Şahabettin

Assist. Prof.

This study aims to investigate the utterance and meaning properties of augmented (mezîd) verbs expressing reflexivity (mutâva‘at) in the Arabic Language. In this study, dictionary definitions of the word ‘mutâva'at’, reflexivity measures of triliteral (sülâsi) verbs, augmented (mezîd) verbs expressing reflexivity (mutâva‘at), usage characteristics of the verbs expressing reflexivity, the opinions of grammarians about reflexivity and comparison of the verbs stating reflexivity with intransitive and passive verbs will be examined in the light of examples from the Qur’an, Arabic poetry and proverbs.Verbs play a significant role in Arabic grammar. Expressing judgment with verb sentences forms the basis of expressing thoughts in Arabic. Arab grammarians, from the time of Sîbeveyhî to the present day, have given special importance to verb patterns and their meanings whether they are mücerred (pure) verbs or mezîd (augmented) verbs. Understanding Arabic texts correctly and translating them appropriately in Turkish is closely related to knowing verb measures and their meanings. In grammar books, verbs have been dealt with under various sub-titles. Active-passive (ma‘lûm-meçhûl), transitive-intransitive (müte‘addî-lâzım), soundweak (sahîh-mu‘tel) and declinable-indeclinable (mutasarrıf-câmid) can be given as examples of these titles. Another important sub-topic of verbs is augmented (mezîd) verbs and their meanings. Verbs in Arabic are divided into two parts depending on whether their letters are original or not. The first category is pure (mücerred) verbs all letters of which are original, and the second one is augmented (mezîd) verbs to which letters are attached. In the Arabic language there are different meanings that augmented verbs express and reflexivity is one of them. Verbs which carry the meaning of reflexivity were used both in religious texts and in Arabic poetry and proverbs during the time before Islam (Câhiliyya).This study uses the scanning method, one of the data collection methods, to analyze and evaluate the collected data, and the views of the Arab grammarians on the subject were included. In order to better understand the subjects, the Qur'an, Arabic poetry and proverbs were quoted. In our preliminary research, it was found that there was no academic study on verbs expressing reflexivity in Arabic. Thus, we decided to prepare this study under the title of “Verbs Expressing Reflexivity in Arabic Language” to close this gap, even if only slightly.In the Arabic language, “infi‘âl” is the basic measure in terms of reflexivity. The measure of “infi‘âl”, which is one of the augmented verbs, is always intransitive and it never takes a direct object (mef‘ûlün bih). While other augmented verbs express other meanings beside reflexivity, the measure of “infi‘âl” only expresses reflexivity. In the Arabic language, there&nbsp;also some other augmented measures expressing reflexivity. Verbs that express reflexivity are not a different notation of intransitive verbs since there are also some transitive verbs with the meaning of reflexivity which take a direct object. However, intransitive verbs can never receive direct objects. Verbs that express reflexivity are divided into two in terms of transitiveness. The first category is that of reflexive (mutâvî‘) verbs that are always intransitive and the other is that of reflexive verbs which are transitive. Other augmented verbs stating reflexivity are also intransitive most of the time.&nbsp;While the topic of verbs is covered along with nouns and letters in grammar books, some books are dedicated only to verbs like the example of Kitâbu fa‘altü ve ef‘altü of Ebû İshâk ez-Zeccâc. In the words of Ibn Hisham, the meaning of reflexivity (mutâva‘at) is that the first of the two verbs creates an effect and the agent of the second verb accepts this effect. Agents of the verbs that express reflexivity have the meaning of object (mef‘ûl). In other words, agents of the verbs expressing reflexivity are not real agents which create an effect because these agents do not describe an action, state or occurrence, but on the contrary they are affected by the action.As a basic fact of grammar taught by Arab grammarians, verbs expressing the meaning of reflexivity are not regular. Radıyüddîn al-Esterâbâdî also says that the use of augmented verbs is irregular, and that those things that are heard from the Arabs should be taken as a basis when deciding which pure triliteral verb comes in which augmented verb measure.&nbsp;Arab grammarians included the style of reflexivity in their works and explained their conditions and features of their usage by giving examples from verse and poetry. There is no significant difference of opinion among the grammarians on the subject of reflexivity. The first grammarian who dealt with reflexivity was Sîbeveyhî. Later grammarians followed in his footsteps. Definitions of reflexivity given by later grammarians such as Radıyyüddîn elEsterâbâdî ve İbn Hişâm el-Ensârî were clearer and more precise, and their way of dealing with the issue was more systematