had to learn Turkish and about Turks. Turkish studies in Russia was born with these needs.&nbsp;Orientalism, Turkish studies, and Turkey studies in the USSR after the Russian Empire were shaped according to the priorities and needs of the USSR. The “Comintern school” was in favor of conducting research according to the goals of the USSR. Among the orientalists and Turkish researchers who grew up in the Russian Empire, those who did not comply with the USSR were subjected to the wrath of the administration. The structure and place of Turkish studies and Turkey studies was changed once again in the 1930s, the 1940s and the 1950s. There were different reasons for the corresponding change. Among these, the war, the demands of the KGB, the Foreign Ministry, and the Communist Party Central Committee have been influential.After the USSR, the RF experienced an economic crisis. RF has proceeded to regulate its production and distribution structure according to the free market economy. There were problems in meeting the costs of science, research, and higher education institutions. Like all researchers, members of the Oriental Institute were also subjected to severe economic difficulties. Researchers went abroad with the hope of working and living in better conditions.&nbsp;The number of researchers that the RF took over from the USSR decreased by about half over time. Solzhenitsyn’s description of the circumstance of science in RF is important. “For three hundred years in Russia, science has not been left to such neglect and poverty, …” Soljenitsyn said.The economic depression made it impossible for academic staff to survive with their salaries. The economic crisis increased diploma fraud. Due to the economic crisis, researchers worked in other public or private institutions besides the institutions they were assigned to. Researchers established private higher education units or worked in established private higher education units. The balance between the number of students and academic staff in higher education was disrupted. While the number of employees in RF higher education institutions increased slightly, the number of students increased remarkably. In these circumstances, the quality of teaching decreased.&nbsp;Compared to the USSR, scientific and research institutions opened their doors abroad during the Yeltsin period. Collaborations increased. Researchers had a rare chance in the USSR era for research in Turkey. Compared to the USSR orientalists, research possibilities opened to Western Orientalists in Turkey. Furthermore, Western research institutions invited many researchers from Turkey. Few researchers were invited to the USSR from Turkey. Another shortcoming was the scarcity of researchers of Turkish origin working in the Turkey unit of the Oriental Institute. This situation could have been a conscious policy decision of the administration of the USSR or the administration of the Oriental Institute.Compared to the USSR, during the Yeltsin period, researchers from Turkey and the number of students in the RF increased. For the first time, a Turkish citizen prepared a thesis at the Oriental Institute. The number of theses prepared by Turkish citizens at the Oriental Institute increased. Despite this positive trend, bilateral relations, bilateral research, and publications were insufficient during the Yeltsin period.&nbsp; Despite some differences, the aims of Western and Russian Orientalism, Oriental studies and publications were similar. That similarity was having authority over the Orient. Said’s determination was partially correct even for the Russian Empire, the USSR, and the Yeltsin period.The colonialists succeeded in imposing local (oriental) researchers to the mechanism of producing information in a manner suitable for the West, they followed a policy of research and knowledge production in line with their interests.2 The determination of Edward Said is also true for the USSR and partly for the RF. Said emphasized that knowledge production and dissemination is not objective but political.&nbsp;Western Orientalism and Russian Orientalism are not exactly the same. The USA and the West saw the orient societies overseas separately and applied separate rules of law. For Russia (Russian Empire, USSR and RF) the east (orient) was also itself. Russia was adherent to the orient. The adherence was in the land and in the Russian soul. After the USSR, Russia called its own soul from the west. It did not come.&nbsp;

Boris Yeltsin’in Başkanlığı Döneminde Bilim, Yükseköğrenim ve Rusya Bilimler Akademisi Şarkiyat Enstitüsü Türkiye Birimi, 1992-2000

Mehman

Prof.

Recently, despite the growing interest in the socio-political, scientific, and literary activities of Ahmed Bey Agaoglu (1869-1939) and the emergence of a number of works based on a thorough study of various aspects of his rich creativity, unexplored aspects of the activity and creativity of the thinker still remain. One such unexplored aspect is the law-related activities and creativity of Ahmed Bey, who was a graduate of Sarbonna Law School. Currently there is a clear gap in this area. The purpose of the present research is to fill that gap as much as possible.In the article, initially assessing the multi-dimensional activities of A. Agaoglu as a lawyer, four key areas of this activity are identified, and Agaoglu’s contributions to each of these areas are generally characterized. Then, the contribution of Agaoglu as a lawyer-pedagogue to the teaching of law in Turkey's two main universities is pointed out and his textbooks on constitutional law and legal history are covered. Further, based on the works of the thinker reflecting his public and political views, his legal views are analyzed and his opinions on a&nbsp;number of theoretical issues of law, such as understanding of law, individual freedoms, the relationship between rights and duties, and the relationship between law and religion, are examined.In particular, it is noted that Agaoglu defined law as a dynamic social phenomenon which regulates relationships between individuals and thereby he stood in the position of a sociological approach to law. Agaoglu considered the existence of individual freedoms an important prerequisite for the development of societies and cultures, and highly valued their role. In his view, societies without individual freedoms cannot go ahead. One of the most important components of Agaoglu's understanding of law was the principle of respect for citizens' rights. According to him, societies without rights can not survive and thrive. In such societies, generally, "the concept of law disappears and society is thrown away like a lifeless, inactive toy." Furthermore, where people are ignorant of their rights, “justice is gone, and public life is ruined.” The realization of rights involves the execution of relevant duties as a necessary condition and guarantee. According to Agaoglu, since it is not possible to ensure rights without duty, "to think of duty without right also is to put all human beings in the place of animals." By attaching a broader social and moral meaning on the close relationship between rights and duties, the thinker considered the protection of rights the "highest and most honorable duty" of members of society.In research based on the analysis of various aspects of Agaoglu's activity related to law, his portrait of identity as a lawyer is depicted in its following main traits: (1) as a fighter and consistent defender of the rights of Azerbaijani Turks and of all Turkish Muslims, as well as of women's rights, (2) as an influential deputy represented in the supreme legislative bodies of Ottoman and Republic Turkey and the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic, (3) as a lawyerpedagogue, who educated his students in the spirit of respect for the advanced political, legal and moral values of their time, whose textbooks on the subjects of constitutional law and history of law were the first in Turkey in this field, and (4) as a liberal-minded lawyer-thinker, who embraced a sociological understanding of law, advocated the secularization of law by separating it from religion, and considered the extension of individual freedoms an important factor in the development of society, and the protection of human rights and freedoms as the main objective of the democratic state's legal system.

Əhməd Bəy Ağaoğlu: Hüquqçu Kimliyinin Portret Cizgiləri

Selma

The Joint American Military Mission to Aid Turkey (JAMMAT), established in March of 1947 for a task to coordinate the military aids to Turkey was a modernization program undertaken by the United States at the beginning of the Cold War. The main objective of the United States was to prevent a new interventionalist government (USSR) as a result of a formation taken place due to the Cold War. So, the USA apparently garnered Turkey among countries that were open to the Soviet threat and strengthened its own policy in this way. This study aims to evaluate the book titled “Memories of 1950 in Ankara, Turkey” written by Elizabeth McNeill-Leicester, who was commissioned in JAMMAT in 1950 and spent one year in Ankara. This book published in 2009 and not yet translated into Turkish helps us to witness 1950’s Ankara from the viewpoint of a woman. Elizabeth McNeill made her career in the U.S. Foreign Service. McNeill served in the Department of Army Civilian (DAC) in Occupied Japan and in the Public Relations department in the Military Mission for aid to Turkey in Ankara. During the rest of her career she served in the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and was posted to the American Embassy in Iran, Pakistan, India, Senegal, Colombia and Iran again. Between her services in Senegal and Colombia she studied French Civilization at the University of Sorbonne.&nbsp;Elizabeth McNeill, the author of the book, came to Ankara in 1949. McNeill remained in Ankara until the end of 1950. During this time, the writer criticized Turkey, Ankara and the public heavily. At every opportunity, Elizabeth McNeill emphasized that the USA helped Turkey in many ways and therefore Turkey should be grateful to the Americans. During her time in Ankara as a JAMMAT officer, she wrote her observations in detail, which gives us tips about Ankara in the year of 1950. McNeill described Ankara using words such as "bleak, barren, grey, colourless, desert".&nbsp;The excess of concrete buildings and the lack of green made the author unhappy, but she did not hide that she was influenced by Turkish food. In this book, we see that there are hygienic problems in Ankara and that women have problems eating alone. Elizabeth McNeill, who also provided us with information about hotels and restaurants in Ankara, also explained the hotel she stayed in and the house she moved to after the hotel. Fees paid at the hotel, hire purchase given for the home, and information about payments made for the street food show us the economic situation of Turkey in 1950. In addition, comments on the USA’s economic aid, reflection of United States of America-Soviet Union relations on US officials, and analyses of the Korean War can be seen in the book. It is no surprise to see that American interests are fully respected in these analyses. On the other hand Elizabeth McNeill’s book is so important in terms of social historiography and allowing us to see the situation in Turkey in the 1950s. Especially the social and economic evaluation of the capital Ankara should be seen as valuable.&nbsp;Apart from this, the comments made about the Turkish soldier draw attention. Considering that JAMMAT, which she was mainly in charge of, is also a military structure, the analysis on this issue should be considered important. In fact, we see that the Turks were also grateful for their help. It is also mentioned that these aids are related to the Turkish military to make it a modern war force. It was also mentioned that the Turkish soldier approached them with suspicion. This situation is explained by McNeill saying that the Turks do not appreciate the value of the things the Americans did. As it can be seen, the comments made in the memoirs are remarkably negative, whatever the subject is. Due to all her negative thoughts she expressed that she was really upset while leaving Ankara at the end of her book. Considering all these criticisms, the book has to be evaluated comprehensively and despite these negative thoughts, it should be approached academically and from a historical point of view. As mentioned in the book, the following statement of Atatürk should be a guide here:“Remain yourselves, but learn how to take from the West what is indispensable to an evolved people. Admit science and new ideas into your lives. If you don’t they will devour you.”It should be noted that in this article other sources providing information about the period regarding the evaluation of the memoirs, including Atatürk's lines, were also examined. As a matter of fact, memoirs and periodicals and official publications, apart from the survey works, also guided the preparation of this article.

Soğuk Savaş Döneminin Başında Türk-Amerikan Yakınlaşması ve bir JAMMAT Görevlisinin Anılarında Ankara

Hüseyin

The British operations in India began in 1600 with the trading of the East India Company. The company started to trade with Shah Cihangir's permission in 1608. The British East India Company increased its influence in the country to deal with kings and princes on behalf of Britain. The company got bigger day by day and formed a private army of approximately 260 thousand people. As a result of the rapid growth of the British administration, the public hated the British. The British found an opportunity in this land because there was not a strong central Indian power, government. The British relied on the strength of their armies. Although the Indians sometimes rebelled against the British armies, they were easily suppressed. The most important reason behind the failure of the Indians was their inability to come together against their enemies.With the weakening of the Mughal Empire, the balance of power in the country had changed rapidly. Many local Indian princes and kingdoms were fighting each other. These local powers were unaware of the external threat in their country. They were purged one by one by the British armies. The British had armies in Madras, Bombay and Bengal. There were salaried Indian soldiers under the command of British officers. Tens of thousands of soldiers were serving in the army of Bengal; whose hometown was also the Indian local kingdom of Avadh. With the occupation of this local kingdom by the British, dissatisfaction among the soldiers arose. The troubles were compounded by the selfish and disdainful behavior of the British officers. In addition, many Indian soldiers feared that the British would Christianize them by detaching them from their Hindu and Muslim faith. Indian soldiers revolted as a result of the combination of many factors. According to the Indian historian Javed Iqbal, the rebellion that started in 1857 was also the biggest revolt of the Indians against the British. For this reason, it has become one of the most studied topics in Indian history. The British mercilessly suppressed this revolt of the Indians, which turned into a struggle for independence. Millions of Muslims and Hindu Indians were slaughtered.After the rebellion, the British parliament revoked the powers of the British East India Company. Thus, the British Crown directly ruled India from 1858 to 1947. With the start of the First World War, the British made their wartime laws permanent in order to govern India more easily. Protests of the Indians led to the Amritsar massacre in 1919, in which British&nbsp;soldiers killed hundreds of civilians. After this incident, Indians under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi entered into a full independence struggle. While more than 100 thousand people were imprisoned, hundreds of Muslims died in the events that took place in Peshawar in 1930. The Bengal famine occurred in 1943, and millions died as a result of British Prime Minister Churchill's continued delivery of food from India to Europe. Meanwhile, Indian soldiers were fighting alongside the British against the Japanese. After the war, 10 thousand Indian soldiers revolted with a desire for independence. When the British were forced to back down a year later, India split and 2 million people died.While the wealth of this country helped and developed Britain, it impoverished this most developed country of the East. With a one-sided domination policy implemented by the British with the understanding of colonialism and thinking only of their own gains, famines arose one after another in the country, and the people of this rich country of the East, lost millions of lives. Therefore, it is necessary to investigate how millions of people lost their lives due to non-war causes in an Eastern country while developing a Western country. With this study, the policies implemented by the British in India during the colonial period and the shortages that occurred as a result of it were tried to be revealed. It is necessary to know the policies implemented by the British in this country, who directly intervened in the life of the Indian people for their own commercial gains. It is necessary to determine the conditions under which famines occurred in the country. Thus, it would be easier to understand why millions of people lost their lives during famines. The study was done by analyzing the information obtained by searching the resources related to the subject. In the first part of the three-part study, how the British exploited India's existing resources was emphasized. In the second chapter, the effects of railways and irrigation channels on famine were investigated. In the third and last part, the methods of the British to combat these famines and what they did for the people were tried to be revealed.

İngiliz Sömürge Dönemi’nde Hindistan’da Yaşanan Kıtlıklar

Vügar

Assoc. Prof.

The Azerbaijani Democratic Republic (ADR), which existed for only 23 months between 1918 and 1920, occupies an extremely important place in the history of contemporary (Northern) Azerbaijan. So far a considerable amount of works including archival documents as well as academic studies investigating different aspects of this period has been produced. However, accepting the importance of chronological-historical (and partly descriptive) works made by national historians, this short experience should also be evaluated by using methods that the International Relations discipline presents. This kind of assessment, that would be especially meaningful in the centenary of its fall, will contribute to our understanding of the ADR experience. This article has been written as an introduction to such an assessment and includes some initial classifications and generalizations. The article is composed of three parts.In the first part, the article identifies the general framework for the ADR foreign policy under three subtitles, namely, parameters, threats and periodization. In this sense, it classifies the following five fundamental parameters as shaping the ADR foreign policy: 1) de facto and de jure recognition of the state independence, 2) guaranteeing the general security and security of borders, 3) the search for allies (especially among great powers), 4) establishing political/economic/trade relations with neighbors and other states, 5) promotion of the idea of the Caucasian Confederation. Subsequently, the article identifies the following four main threats that threatened the existence and security of ADR: 1) the Baku Bolshevik Commune, 2) General Denikin’s Voluntary Army, 3) Violent tension with Armenia and local war in the borderland, 4) the Bolshevik Russia. The ADR somehow overcame the first two threats, tried to keep the third one under control, but failed to challenge the last. The article also divides the ADR foreign policy process into three periods: 1) (full) protection by the Ottoman state, 2) (semi) protection by Britain, 3) a period without protection (de facto independence).In addition to these classifications, in the second part, the article deals with the practical side of ADR foreign policy, that is, bilateral relations with neighbors and regional and great powers and tries to summarize a general framework of policies and contacts. It seems that in a short time the ADR not only achieved the establishment of formal relations in all these levels,&nbsp;but also developed multidimensional (political, economic, military etc.) foreign engagement. Moreover, the article touches on some aspects on conduction of diplomacy by the ADR, that is, principles, instruments and institutionalization of diplomacy. It concludes that in a short period of time, the ADR founders tried to institutionalize diplomacy and to build an effective ministry having central apparatus and ad hoc as well as resident missions abroad. The ADR demonstrated all characteristics of a small state by focusing on multilateral diplomacy, integration with neighbors as well as defending principles of peaceful co-existence. The main idea that this article tries to develop here is that the ADR’s founders, though lacking state management experience, were able to quickly acquire capabilities that were necessary to conduct foreign policy in that time, gave priority to institutionalization in foreign policy and diplomacy, and used almost all diplomatic instruments in order to make the state independence recognized.All of this, it can be said, was reflected on the diplomatic discourse and activities of Ali Merdan Topchubashi (1865-1934), who rightly deserves to be called the “chief diplomat” of ADR. In the last part, the article briefly illustrates Topchubashi’s diplomatic activities in Istanbul and Paris, and presents him as a zenith of ADR diplomacy.

Azerbaycan Demokratik Cumhuriyeti (ADR) Dış Politikası ve Ali Merdan Topçubaşı

Elnur

Since development of relationships between the subjects of the international system (between states, between states and international organizations, between international organizations, etc.) is necessary and certain evaluation criteria (indicator/indicators) should be determined. Researchers, who examine the relations between various states, often describe them as "developing relations" if there is no acute(sharp) crisis in the chronological framework. However, in cases where serious crisis does not occur, such relationships can develop or weaken due to various factors. In this respect, it is imperative to determine indicators (evaluation indicators of international relations) to evaluate the periods of development and decline of relations with scientific methods between states, including participants (subjects) of the international relations system.&nbsp;Some researchers, such as Russian researchers M.A. Timopheyeva, M.G. Vlasova, N.V. Derugin, N. Bistrov, R. Vexman and others have mentioned the importance of an indicators intelligence and prognosis of international relations. In his study on the application of mathematical methods in the study of international relations, I. Mikheyev analyzed methods of indicators. M.G. Vlasova defined the concept of an indicator as follows: "Indicators are events that are observed as an indicator of the movement of a particular process or scenario". However, Indicators spoke more about security and defense than indicators of interstate relations.&nbsp;Research allows the following concrete definition for the concept of indicator in interstate relations: "Indicators that allow to evaluate the movement of relations between the subjects in the system of international economic relations within a specific time frame".It is possible to have up to an average of hundred indicators used to evaluate the movement of interstate relations. However, grouping these indicators is one of the important conditions for conducting a systematic analysis. In this sense, it is possible to divide the indicators used to determine the direction of action of interstate relations into three groups: Political indicators, Economic indicators and Social indicators.For the first time, it has been tried to determine the main political indicators in the science of international relations and apply them in the example of relations between the Republic of Armenia and the Islamic Republic of Iran. The direction of development and decline of relations between the Republic of Armenia and the Islamic Republic of Iran in the political arena is determined by using the following indicators:1) The number of reciprocal visits at the level of heads of state and government within the chronological framework; 2) The number of meetings held by the senior representatives of the two countries in foreign countries and within the framework of the meetings of international organizations; 3) Number and rate of mutual expeditions of managers of institutions responsible for foreign policy and number of ideas disscussed; 4) Overlapping of authorities in the decision making process in international organizations and supporting the proposed projects; 5) The number, scope, and place of the documents signed between the two countries in the state administration system. 6) Level of inter-parliamentary relations and approval frequency (amplitude) of bilateral agreements signed. 7) Paying special attention to the other country in the government's activity programs.Analysis shows that it is possible to successfully apply the indicator method as a way of learning interstate relations in modern conditions. Only in this case, the theses put forward to develop, maintain, or decline interstate relations can be considered scientifically objective.A few points need to be clarified here. First of all, there should be indicators to determine the nature of the movement of interstate relations (development and decline). Second, these indicators should be applied to interstate relations in a concrete time frame. Third, evaluations for the indicators received can show the character of the movement, the progress, and decline only if the researcher has the opportunity to compare the same demonstrators with data set in another time frame.

Siyasal İndikatörlerin Ermenistan-İran İlişkileri Örneğinde Uygulanması

Dongin

This study under the title “Sociocultural Structure of the Koreans of Kazakhstan” discusses the history of forced migration and the current sociocultural status of Koreans in Kazakhstan society. The culture of Koreans in Kazakhstan is in close contact with their past and present lands, state policies, other communities in the region, and their cultures. Due to the low Korean population in this region, a lack of national autonomy, high urban settlement rate, and rapid socioeconomic development, Koreans have adapted to Russian culture and particularly to Kazakh culture while retaining part of their ethnic identity.Kazakhstan Koreans are one of the ethnic groups that make up the Republic of Kazakhstan and their population is around 100,000. A large number of Koreans living in the northern region of Korea began to migrate to the eastern part of Russia in the second half of the 1800s to escape economic poverty. Then, in 1937, Stalin's ethnic pressure and forced immigration policy against minorities led to the migration of Koreans from Russia to Central Asia. In order to survive under the pressure of the Soviet system, they had to accept the Soviet system and live as Soviet citizens. After Gorbachev's policy of openness, most Central Asian Koreans moved to big cities and got higher education. They occupied relatively high social positions and began to play important social roles in the Soviet Union. At the same time, the Russification of Koreans in Russia has advanced rapidly. Therefore, the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991 caused another uncertainty and struggle in the Korean society of Central Asia. In this study, the socio-cultural status of Koreans settled in Kazakhstan is discussed and how Turkish people and Korean people affect each other and the consequences of these interactions.The data for the study was collected by using quantitative and qualitative research methods to examine the language, religion, ethnic identity, education, economic, and social life status of Koreans in Kazakhstan. First, it has been observed that the most commonly used language in daily life is Russian among Kazakhstan Koreans. Followed by English and Kazakh. In terms of frequency of use and grammar level; Korean is the language with the lowest score. Language is one of the biggest factors in creating an ethnic identity in a society. Therefore, it can be seen to be one of the most important factors in the Russification of Koreans. Secondly, the Korean people in Kazakhstan do not belong to a certain common religion, they are distributed among different religions. Among the total population of Kazakh Koreans, there are 5.2% Muslim, 49.4% Christian, 11.4% Buddhist and the other 28.5% do not belonging to any religion. In addition, the presence of Kazakh Koreans who are Russian Orthodox or Muslim in Kazakhstan shows that Kazakhstan Koreans have a religious interaction with the local people. Third, the rate of population in completing higher education among Kazakh Koreans is 47.1%, which is approximately 20% higher than the average of all ethnic groups in Kazakhstan. Kazakhstan Koreans, like South Korea and the Korean diaspora around the world, show a desire to provide their children with quality education. Fourth, it was observed that among the survey respondents, the number of senior title holders such as professors and doctors ranked first and private company executives ranked second. For this reason, it is understood that Kazakhstan Koreans live a more comfortable life in economic terms. Fifth, in terms of ethnic identity, 89.6% of Kazakhstan Koreans are proud to be Korean and 70.7% feel a sense of belonging to the Korean ethnic group. However, it was observed that their level of participating actively in Korean associations or social organizations related to Korea or sharing about Korea was relatively low. Finally, although some interviewees stated that they were exposed to ethnic discrimination in their daily lives, employment areas, or use of language, most of the interviewees stated that they considered this discrimination as a normal situation due to their being non-local people. According to the results of the survey, the number of Kazakh Koreans satisfied with living in Kazakhstan were in the majority.Kazakh Koreans have been in constant contact with cultures from various regions such as Russia, Turkestan, and Europe. This experience has been used as a tool to adapt well to the local community. Also it has become the basis for harmonious relationships with other people. The Korean people of Kazakhstan make a great effort to preserve their ethnic origins and at the same time quickly adapt to the social changes of today. In addition, in order for this diaspora to establish healthy relations with the local state and to create a stable social order, it is necessary to be under careful observation and to support correctly the Kazakh Koreans, who are in this minority.

Kazakistan Korelilerinin Sosyo-Kültürel Yapısı

Cafer

Omer Faik Numanzade, who was involved in many media activities in the cities of Tbilisi and Baku in the Caucasus between 1903 and 1911, returned to his hometown Ahıska after 1911. Numanzade carried out much needed work in the field of education and culture in Ahıska between 1911 and 1917. In this way, he prepared a kind of infrastructure for social and political developments in that town. He invited teachers from Azerbaijan to Ahıska and established courses for teachers within his capacity as member of the Ahıska National Committee (Ahıska Muslim Society). Sadly, these activities were very short-lived due to the start of the First World War in 1914 when the Russian Army began to carry out acts of destruction in Eastern Anatolia and in the Ahıska region. Therefore, the people of the region experienced great difficulties. In addition, during this period, Armenian gangs carried out persecution and massacres against Muslim Turks. All these developments became a significant milestone in Omer Faik’s life.After the Brest-Litovsk Treaty was signed on March 3, 1918 and the Erzincan Armistice on December 18, 1917, Russian military units began to withdraw from the Eastern Anatolia Region and the Caucasus. However, the Russians armed the Armenian gangs and Georgian units in their place. With the withdrawal of the Russians from the region, the Armenians created their own gangs and the Georgians increased their pressure against the Muslim Turks by forming their own militia. With the withdrawal of the Russian Army from the Caucasus, a complete political and administrative vacuum occurred in the region. Muslim Turks in the region, which had been subjected to Armenian and Russian persecution before, now took action in order not to be exposed to Georgian pressure and occupation and to gain their freedom.After the events that took place in the region with the 1917 Russian Revolution, Omer Faik argued that the Caucasian Turks needed the Ottomans to protect their very existence, and he maintained that the Turkish army should annex the Caucasus. For this, he went to Istanbul to meet with Enver and Talat Pasha and express his requests. The contacts of Omer Faik in Istanbul worked well and he was instrumental in the Caucasian Islamic Army’s gaining entry into the Caucasus. In addition, Numanzade asked Talat and Enver Pasha to combine Iranian Turks with Caucasian Turks. However, with the resignation of the Committee of Union and Progress on October 8, 1918 and the signing of the Mondros Armistice on October 30, 1918, the Turkish Army had to withdraw from the Caucasian territories except Elviye-i Selase. With the Armistice of Mondros, the Turks in the Caucasus were left alone, and the people of the region faced many difficulties.Omer Faik Numanzade was involved in many important activities in order to gain the freedom and rights of Turks in Georgia as early as 1917 and he started to campaign for this cause. On October 29, 1918, the Ahıska Hükûmet-i Muvakkatası (Contemporary Ahıska Government) was established and Omer Faik Numanzade was elected as the president. The Ahıska Government, chaired by Omer Faik, joined the Kars Islamic Council, which was established in Kars on 5 November 1918. The Kars Islamic Council declared itself to be in power on 30 November. However, with the withdrawal of the Ottoman army from the region on December 4, 1918, the Georgians occupied Ahıska. The Kars Government declared the establishment of the Cenub-i Garbi (South West) Caucasian Government on 17 January 1919 to prevent Armenian and Georgian invasions. In this government, the Ahıskan Turks were also given the right to be represented. Moreover, the Muslim-Turkish troops belonging to this new formation took back the Ahıska region from the Georgians on 2 February 1919. Within a short space of time, the Ahıska region changed hands several times between the Turkish government in Kars and the Georgians. On April 22, 1919, with the intervention of the British in the region, the existence of the Southern Caucasus Government ended. With this, the Turkish domination in Ahıska also ended.

1917 Ekim Devrimi Sonrası Güney Kafkasya’da Gelişmeler Işığında Ömer Faik Numanzade’nin Siyasi Faaliyetleri

Adem

Türkiye’nin Stratejik Silah Kapasitesi, Editör: Abdullah Erboğa, İstanbul, Seta Yayınları, 2019, 352 s. ISBN: 978-605-7544-95-7

Turgut

Uluslararası Göç ve Güvenlik, Editörler: Doç. Dr. Gökhan Telatar – Doç. Dr. Umut Kedikli, Ankara, Nobel Yayınları, 2019, 274 s. ISBN: 978-605-033-137-0

Sümeyye

Uluslararası İlişkilere Tarihsel Bakış, Prof. Dr. Refet Yinanç’a Armağan, Ed. Fırat Purtaş, Ankara, Nobel Yayınları, 2019, 568 Sayfa, ISBN: 978-605-7846-36-5

Mustafa

Prof. Dr.

MAKALE ÇAĞRISI

Fuat

Assoc. Prof. Dr.

In the process of disintegration of the Ottoman Empire, the emergence of independent nation-states brought along minorities and border problems. A significant part of the disputes between Turkey and Greece today are also related to the contractual arrangements signed by these states during their independence processes. In this study, in addition to the main debates concerning territorial sovereignty between Turkey and Greece, disputes regarding sovereign rights, especially arising from the Law of the Sea, are examined.In the international community, the borders of sovereign states are necessarily determined by a treaty arrangement. In addition to limitations, special arrangements and obligations such as the demilitarisation of some regions can also be agreed upon between neighboring states. Such arrangements are also in question in determining the territorial borders between Turkey and Greece. For example, it is seen that the islands transferred to Greece by treaties were transferred with the obligation to be demilitarized. On the other hand, the determination of maritime borders as well as land borders may cause disputes between neighbouring states. As a result of technical studies on the determination of the land borders between Turkey and Greece, the land borders between the two countries could be made indisputable. However, since the entry into force of the Lausanne Peace Treaty, there has been no joint work on determining maritime borders between the two countries. Due to the developments in the Law of the Sea, the tendency of states to benefit more from the seas has brought Turkey and Greece, which are coastal countries in the Aegean Sea, against each other in terms of both sovereignty borders and limitation of sovereign rights. The fact that no study has been carried out to determine the boundaries of sovereignty of the maritime country makes it unclear what the limits of the sovereign rights of these countries are. Therefore, it is not possible to determine the limits of sovereign rights regarding maritime jurisdiction areas without determining the common and indisputable border of the maritime country.In the study, it is discussed how the country transfers were carried out between the two states and how and with what constraints the borders of sovereignty were determined within the framework of the contractual arrangements that created the status. In essence, it can be said that the disputes between Turkey and Greece have three dimensions that are directly related to the contractual status. Accordingly, although there is a contractual arrangement that creates a status, one of the parties may violate this regulation with a fait accompli. Secondly, although it&nbsp;is a general contractual arrangement, either party may interpret the provisions of this regulation differently or the contractual arrangement does not contain a provision regarding the relevant dispute. Thirdly, no contractual arrangement specific to the dispute between the parties has ever been made, and one of the parties is trying to create a de facto situation by making a fait accompli. It is possible to observe these three features in the relations between Turkey and Greece. As a matter of fact, according to the study conducted by the Turkish Foreign Policy Crisis Studies Group, there were 14 foreign policy crises between Turkey and Greece between 1923 and 2016. The vast majority of these crises are directly related to the sovereignty and/ or sovereign rights of the parties.Therefore, the handling of the existing disputes between the parties by using peaceful resolution methods and reaching a permanent and satisfactory solution is directly related to the parties' compliance with the contractual status, the realization of contractual arrangements that have not yet been realized, and the avoidance of fait accomplis that will escalate the tension between the parties. If the parties try to change the status quo for their benefit, it will not only trigger a new crisis but also increase the risk of a hot military conflict. The starting point for the negotiation is the Lausanne Peace Treaty (and other contractual arrangements) signed between the parties. It is not possible to establish an undisputed sovereignty order without completing the unfinished work of determining the borders of territorial sovereignty. The demarcation of an undisputed territorial border would also make it easier for the parties to agree on more flexible options for sovereign rights and technical responsibilities. In this context, the point that will challenge the parties in the negotiations is due to the originality of the political geography in the Aegean Sea. In particular, both the numerical multiplicity of the islands surrounding the Anatolian coasts and the fact that they belong to Greece, which is a country with a distant coast, restrict the policies of the parties in an equitable, just and optimum solution.The emergence of independent nation-states during the disintegration of the Ottoman Empire brought with it minority and border problems. A significant part of the disputes between Türkiye and Greece today are related to the contractual arrangements signed by these states during their independence processes. In this study, in addition to the basic debates regarding territorial sovereignty between Turkey and Greece, the disputes regarding sovereign rights arising from the Law of the Sea are examined.&nbsp;In the international society, the borders of sovereign states are determined by a contractual regulation. In these contractual arrangements, in addition to limitations, special arrangements and obligations can also be agreed upon between neighbouring states, such as the demilitarisation of some regions. Such regulations also apply to determining the territorial borders between Turkey and Greece. For example, it seems that the islands transferred to Greece through treaties were transferred with the obligation of being demilitarized. On the other hand, determining maritime borders as well as territorial borders may cause disputes between neighbouring states. As a result of technical studies on determining the land borders between Türkiye and Greece, the land borders between the two countries have become indisputable. However, since the&nbsp;Lausanne Peace Treaty came into force, no joint work has been carried out between the two countries regarding determining maritime borders. Due to the developments in the Law of the Sea, states' tendency to benefit more from the seas has brought Turkey and Greece, which are coastal countries in the Aegean Sea, face to face in terms of both sovereignty boundaries and limitation of sovereign rights. The fact that no study has been carried out to determine the borders of sovereignty regarding the maritime country makes it unclear what the limits of the sovereign rights of these countries are. Therefore, it is not possible to determine the boundaries of sovereign rights regarding maritime jurisdiction areas without determining the common and undisputed border of the maritime country.In the study, how territorial transfers took place between two states is discussed and it is discussed how and with what restrictions the borders of sovereignty are determined within the framework of the contractual regulations that create the status. In essence, it can be said that the disputes between Türkiye and Greece have three dimensions that directly concern the contractual status. Accordingly, although there is a contractual regulation that creates a status, one of the parties may violate this regulation. Secondly, although it is a general contractual regulation, any party may interpret the provisions of this regulation differently or the contractual regulation does not contain a provision regarding the relevant dispute. Thirdly, no contractual regulation has been made specifically for the dispute that has arisen between the parties, and one of the parties is trying to create a de facto situation by making it a fait accompli. It is possible to observe these three features in the relations between Turkey and Greece. As a matter of fact, according to the study conducted by the Turkish Foreign Policy Crisis Investigation Group, there were 14 foreign policy crises between Turkey and Greece between 1923 and 2016. The majority of these crises are directly related to the sovereignty and/or sovereign rights of the parties.Therefore, addressing the existing disputes between the parties using peaceful resolution methods and reaching a permanent, satisfactory solution is directly related to the parties' compliance with the contractual status, realization of contractual arrangements that have not yet been realized, and avoiding fait accomplis that will escalate the tension between the parties. If the parties attempt to change the status quo to their advantage, it will not only trigger a new crisis but also increase the risk of a hot military conflict. The starting point for negotiations is the Lausanne Peace Treaty (and other contractual arrangements) signed between the parties. It is not possible to achieve an undisputed sovereignty order without completing the unfinished work of determining the borders of territorial sovereignty. Determining an undisputed territorial border will also make it easier for the parties to agree on more flexible options regarding sovereign rights and technical responsibilities. In this context, the point that will challenge the parties in the negotiations stems from the uniqueness of the political geography, especially in the Aegean Sea. In particular, both the numerical abundance of the islands surrounding the Anatolian coast and the fact that they belong to Greece, a distant coastal country, restrict the policies of the parties in an equitable, fair and optimum solution.

Türkiye-Yunanistan İlişkilerinde Deniz Yetki Alanı Uyuşmazlıkları

Turkey and Uzbekistan are two new nation-states that gained their independence, the first in the first quarter of the 20th century and the second in the last quarter of the same century. Although Turkey and Uzbekistan are new states, they are the successors of the Ottoman Empire and Turkistan Khanates, which were established in two ancient geographies of Turkish-İslamic civilization, Anatolia and Transoxiana. Moreover, Turkey and Uzbekistan have similarities in terms of origin, religion, language, history, and culture. İn fact, they have common political, scientific, and religious personalities such as Amir Timur, Ali Kuscu, Ulugh Begh and Imam Bukhari. Therefore, the Ottoman Empire maintained political military, scientific, and cultural relations with the Khanates of Bukhara, Samarkand, Khiva, and Hokand in Turkestan between XVI.-XX. Centuries.&nbsp;As it is known, Ottoman-Uzbek relations began with the defeat of the Uzbek khan, Muhammed Shaybani Khan, to the Safavid ruler Shah Ismail in Mahmudabad near Merv in 1510 and later, Shah İsmail sends the head of Shaybani to the Ottoman Sultan, Beyazid II. This was Shah Ismail’s challenge to the Ottoman Sultan, Bayezid II. At the same time, this challenge caused the start of the Ottoman-Safavid struggle and caused the establishment of OttomanUzbek political relations because Ottoman sultans wanted to establish a Sunni alliance with the Uzbek khans against the Safavids. Also, the Uzbek khans were afraid of the Safavids taking over the Sunni regions in Transoxiana. Thus, Ambassadors began to come and go between the Ottoman sultans and the Uzbek khans. Firstly, Selim I, the Ottoman Sultan, sent Muhammed Beg to Köçküncü Han Samarkand Khan, before the Battle of Çaldıran dated 1514. The purpose of Selim I was to cooperate with Samarkand Khan against Shiites. Likewise, Suleiman the Magnificent, the Ottoman Sultan, sent letters to the rulers of Samarkand (Ubeydullah Khan) and Bukhara (Ali Sultan) before the Iraqi expedition, calling for “jihad” against Shiite Iran. These letters pleased the two Uzbek khans. Despite the Amasya (1555) and İstanbul (1590) treaties, the Ottoman Empire left the Uzbek khans alone against the Safavids because the Safavids had promised not to attack the Uzbeks. But they didn’t promise that by encouraging wars with Austria of the Ottoman Empire. Safavids declared war against the Uzbeks. Unfortunately, the Ottomans did not answer the Uzbeks’ calls for help. On the contrary, the Ottomans replied “We&nbsp;are at peace with Iran. You live in peace”. This attitude of the Ottomans was purely political pragmatism. In addition, the power struggle between the Uzbek khans played an important role in the attitude of the Ottomans. Finally, the Russians benefited from this rivalry and after the middle of the last quarter of the 19th century, Turkestan was occupied by the Russians. As it is known, Turkestan pilgrims were going to Mecca on three roads. One of these roads was the Crimea-Istanbul-Mecca road via the Caspian. Moreover, Istanbul was the center of the caliphate for Turkestan pilgrims. The pilgrimage would not be accepted for them without visiting Istanbul for them. The Ottoman Sultans attached great importance to the safety of pilgrimage routes. In addition, this issue was a matter of political superiority for the Ottoman Sultans. Therefore, the Turkestan pilgrims preferred this route.&nbsp;&nbsp;On the other hand, Turkestani Pilgrims who came to Istanbul were hosted in the Naqshbandi Uzbek lodges in Istanbul. These lodges acted as consulates. Likewise, the Ottoman governments were meeting their needs and allocating ferries for pilgrims After the proclamation of the Second Constitutional Monarchy, students from Turkistan came to Istanbul for education. One of these was the Uzbek writer Abdurrauf Fitrat. Turkistan youth like him wrote articles in magazines like Sırat-ı Müstakim. In addition, the people of Bukhara helped the Ottoman Empire financially in the Balkan War and the First World War. Towards the end of the war, Enver Pasha and his friends joined the Basmacilik movement. These relations lasted until the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. The main source of this study is the Ottoman Archive of the Directorate of State Archives, Presidency of Republic of Turkey. In addition, books and articles related to the subject were also used.&nbsp;

Türkiye-Özbekistan İlişkilerinin Tarihi Zemini: OsmanlıTürkistan Arasındaki Siyasi ve Kültürel İlişkiler (XVIXX. Yüzyıllar)

Ramile

Personal friendship between presidents is of great importance in international relations. The friendship between Heydar Aliyev and Suleyman Demirel played a great role in the development of Azerbaijan-Türkiye relations. As a result of the personal friendship between two great political figures - Heydar Aliyev and Suleyman Demirel, National Leader Heydar Aliyev released Nakhchivan from the blockade, supplied it with food and energy, built a bridge connecting Türkiye to Azerbaijan, and built a bridge between Türkiye and Nakhchivan. The friendship of Heydar Aliyev and Suleyman Demirel increased the mutual respect, sympathy and love of the people of Türkiye and Azerbaijan. When Nakhchivan was attacked by Armenia, Suleyman Demirel announced the essence of the Kars Treaty of 1921 to the whole world. In addition to the official meetings of the two statesmen, in each of their private meetings, views were exchanged on the consistent development of Azerbaijan-Türkiye cooperation, the international situation, and a number of regional problems. Along with President Heydar Aliyev, Suleyman Demirel also kept the peaceful settlement of the Armenia-Azerbaijani conflict under his control, and always stood by Azerbaijan in international meetings and the adoption of important documents. The friendship of the two leaders was important in the implementation of the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan and Baku-Tbilisi-Erzurum projects. Remembering the words of his friend Suleyman Demirel about Türkiye's great need for gas, Heydar Aliyev directed Azerbaijan's gas to meet Türkiye's needs.Conceptual views of Heydar Aliyev in laying the foundation of fraternal relations between the Republic of Azerbaijan and the Republic of Türkiye have been accounted for today. Türkiye recognized the independence of the Republic of Azerbaijan for the first time among the countries of the world, and mutual diplomatic missions began to operate. Heydar Aliyev, who relied on Türkiye as a brotherly state with the same language and roots and tried to strengthen&nbsp;its influence in the Caucasus, pursued a balanced policy with other neighboring countries, including Russia, which is one of the permanent members of the UN Security Council and has the right to veto decisions. He also had official visits to France, Great Britain, China, and the United States, clarified the fair position of Azerbaijan, and signed documents. However, the National Leader knew that the support of Azerbaijan in the region and in the world could be a brotherly Turkish state with one language and one blood, and that Türkiye's moral and political support of Azerbaijan in the Patriotic War to the end, and the creation of even more enthusiasm in the fight against the enemy and confidence in victory among the Azerbaijani people proved it once again.Türkiye has a role in the political and economic life of Azerbaijan. In order to settle the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict diplomatically, the Republic of Türkiye provided political support to the Republic of Azerbaijan in a principled form, regularly maintained relations with the Azerbaijani government to study the situation, made a statement about the aggression of the Armenian armed forces against Nakhchivan, and made a proposal to send the Turkish army to the region. He made appeals and statements to the UN Security Council about settling the conflict, Suleyman Demirel raised the Karabakh issue during his visit to the United States and called on the United States to stop supporting Armenia in the Nagorno-Karabakh issue. He brought the Khojaly genocide to the agenda of the political commission of NATO.From March 27 to April 3, 1993, immediately after the beginning of the Armenian aggression in the Kalbajar region and in the process of the subsequent occupations of Armenia, when the government of Azerbaijan appealed to the UN regarding the situation in the region, Türkiye called the UN Security Council for urgently preventing the aggression against Azerbaijan and liberate all Azerbaijani lands. Türkiye played a great role in the adoption of the 1996 Lisbon Declaration and the adoption of 4 resolutions of the UN Security Council confirming the territorial integrity of Azerbaijan.The Akyaka border crossing point on the railway from Gyumri to Kars and the Alijan border crossing point on the land road passing through Igdir were closed by Türkiye due to Armenia's territorial claims against Türkiye, its claims of promoting the "Armenian genocide", and its occupation of Azerbaijani territories.The non-opening of the border crossing gates with Armenia is one of the factors that proves the brotherly relations between Azerbaijan and Türkiye. President Heydar Aliyev performed strong activities in establishing Azerbaijan-Türkiye relations on great spiritual and national roots and succeeded in this.Azerbaijan also has a role in the political and economic life of Türkiye. Azerbaijan has always defended Türkiye in the international world. President Heydar Aliyev strongly objected to the discussion of the "Armenian Genocide" project in the US Congress, the French Parliament, Italy and Russia. Heydar Aliyev expressed the importance of uniting Azerbaijan and Türkiye against injustice. He believed that historians are responsible for refuting the "Armenian genocide" and considered it is necessary to involve historians from Azerbaijan, Türkiye, as well as Georgia, Russia, Iran and other places to investigate this issue by revealing the documents. Heydar Aliyev emphasized that Russia's military base in Armenia is a threat not only to Azerbaijan, but also to the region and Türkiye, Türkiye is responsible for protecting the region, and without Türkiye's participation, there will be no security in the Caucasus. On November 18, 1999, at the Istanbul summit, the signing of the agreement on the transportation of crude oil from the territories of Azerbaijan, Georgia and Türkiye through the Baku-TbilisiCeyhan oil pipeline, and the Baku-Tbilisi-Erzurum gas pipeline on June 26, 2002 in Ankara. The introduction of the project stimulated the development of Azerbaijan-Türkiye strategic cooperation and security in the region.

Azerbaycan ile Türkiye Arasındaki İlişkilerin Sağlam Temeller Üzerine Kurulmasında Haydar Aliyev ve Süleyman Demirel Dostluğunun Rolü

Hakan

Res. Assist.

Güngör

The illegitimate separatist authority, which maintained its de facto existence for 30 years under the shadow of the Armenian occupation in Karabakh, has been at the very center of the Russia-Armenia-Iran encirclement that is trapping Azerbaijan. In this respect, the energy and transportation lines opening towards the West passing through the Tovuz region of Azerbaijan can be considered as the breaking point of the encirclement. The attacks against this region, which occurred on the eve of the Second Karabakh War, have posed a vital danger to the national security of Azerbaijan. For this reason, Baku, with the unlimited support of Ankara, has launched military operations to save Karabakh from occupation. In this process, the two allies have realized the importance and sensitivity of the Tovuz region. As a matter of fact, in the ceasefire agreement signed after the Karabakh Victory, Azerbaijan’s diplomatic success has enabled the creation of an alternative route to this region.In this study, the reflections of Türkiye’s effort to become a regional great power in the South Caucasus have been analyzed with the Regional Security Complex Theory (RSCT) and the importance of the Zangezur Corridor in this context has been shown. First of all, the question that “How can Türkiye become a regional great power?” has been answered on a theoretical basis. Türkiye, which is described as an insulator state according to RSCT, has increased its influence in the South Caucasus during and after the Second Karabakh War and has embarked on a path to eventually become a regional great power. In response, Iran, Türkiye’s historical rival in the region, and Armenia, which owes its existence to its hostile policies against Türkiye, have began to act together in the South Caucasus. For these reasons, the boundaries between security complexes have begun to be eroded. Türkiye, which has increased its influence in the South Caucasus thanks to the strategic partnership it has established with Azerbaijan, has&nbsp;ceased to be an insulator state. In the coming period, it will be the most important actor in the region through the Zangezur Corridor.The Zangezur Corridor is of vital importance for Türkiye to become a regional great power. In this context, the question that “Why do Türkiye and Azerbaijan insist on opening the Zangezur Corridor?” has been given an answer with a historical perspective. In its effort to become a regional great power, Türkiye has managed to penetrate the South Caucasus thanks to the military and diplomatic support it provided to Azerbaijan during and after the Second Karabakh War. As a matter of fact, the Shusha Declaration signed with Azerbaijan has reinforced Türkiye’s power in the region. Moreover, even though Türkiye was not among the parties to the ceasefire agreement, it has legitimized its demand for the opening of the Zangezur Corridor by this means. In this respect, the Zangezur Corridor, designed as an alternative to the route in Tovuz, is likely to be another breaking point of the encirclement that is trapping Azerbaijan. Because, thanks to this corridor, Azerbaijan will be directly connected to Türkiye via roads and railways. However, Armenia and Iran, on both sides of the corridor, have interpreted this plan in line with their own geopolitical interests and have produced alternative solutions.As an alternative to the Zangezur Corridor, Iran has proposed the Aras Corridor; Armenia, on the other hand, has come up with the Crossroads of Peace Project. These alternatives need a comprehensive comparison in line with Türkiye’s aim of becoming a regional great power. As a matter of fact, in this study, the question that “What are the political, military, economic, and cultural dimensions and effects of the Zangezur Corridor and its alternatives?” has been answered. As a result, it has been determined that the Zangezur Corridor will be more beneficial for Türkiye than its alternatives, despite some of the political and military risks it carries. Because through this corridor, Türkiye will strengthen its own political power in the South Caucasus. On the other hand, in this way, Türkiye will be able to ensure its economic influence in the region by eliminating its historical rival Iran. Meanwhile, Türkiye will pressure Armenia and force it to adopt a moderate attitude and cooperate. Finally, Türkiye will not only strengthen the existing cultural unity with Azerbaijan, but will also have the opportunity to diversify its existing historical ties with Turkistan by opening to the Caspian Sea. It has been anticipated that, given these conditions, Türkiye could emerge as a regional great power. Indeed, the guiding question of the study, “How do the Zangezur Corridor and its alternatives contribute to Türkiye’s efforts to become a great power?” has been comprehensively addressed. Thus, the hypothesis formulated as “The Zangezur Corridor, despite some risks it carries, will contribute more to Türkiye’s emergence as a regional great power” has been tested and validated based on the findings obtained.&nbsp;In this study, regional and global actors have been examined under the guidance of the following questions: What are the interests and priorities of these actors? What are their political, military, economic, and cultural power and influence? What strategies and policies do they implement in this context? Firstly, Iran, Türkiye’s historical rival in the region, opposes the Zangezur Corridor in the South Caucasus due to both internal and external reasons, aiming to prevent the emergence of Turkish influence. Among the internal reasons are the “Iran-Turan”&nbsp;rivalry, which persists in the political subconscious of Iranian leaders, and the Iranian Turks, who are perceived as a serious threat in this context. One of the external reasons is the potential establishment of good relations between Ankara and Tel Aviv through Baku, while another is Moscow’s dominance over Iran’s foreign policy. Indeed, Russia regards the South Caucasus as its sphere of influence. Furthermore, although Russia may tolerate Türkiye’s influence in the South Caucasus to some extent, it will not consent to any further steps towards Turkistan, as it also views this region as within its sphere of influence. On the other hand, Armenia, as the defeated state, is persistently resisting and refusing to fulfill its commitments. It hopes to alleviate its isolation in the region by gaining support from Western powers. However, as the West, unable to intervene in the Second Karabakh War and the ceasefire process, has lost its influence in the South Caucasus in favor of Türkiye and Russia.

Zengezur Koridoru ve Alternatif Çözümler: Türkiye İçin Riskler, Tehditler ve Fırsatlar

Elterişhan

Kaliningrad, located on the Baltic Sea coast, is a Russian exclave in the westernmost part of the Russian Federation with no direct connection to the mainland and an example of a border region of great importance. Although Kaliningrad is geographically separated from the Russian mainland, it remains an integral part of Russia’s sovereign territory. Kaliningrad’s strategic geographical location and the point at which it has evolved in the historical process also distinguish the region. Originally known as “Königsberg”, the region developed as the capital of East Prussia and remained under German control for 700 years until it was captured by Soviet forces in 1945. Following the end of the Second World War, the Soviet Union took control of East Prussia, an action recognised by the Allies at the Potsdam Conference in 1945. The transformation of East Prussia into Kaliningrad was a rapid, comprehensive and sustained effort. The first stage of this process involved the erasure of German cultural and historical elements from the region. In this context, the region underwent a rapid process of Sovietisation, which saw the removal of almost all remnants of German settlements and their replacement with Soviet-style buildings. As a result, Kaliningrad was reconstructed to symbolise the progressive social values of the Soviet Union and to present the Soviet perspective in historical narratives. Kaliningrad played an important role in the strategic military planning and infrastructure of the Soviet Union. In this context, Kaliningrad underwent a serious transformation in the post-World War II period and became a strategically located “military base” on the Baltic Sea. Over time, with a military force of more than 100,000 active military personnel stationed in the region, a vast military-industrial complex and a civilian infrastructure customised to meet military demands, Kaliningrad has emerged as one of the most heavily militarised regions of the Soviet Union. At this point, this military force not only acted as a protective shield, deterring a possible invasion and protecting the region, but also had the capacity to be used as a potential staging area for offensive operations against Western Europe. Kaliningrad’s borders were completely closed to Poland and the West, and access to the region was restricted even for Soviet citizens. Thus, foreigners were prohibited from entering this highly militarised and closed zone. Kaliningrad therefore emerged as a symbolic example of a garrison city, recognised for its strong military infrastructure. The 1991 dissolution of the Soviet Union led to a profound change in the geographical position of Kaliningrad and in Russia’s internal and external relations. With this development, Kaliningrad, which was previously part of&nbsp;the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic, came under the sovereign authority of the Russian Federation. However, as a result of the independence of the three Baltic states, the region bordering Lithuania and Poland became geographically separated from the rest of mainland Russia. As a result, Kaliningrad underwent a significant transformation, emerging as an exclave, thus raising concerns about the problems associated with its geopolitical position. The emergence of a new geopolitical situation has led to many difficulties in providing the region with basic needs, energy and raw material supplies, transport and military transit. The strategic value of the Kaliningrad exclave has also increased significantly as it has become the westernmost region of Russia. Ultimately, the value of the region was determined by a combination of symbolic and strategic factors. The strategic factor behind Moscow’s actions became apparent as it sought to capitalise on the geopolitical importance of the region. This factor included both the protection of Kaliningrad as a military base against the West and its use as a tool to facilitate Russia’s integration into the Western world. Thus, the region has rapidly become an important component of Russia’s diplomatic agenda and strategic plans, especially in relation to hard security issues. Prior to the eastward expansion of NATO and the EU in the 2000s, Kaliningrad was a contested region, defined not only by its strategic challenge to NATO, but also by the lack of a mutual agreement between the EU and Russia on transit arrangements through the region. To address this problem, the EU resorted to an ad hoc co-operation mechanism to manage transit arrangements for Kaliningrad, while NATO underwent a significant shift in priorities, focusing on ensuring security following the deployment of Iskander missiles in the region. As a result, Moscow’s perception of a growing threat from the West has led to a greater emphasis on the region. Accordingly, the region has become a political tool in Russia’s foreign policy and the Kremlin has used NATO enlargement as a means to legitimise its military presence in the region.

Rusya Federasyonu’nun Ulusal Güvenliğinde Kaliningrad Meselesi

Elshan

Azerbaycanlı Aydın Reza Baraheni'nin Eserlerinde Medeniyetler Çatışması

Marko

Hasan

Hırvati̇stan-Türki̇ye İli̇şki̇leri̇nde Güncel Di̇nami̇kler (1992-2022)

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Bengül

Ahmet

KEMALETTİN SAMİ PAŞA VE BERLİN BÜYÜKELÇİLİĞİNDEKİ FAALİYETLERİ (1924-1934)

Seda

LOZAN’IN ARDINDAN BAŞLAYAN BİR HUKUKİ MÜCADELE: KARMA HAKEM MAHKEMELERİ

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Elşad

HOCALI KATLİAMI’NA GİDEN SÜREÇ VE TÜRK BASININDA HOCALI KATLİAMI

ORTA DOĞU’DAKİ YENİ JEOPOLİTİK ORTAMDA RUSYA’NIN SURİYE POLİTİKASI

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Avrasya İncelemeleri Dergisi (AVİD), 1924 yılında kurulan ve Türkiye’nin ilk araştırma enstitüsü unvanına sahip, İstanbul Üniversitesi Türkiyat Araştırmaları Enstitüsü bünyesinde yayınlanmaktadır. Sosyal bilimler alanında; Türkistan’dan Kafkasya’ya, Balkanlar’dan Önasya'ya uzanan Avrasya Bölgesi ile ilgili sosyal, siyasi ve iktisadi alanlarda hazırlanmış bilimsel çalışmaları, akademik dünya ile paylaşmayı amaçlamaktadır. 

2012 yılında ilk sayısı çıkan Avrasya İncelemeleri Dergisi, Mart ve Eylül aylarında olmak üzere yılda iki kez yayımlanmaktadır. TR Dizin tarafından izleme sürecinde olan Avrasya İncelemeleri Dergisi halen Index Islamicus, Research Bible (Academic Research Index), Social Science Research Network (SSRN), SOBİAD, Türk Eğitim İndeksi (TEİ), EBSCO ve DOAJ tarafından taranan uluslararası hakemli bir dergidir.

Muhammed

Index Islamicus

ResearchBib

Türk Eğitim İndeksi

EBSCO

Social Science Research Network (SSRN)

DOAJ

SOBIAD

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Avrasya İncelemeleri Dergisi

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Avrasya İncelemeleri Dergisi (AVİD), Avrasya coğrafyası ile ilgili olarak yapılan bilimsel çalışmalara zemin oluşturmayı ve bu çalışmalar için bir tartışma platformu olmayı amaçlamaktadır. Nitelikli, özgün, bilimsel yayınlara yer vererek Avrasya alanındaki bilgi birikimini artırmayı hedefleyen AVİD, bu hâlde Avrasya ile ilgili güncel sorunların çözümüne de katkıda bulunabilecektir. Avrasya alanı ile ilgili Türkçe literatürü zenginleştirmeyi bir diğer amaç olarak gören AVİD, çift kör hakemlik ve açık erişim süreçlerini benimsemiştir. Avrasya İncelemeleri Dergisi, Avrasya üzerine sosyal, siyasi ve iktisadi alanlarda yapılan, kuramsal ve kavramsal çalışmalara ağırlık vermektedir. Açık erişimli ve uluslararası nitelikte bir dergi olan AVİD, bu noktada dünyanın dört bir yanındaki araştırmacılar için önemli bir kaynak hâline gelmektedir. AVİD, başta Türkçe olmak üzere müstakil devlet dili olan Türk lehçelerinde, İngilizce ve Rusça dillerinde araştırma ve derleme makalelerine, değerlendirme çalışmalarına, kitap inceleme yazılarına, konferans, sempozyum ve kongre bildirileri ile alan araştırmalarına ait raporlara yer vermektedir.

Amaç ve Kapsam

Index IslamicusResearch Bible (Academic Research Index)Social Science Research Network (SSRN) SOBİADTürk Eğitim İndeksi (TEİ) EBSCODOAJ

Dizinler

Dergi yayın etiğinde en yüksek standartlara bağlıdır ve <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a> ve <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> tarafından yayınlanan etik yayıncılık ilkelerini benimser; Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing başlığı altında ifade edilen ilkeler için: <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a> Gönderilen makaleler derginin amaç ve kapsamına uygun olmalıdır. Orijinal, yayınlanmamış ve başka bir dergide değerlendirme sürecinde olmayan, her bir yazar tarafından içeriği ve gönderimi onaylanmış yazılar değerlendirmeye kabul edilir. Makale yayınlanmak üzere Dergiye gönderildikten sonra yazarlardan hiçbirinin ismi, tüm yazarların yazılı izni olmadan yazar listesinden silinemez ve yeni bir isim yazar olarak eklenemez ve yazar sırası değiştirilemez.İntihal, duplikasyon, sahte yazarlık/inkar edilen yazarlık, araştrma/veri fabrikasyonu, makale dilimleme, dilimleyerek yayın, telif hakları ihlali ve çıkar çatışmasının gizlenmesi, etik dışı davranışlar olarak kabul edilir. Kabul edilen etik standartlara uygun olmayan tüm makaleler yayından çıkarılır. Buna yayından sonra tespit edilen olası kuraldışı, uygunsuzluklar içeren makaleler de dahildir.İntihal Ön kontrolden geçirilen makaleler, iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal/kendi kendine intihal tespit edilirse yazarlar bilgilendirilir. Editörler, gerekli olması halinde makaleyi değerlendirme ya da üretim sürecinin çeşitli aşamalarında intihal kontrolüne tabi tutabilirler. Yüksek benzerlik oranları, bir makalenin kabul edilmeden önce ve hatta kabul edildikten sonra reddedilmesine neden olabilir. Makalenin türüne bağlı olarak, bunun oranın %15 veya %20'den az olması beklenir.Çift Kör Hakemlikİntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir. Editör, makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakemlikten geçmesini sağlar ve makale biçimsel esaslara uygun ise, gelen yazıyı yurtiçinden ve /veya yurtdışından en az iki hakemin değerlendirmesine sunar, hakemler gerek gördüğü takdirde yazıda istenen değişiklikler yazarlar tarafından yapıldıktan sonra yayınlanmasına onay verir.

Politikalar

Dergi açık erişimlidir ve derginin tüm içeriği okura ya da okurun dahil olduğu kuruma ücretsiz olarak sunulur. Okurlar, ticari amaç haricinde, yayıncı ya da yazardan izin almadan dergi makalelerinin tam metnini okuyabilir, indirebilir, kopyalayabilir, arayabilir ve link sağlayabilir. Bu <a href="https://www.budapestopenaccessinitiative.org/translations/turkish-translation" target="_blank">BOAI</a> açık erişim tanımıyla uyumludur. Derginin açık erişimli makaleleri Creative Commons Atıf-GayrıTicari 4.0 Uluslararası (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.tr" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) olarak lisanslıdır.

Derginin tüm giderleri İstanbul Üniversitesi tarafından karşılanmaktadır. Dergide makale yayını ve makale süreçlerinin yürütülmesi ücrete tabi değildir. Dergiye gönderilen ya da yayın için kabul edilen makaleler için işlemleme ücreti ya da gönderim ücreti alınmaz.

Yazarlar dergide yayınlanan çalışmalarının telif hakkına sahiptirler ve çalışmaları  Creative Commons Atıf-GayrıTicari 4.0 Uluslararası (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.tr" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) olarak lisanslıdır. CC BY-NC 4.0 lisansı, eserin ticari kullanım dışında her boyut ve formatta paylaşılmasına, kopyalanmasına, çoğaltılmasına ve orijinal esere uygun şekilde atıfta bulunmak kaydıyla yeniden düzenleme, dönüştürme ve eserin üzerine inşa etme dâhil adapte edilmesine izin verir.

Editörler, yayınlanan makalede, bulguları, yorumları ve sonuçları etkilemeyen küçük hatalar tespit edilirse düzeltme yayınlamayı düşünebilirler. Editörler, bulguları ve sonuçları geçersiz kılan büyük hatalar / ihlaller söz konusu olduğunda, makaleyi geri çekmeyi düşünmelidir. Yazarlar tarafından araştırma veya yayını kötüye kullanmaya yönelik olasılık söz konusu ise; bulguların güvenilir olmadığına ve yazarların kurumlarının olayı soruşturmadığına dair kanıtlar var veya olası soruşturma haksız veya sonuçsuz görünüyor ise, editörler endişe ifadesi yayınlamayı düşünmelidir. Düzeltme, geri çekme veya endişe ifadesi ile ilgili olarak <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/flowcharts/complete-set-english" target="_blank">COPE</a> ve <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/" target="_blank">ICJME</a> yönergeleri dikkate alınır.

Dergide yayınlanan tüm yazıların korunmasını ve kalıcı olarak erişilebilir olmasını sağlamak için makaleler, ulusal bir arşiv sitesi olarak hizmet veren ve aynı zamanda LOCKSS'in içeriği toplamasına, korumasına ve sunmasına izin veren Dergipark'ta saklanmaktadır.Ek olarak, yazarların kendilerinin makalelerinin son PDF sürümünü Open Archives Initiative (<a href="https://www.openarchives.org/" target="_blank">https://www.openarchives.org/</a>) standartlarına uygun açık elektronik arşivlerde arşivlemeleri önerilir. Yazarlar, yayınladıkları arşiv versiyonundan, İ.Ü. Yayınevinin dergi web sitesinin URL'sine bağlantı sağlamalıdır.

Avrasya İncelemeleri Dergisi, yayın etiğinde en yüksek standartlara bağlıdır ve <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a> ve <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> tarafından yayınlanan etik yayıncılık ilkelerini benimser; Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing başlığı altında ifade edilen ilkeler için adres: <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a>Gönderilen tüm makaleler orijinal, yayınlanmamış ve başka bir dergide değerlendirme sürecinde olmamalıdır. Her bir makale editörlerden biri ve en az iki hakem tarafından çift kör değerlendirmeden geçirilir. İntihal, duplikasyon, sahte yazarlık/inkar edilen yazarlık, araştrma/veri fabrikasyonu, makale dilimleme, dilimleyerek yayın, telif hakları ihlali ve çıkar çatışmasının gizlenmesi, etik dışı davranışlar olarak kabul edilir.Kabul edilen etik standartlara uygun olmayan tüm makaleler yayından çıkarılır. Buna yayından sonra tespit edilen olası kuraldışı, uygunsuzluklar içeren makaleler de dahildir.

Etik

Dergi araştırma etiğinde en yüksek standartları gözetir ve aşağıda tanımlanan uluslararası araştırma etiği ilkelerini benimser. Makalelerin etik kurallara uygunluğu yazarların sorumluluğundadır.<ul><li>Araştırmanın tasarlanması, tasarımın gözden geçirilmesi ve araştırmanın yürütülmesinde, bütünlük, kalite ve şeffaflık ilkeleri sağlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma ekibi ve katılımcılar, araştırmanın amacı, yöntemleri ve öngörülen olası kullanımları; araştırmaya katılımın gerektirdikleri ve varsa riskleri hakkında tam olarak bilgilendirilmelidir.</li><li>Araştırma katılımcılarının sağladığı bilgilerin gizliliği ve yanıt verenlerin gizliliği sağlanmalıdır. Araştırma katılımcıların özerkliğini ve saygınlığını koruyacak şekilde tasarlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma katılımcıları gönüllü olarak araştırmada yer almalı, herhangi bir zorlama altında olmamalıdırlar.</li><li>Katılımcıların zarar görmesinden kaçınılmalıdır. Araştırma, katılımcıları riske sokmayacak şekilde planlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma bağımsızlığıyla ilgili açık ve net olunmalı; çıkar çatışması varsa belirtilmelidir.</li><li>Deneysel çalışmalarda, araştırmaya katılmaya karar veren katılımcıların yazılı bilgilendirilmiş onayı alınmalıdır. Çocukların ve vesayet altındakilerin veya tasdiklenmiş akıl hastalığı bulunanların yasal vasisinin onayı alınmalıdır.</li><li>Çalışma herhangi bir kurum ya da kuruluşta gerçekleştirilecekse bu kurum ya da kuruluştan çalışma yapılacağına dair onay alınmalıdır.</li><li>İnsan öğesi bulunan çalışmalarda, “yöntem” bölümünde katılımcılardan “bilgilendirilmiş onam” alındığının ve çalışmanın yapıldığı kurumdan etik kurul onayı alındığı belirtilmesi gerekir.</li></ul>

Makalelerin bilimsel ve etik kurallara uygunluğu yazarların sorumluluğundadır. Yazar makalenin orijinal olduğu, daha önce başka bir yerde yayınlanmadığı ve başka bir yerde, başka bir dilde yayınlanmak üzere değerlendirmede olmadığı konusunda teminat sağlamalıdır. Uygulamadaki telif kanunları ve anlaşmaları gözetilmelidir. Telife bağlı materyaller (örneğin tablolar, şekiller veya büyük alıntılar) gerekli izin ve teşekkürle kullanılmalıdır. Başka yazarların, katkıda bulunanların çalışmaları ya da yararlanılan kaynaklar uygun biçimde kullanılmalı ve referanslarda belirtilmelidir.Gönderilen makalede tüm yazarların akademik ve bilimsel olarak doğrudan katkısı olmalıdır, bu bağlamda “yazar” yayınlanan bir araştırmanın kavramsallaştırılmasına ve dizaynına, verilerin elde edilmesine, analizine ya da yorumlanmasına belirgin katkı yapan, yazının yazılması ya da bunun içerik açısından eleştirel biçimde gözden geçirilmesinde görev yapan birisi olarak görülür. Yazar olabilmenin diğer koşulları ise, makaledeki çalışmayı planlamak veya icra etmek ve / veya revize etmektir. Fon sağlanması, veri toplanması ya da araştırma grubunun genel süpervizyonu tek başına yazarlık hakkı kazandırmaz. Yazar olarak gösterilen tüm bireyler sayılan tüm ölçütleri karşılamalıdır ve yukarıdaki ölçütleri karşılayan her birey yazar olarak gösterilebilir. Yazarların isim sıralaması ortak verilen bir karar olmalıdır. Tüm yazarlar yazar sıralamasını <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/4D3DB634524B49BE908F6D83B1AD7D20" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formunda</a> imzalı olarak belirtmek zorundadırlar.Yazarlık için yeterli ölçütleri karşılamayan ancak çalışmaya katkısı olan tüm bireyler “teşekkür / bilgiler” kısmında sıralanmalıdır. Bunlara örnek olarak ise sadece teknik destek sağlayan, yazıma yardımcı olan ya da sadece genel bir destek sağlayan, finansal ve materyal desteği sunan kişiler verilebilir.Bütün yazarlar, araştırmanın sonuçlarını ya da bilimsel değerlendirmeyi etkileyebilme potansiyeli olan finansal ilişkiler, çıkar çatışması ve çıkar rekabetini beyan etmelidirler. Bir yazar kendi yayınlanmış yazısında belirgin bir hata ya da yanlışlık tespit ederse, bu yanlışlıklara ilişkin düzeltme ya da geri çekme için editör ile hemen temasa geçme ve işbirliği yapma sorumluluğunu taşır.

Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, cinsel yöneliminden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirir. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar. Gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalacağını garanti eder. Baş editör içerik ve yayının toplam kalitesinden sorumludur. Gereğinde hata sayfası yayınlamalı ya da düzeltme yapmalıdır.Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve Dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemlerin araştırmayla ilgili, yazarlarla ve/veya araştırmanın finansal destekçileriyle çıkar çatışmaları olmamalıdır. Değerlendirmelerinin sonucunda tarafsız bir yargıya varmalıdırlar. Gönderilmiş yazılara ilişkin tüm bilginin gizli tutulmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar. Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir. Bazı durumlarda editörün kararıyla, ilgili hakemlerin makaleye ait yorumları aynı makaleyi yorumlayan diğer hakemlere gönderilerek hakemlerin bu süreçte aydınlatılması sağlanabilir.

Daha önce yayınlanmamış ya da yayınlanmak üzere başka bir dergide halen değerlendirmede olmayan ve her bir yazar tarafından onaylanan makaleler değerlendirilmek üzere kabul edilir. Gönderilen ve ön kontrolü geçen makaleler iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir.Seçilen makaleler en az iki ulusal/uluslararası hakeme çift taraflı kör hakemlik ile değerlendirmeye gönderilir; yayın kararı, hakemlerin talepleri doğrultusunda yazarların gerçekleştirdiği düzenlemelerin ve hakem sürecinin sonrasında baş editör tarafından verilir.

Hakemlik Hakkında

Daha önce yayınlanmamış ya da yayınlanmak üzere başka bir dergide halen değerlendirmede olmayan ve her bir yazar tarafından onaylanan makaleler değerlendirilmek üzere kabul edilir. Gönderilen ve ön kontrolü geçen makaleler iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir. Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, cinsel yöneliminden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirir. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar.Seçilen makaleler en az iki ulusal/uluslararası hakeme değerlendirmeye gönderilir; yayın kararı, hakemlerin talepleri doğrultusunda yazarların gerçekleştirdiği düzenlemelerin ve hakem sürecinin sonrasında baş editör tarafından verilir.Hakemlerin değerlendirmeleri objektif olmalıdır. Hakem süreci sırasında hakemlerin aşağıdaki hususları dikkate alarak değerlendirmelerini yapmaları beklenir.- Makale yeni ve önemli bir bilgi içeriyor mu?- Öz, makalenin içeriğini net ve düzgün bir şekilde tanımlıyor mu?- Yöntem bütünlüklü ve anlaşılır şekilde tanımlanmış mı?- Yapılan yorum ve varılan sonuçlar bulgularla kanıtlanıyor mu?- Alandaki diğer çalışmalara yeterli referans verilmiş mi?- Dil kalitesi yeterli mi?Hakemler, gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar. Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir.

Aksi belirtilmedikçe gönderilen yazılarla ilgili tüm yazışmalar ilk yazarla yapılacaktır. Makale gönderimi online olarak ve <a href="https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/iuavid" target="_blank">https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/iuavid</a> adresinden erişilen <a href="http://dergipark.gov.tr/login" target="_blank">http://dergipark.gov.tr/login</a> üzerinden yapılmalıdır. Gönderilen yazılar, makale türünü belirten ve makaleyle ilgili detayları içeren (bkz: Son Kontrol Listesi) <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/DF26B8EFEF064B7EA7C8613AFCC4B509" target="_blank">kapak sayfası</a>; editöre mektup, yazının elektronik formunu içeren Microsoft Word 2003 ve üzerindeki versiyonları ile yazılmış elektronik dosya ve tüm yazarların imzaladığı <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/4D3DB634524B49BE908F6D83B1AD7D20" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a> eklenerek gönderilmelidir. Yazıların üzerinde yazarların kimliğini gösteren herhangi bir bilgi (Ad, soyadı, kurum vs.) bulunmamalıdır. <ol><li>Yazılar, Türkçe, İngilizce, Rusça olarak hazırlanabilir. </li><li>Ana metin, çift aralıklı 11 punto ile Times New Roman fontlarıyla MS Word formatında elektronik dosya olarak hazırlanır. PDF dosyası gönderilmemesi rica olunur. Makale başlığı büyük harflerle ve 12 punto koyu; ara başlıklar küçük harflerle ve 11 punto koyu yazılır. </li><li>Araştırma ve derleme makalelerinin, araştırma notu ve çeviri yazıların ilk sayfasına, 180-200 kelimelik (anahtar sözcükler dahil) Türkçe ve İngilizce birer özet eklenir. Özetlerin sonunda, en fazla 10’ar adet Türkçe ve İngilizce anahtar sözcük bulunmalıdır. Kitap ve toplantı tanıtımları ve editöre mektuplara özet ve bibliyografya gerekmez. Bunlar DergiPark’a yüklenirken “Özet” alanına yazının ilk paragrafı yüklenir. Türkçe makaleler için 600-800 kelimelik geniş özet istenmektedir. Rusça makaleler için hem Türkçe hem de İngilizce geniş özet gerekmektedir. </li><li>Ekler, ana metnin arkasına, kaynakçanın önüne yerleştirilmelidir. Eklerin kaynakları, ek başlığı altında ve ayrıca kaynakçada belirtilmelidir. </li><li>Kısa alıntılar paragraf içinde çifte tırnak arasında verilir. Uzun alıntılar tırnak işaretleri kullanılmadan sadece soldan iki kez girinti (tab) yapılmış olarak ve 10 punto ile verilir. </li><li>Resimler ve şekillerin altyazıları bulunmalıdır. Bu altyazılarda görselle ilgili açıklama ve kaynak verilmelidir. Altyazılarda verilen kaynaklar makale sonundaki kaynakçada yer almalıdır. Resimler, şekiller ve altyazıları metnin içine, yayımlanması istenilen yerlere yerleştirilmiş olmalı, hepsi metnin sonunda toplanmamalıdır. Ayrıca bütün resimler ve şekiller DergiPark sistemine ayrı ayrı yüklenmelidir. Resimler ve şekiller ayrı ayrı numaralandırılır. Alt yazıları 9 punto ile yazılır. </li><li>Not ve bibliyografya derginin benimsediği ve Chicago Manual of Style 16’yı temel alan referans sistemine uygun olmalıdır (Bkz: Kaynaklar) </li><li>Dipnotlar (8 punto) her sayfanın altında verilir. Dipnot numarası metin içinde üst simge ile belirtilir. Dipnot referans numaraları noktalama işaretlerinden sonra konulmalıdır (.35 veya ,23).</li><li>Gönderilen metin ve özetler, kullanılan dilin (Türkçe, İngilizce, Rusça) dilbilgisi ve yazım kurallarına uygun olarak yazılmış olmadır. Editör, gönderilen metnin ve özetlerin Türkçe ve yabancı dil düzenlemesini yapmakla sorumlu değildir. Anadili İngilizce veya Fransızca olmayan yazarlar, metin ve özetlerini dergiye göndermeden önce dil düzenleme hizmetlerinden faydalanmalıdır.</li><li>Yayınlanmak üzere gönderilen makale ile birlikte yazar bilgilerini içeren <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/DF26B8EFEF064B7EA7C8613AFCC4B509" target="_blank">kapak sayfası</a> gönderilmelidir. Kapak sayfasında, makalenin başlığı, yazar veya yazarların bağlı bulundukları kurum ve unvanları, kendilerine ulaşılabilecek adresler, cep, iş ve faks numaraları, ORCID ve e-posta adresleri yer almalıdır (bkz. Son Kontrol Listesi).</li></ol>

Yazım Kuralları

Avrasya İncelemeleri Dergisi (AVİD)- Journal of Eurasian Inquires dergisi, tarih, dil bilim ve güzel sanatların da dahil olduğu insan bilimleri konularında araştırma yapanların çoğu tarafından kullanılan “dipnot ve kaynakça” belgeleme sistemini benimsemiştir. Bu sistem, bibliyografik bilgilerin dipnotlarda ve bir kaynakçada gösterilmesine dayanır. Dergiye katkıda bulunacak yazarların, aşağıdaki örneklere dayanarak dipnotları düzenlemeleri ve kaynakça oluşturmaları rica olunur. Bu örnekler, yazarlara kolaylık sağlamak amacıyla, ChicagoManual of Style kılavuzundan <a href="http://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide/citation-" target="_blank">(http://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide/citation-</a> guide-1.html) ilavelerle derlenmiştir. Dipnot-kaynakça yöntemi hakkında ayrıntılı bilgi ve çok sayıda örnek Chicago Manual of Style’ın 16. baskısının 14. ve 15. bölümlerinde yer almaktadır.Her özgün araştırma makalesinin, derleme makalenin ve çeviri yazının sonuna bir kaynakça eklenir. Kaynakça dipnotlarda ve resim altı yazılarında verilen tüm kaynakları kapsamalıdır. Kaynakça, Arşiv Kaynakları, Yazma Kaynaklar, Basılı Kaynaklar ve/veya Elektronik Kaynaklar olarak dört ana başlık altında oluşturulur. Kaynakçada, basılı kaynaklar yazar soyadına göre alfabetik olarak sıralanır. Arşiv malzemesi ve yazma eserler kaynak gösterilirken, arşiv ve kütüphanenin bulunduğu şehir, resmi adı ve tasnifi açık olarak belirtilmeli belge/yazma numarası, varsa tarihi verilmelidir.Soyadı taşımayan yazarlar (örn. Salih Zeki) bibliyografyada ilk isminin baş harfi altında ve ‘Salih Zeki’ şeklinde yazılır. Soyadı almış yazarlar kaynakçaya soyadlarıyla girilir (örn. Adıvar, A. Adnan).Örnekler:İD ilk dipnot, SD sonraki/kısa dipnotlar, K kaynakçaKitap, tek, iki ve üç yazarlıDört ve daha fazla yazar için Kaynakça’da bütün yazarlar belirtilir, dipnotlarda yalnızca birinci yazar belirtilip ardına “ve diğerleri” anlamında “vd.” yazılır.İD Turhan Baytop, Türk Eczacılık Tarihi (İstanbul: İstanbul Üniversitesi Eczacılık Fakültesi, 1985), 55.SD Baytop, Eczacılık Tarihi, 175.K Baytop, Turhan. Türk Eczacılık Tarihi. İstanbul: İstanbul Üniversitesi Eczacılık Fakültesi, 1985.İD Sevtap Kadıoğlu ve Gaye Şahinbaş Erginöz, Belgelerle İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi’nde Mülteci Bilim Adamları (Istanbul: Istanbul Üniversitesi, 2017), 35.SD Kadıoğlu ve Şahinbaş Erginöz, Belgelerle İstanbul Üniversitesi, 41.K Kadıoğlu, Sevtap ve Gaye Şahinbaş Erginöz. Belgelerle İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi’nde Mülteci Bilim Adamları. İstanbul: İstanbul Üniversitesi, 2017.İD İrfan Dağdelen, Hüseyin Türkmen, ve Nergis Ulu, Türk Kütüphaneciliğinden İzdüşümler: Nail Bayraktara Armağan (İstanbul: Büyükşehir Belediye Başkanlığı - Kültürel ve Sosyal İşler Daire Başkanlığı Kütüphane ve Müzeler Müdürlüğü, 2005), 21.SD Dağdelen, Türkmen ve Ulu, Türk Kütüphaneciliğinden, 25.K Dağdelen, İrfan, Hüseyin Türkmen ve Nergis Ulu. Türk Kütüphaneciliğinden İzdişümler: Nail Bayraktara Armağan. İstanbul: Büyükşehir Belediye Başkanlığı, Kültürel ve Sosyal İşler Daire Başkanlığı Kütüphane ve Müzeler Müdürlüğü, 2005.KİTAP, yazara ek olarak çevirmen veya hazırlayan varsaHazırlayan varsa, dipnotta “çev.” yerine “haz.”; kaynakçada “Çeviren” yerine “Hazırlayan” kullanılır.İD Brian Cotterell ve Johan Kamminga, Endüstri Öncesi Teknolojilerin Mekaniği, çev. Atilla Bir(İstanbul: Literatür, 2001), 95.SD Cotterell ve Kamminga, Endüstri Öncesi, 99.K Cotterell, Brian ve Johan Kamminga, Endüstri Öncesi Teknolojilerin Mekaniği. Çeviren Atilla Bir.İstanbul: Literatür, 2001.KİTAP, çok ciltliİD Pirî Reis, Kitab-ı Bahriye, yay. haz. Ertuğrul Zekâi Ökte (Istanbul: TTT The Historical ReseachFoundation Istanbul Research Center, 1988), 1:155.SD Pirî Reis, Kitab-ı Bahriye, 2:35.K Pirî Reis. Kitab-ı Bahriye. Yayına hazırlayan Ertuğrul Zekâi Ökte. 4 cilt. Istanbul: TTT The HistoricalResearch Foundation Istanbul Research Center, 1988.Kitap içinde bölüm veya kitabın bir kısmıİD Feza Günergun, “Metroloji: Geleneksel Ölçü ve Tartılardan Metre Sistemine,” Osmanlı Uygarlığı1 içinde, haz. Halil İnalcık ve Günsel Renda (Ankara: Kültür Bakanlığı, 2002), 405.SD Günergun, “Metroloji,” 408.K Günergun, Feza. “Metroloji: Geleneksel Ölçü ve Tartılardan Metre Sistemine.” Osmanlı Uygarlığı1, hazırlayan Halil İnalcık ve Günsel Renda içinde 403-417. Ankara: Kültür Bakanlığı, 2002.Kitap içinde önsöz, sunuş, giriş ve benzeri kısımlarİD Gürol Irzık, Kostas Gavroglu’nun Bilimlerin Geçmişinden Tarih Üretmek adlı kitabına önsöz (İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2006), 8.SD Irzık, önsöz, 9.K Irzık, Gürol. Kostas Gavroglu’nun Bilimlerin Geçmişinden Tarih Üretmek adlı kitabına önsöz, 7-11. İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2006.Kitap, elektronik olarak yayımlanmışEğer kitap birden fazla formatta yayımlanmış ise, kullanılan formatı referans verilir. Onlinebaşvurulmuş kitaplar için URL verilir. İstenirse erişim tarihi eklenir. Eğer sayfa numarası yoksa, bölüm başlığını veya başka bir sayı eklenebilir.İD Ernst E. Hirsch, <a href="http://kitaplar.ankara.edu.tr/detail.php?id=847">Dünya Üniversiteleri ve Türkiye’de Üniversitelerin Gelişmesi I </a>(Ankara: AnkaraÜniversitesi Yayınları, 1998) Erişim 14 Mart 2018, <a href="http://kitaplar.ankara.edu.tr/detail.php?id=847" target="_blank">http://kitaplar.ankara.edu.tr/detail.php?id=847.</a>SD Hirsch, Dünya Üniversiteleri I, 206.K Hirsch, Ernst E. <a href="http://kitaplar.ankara.edu.tr/detail.php?id=847">Dünya Üniversiteleri ve Türkiye’de Üniversitelerin Gelişmesi I</a>. Ankara: AnkaraÜniversitesi Yayınları, 1998. Erişim 14 Mart 2018. <a href="http://kitaplar.ankara.edu.tr/detail.php?id=847" target="_blank">http://kitaplar.ankara.edu.tr/detail.php?id=847.</a>Dergi makalesi, telifİD Asuman Baytop, “İstanbul Üniversitesi Eczacı Mektebi’nde (1933-1962) Görev Almış Yabancı Öğretim Üyeleri,” Avrasya İncelemeleri Dergisi (AVİD)12 (2011), 9.SD Baytop, “Eczacı Mektebi’nde,” 3-5.K Baytop, Asuman. “İstanbul Üniversitesi Eczacı Mektebi’nde (1933-1962) Görev Almış Yabancı Öğretim Üyeleri.” Avrasya İncelemeleri Dergisi (AVİD)12 (2011): 1-21.Dergi makalesi, çeviriİD Gert Schubring, “Hüseyin Tevfik Paşa: ‘Lineer Cebir’in Mucidi,” çev. Sevtap Kadıoğlu, Avrasya İncelemeleri Dergisi (AVİD)7 (2007), 51.SD Schubring, “Hüseyin Tevfik Paşa,” 53.K Schubring, Gert. “Hüseyin Tevfik Paşa: ‘Lineer Cebir’in Mucidi,” çeviren Sevtap Kadıoğlu. Avrasya İncelemeleri Dergisi (AVİD)7 (2007): 49-54.Dergi makalesi, elektronikEğer DOI (Digital Object Identifier) numarası verilmiş ise eklenir. Eğer yoksa ve yayıncı veya bilim dalı gerekli kılıyor ise erişim tarihi eklenir.SD Baytop, “Eczacılık Öğretimi,” 126.K Baytop, Turhan. “Eczacılık Öğretimi.” Dünden Bugüne İstanbul Ansiklopedisi. 3: 126-127. İstanbul: Kültür Bakanlığı ve Tarih Vakfı, 1994.Yayımlanmamış bildiriİD Erdal İnönü ve Harun Doğan, “Türk Bilimcilerinin Adlarıyla Anılan Bazı Buluşlar” (Bilim Tarihi, Felsefesi ve Sosyolojisi Çalışma Grubu’nun II. Ulusal Sempozyumu’nda sunulan bildiri, Assos, 18-20 Haziran 2004).SD İnönü ve Doğan, “Türk Bilimcilerinin.”K İnönü, Erdal ve Harun Doğan. “Türk Bilimcilerinin Adlarıyla Anılan Bazı Buluşlar.” Bilim Tarihi, Felsefesi ve Sosyolojisi Çalışma Grubu’nun II. Ulusal Sempozyumu’nda sunulan bildiri, Assos, 18-20 Haziran 2004Yazma eserİD Feyzi, Muhadarat-ı Feyzi, İstanbul, İstanbul Üniversitesi Nadir Eserler Kütüphanesi, T6833, 48a.SD Feyzi, Muhadarat-ı Feyzi, T6833, 51b.K Feyzi, Muhadarat-ı Feyzi, İstanbul, İstanbul Üniversitesi Nadir Eserler Kütüphanesi, T6833, 1a-70b.İD Salih b. Nasrullah, Ghayat al-itqan fi tabdir badan al-insan, İstanbul, Süleymaniye Kütüphanesi,Ayasofya 3682, 26a.SD Salih b. Nasrullah, Ghayat al-itqan, Ayasofya 3682, 23b.K Salih b. Nasrullah, Ghayat al-itqan fi tabdir badan al-insan, Istanbul, Süleymaniye Kütüphanesi, Ayasofya 3682, 1a-311a, Kopyalanma tarihi 10 Rebiülevvel 1135 (19 Aralık 1722).Arşiv belgesiİD Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi (BOA), Cevdet Askeriye (C.AS.) 71/3352, 9 Şevval 1211 (7 Nisan 1797).SD BOA, C.AS. 71/3352.K Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi (BOA). Cevdet Askeriye (C. AS) 71/3352, 9 Şevval 1211 (7 Nisan 1920).İD Topkapı Sarayı Müzesi Arşivi (TSMA), E. 3202-2=597-2-7.SD TSMA, E. 3202-2=597-2-7.K Topkapı Sarayı Müzesi Arşivi (TSMA). E. 3202-2=597-2-7.Web sitesiİD “Bilginin İzinde,” Bilim Tarihi, erişim 14 Mart 2018, <a href="http://www.bilimtarihi.org/bilginin_izinde.html">http://www.bilimtarihi.org/bilginin_izinde.html</a>SD “Bilginin İzinde.”K Bilim Tarihi. “Bilginin İzinde.” Erişim 14 Mart 2018. <a href="http://www.bilimtarihi.org/bilginin_izinde.html" target="_blank">http://www.bilimtarihi.org/bilginin_izinde.html.</a>E-posta veya metin iletisiGenellikle yalnızca dipnotlarda verilir. Kaynakçada yer alma zorunluluğu yoktur.d Gökşin Sanal, yazara e-posta iletisi, 16.10.2015.

<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/4D3DB634524B49BE908F6D83B1AD7D20" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a> <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/99AD61E66C4A44D9B93A267FD2FE8045" target="_blank">Kapak sayfası</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/8DD9D2E26A804C5F809B7EF58CDB00BF" target="_blank">Yazarlara Bilgi Metni</a>

Aşağıdaki listede eksik olmadığından emin olun: <ul><li>Makalenin türü</li><li>Başka bir dergiye gönderilmemiş olduğu</li><li>İngilizce yönünden kontrolünün yapıldığı</li><li>Yazarlara Bilgide detaylı olarak anlatılan dergi politikalarının gözden geçirildiği</li><li>Referansların derginin benimsediği Chicago Manual of Style’ı temel alan referans sistemine uygun olarak düzenlendiği</li></ul><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/4D3DB634524B49BE908F6D83B1AD7D20" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a> (Yazar, makale yayına kabul bilgisini aldıktan sonra göndermelidir.)Daha önce basılmamış materyal (yazı-resim-tablo) kullanılmış ise izin belgesi<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/FDAB480E16E141A2A7B2B0F8CFAC570C" target="_blank">Kapak sayfası</a><ul><li>Makalenin kategorisi</li><li>Makale dilinde ve İngilizce başlık</li><li>Yazarların ismi soyadı, unvanları ve bağlı oldukları kurumlar (üniversite ve fakülte bilgisinden sonra şehir ve ülke bilgisi de yer almalıdır), e-posta adresleri</li><li>Sorumlu yazarın e-posta adresi, açık yazışma adresi, iş telefonu, GSM, faks numarası</li><li>Tüm yazarların ORCID’leri</li></ul>Makale ana metni<div><ul><li>Önemli: Ana metinde yazarın / yazarların kimlik bilgilerinin yer almamış olması gerekir.</li><li>Makale dilinde ve İngilizce başlık</li><li>Özetler: 180-200 kelime makale dilinde ve 180-200 kelime İngilizce</li><li>Türkçe tüm makaleler için İngilizce extended abstract (600-800 kelime), İngilizce dışında yer alan yabancı dillerdeki makaleler için hem Türkçe hem İngilizce extended abstract (600-800 kelime)</li><li>Anahtar Kelimeler</li><li>Makale ana metin bölümleri</li><li>Teşekkür, Çıkar çatışması, Finansal destek belirtilmelidir</li><li>Kaynaklar</li><li>Tablolar-Resimler, Şekiller (başlık, kaynak ve alt yazılarıyla)</li></ul></div>

Sayı Türü	Regular
Editör(ler)	Mustafa Balcı
Kapak (PDF)
Tam Metin (PDF)
Ön Sayfalar (PDF)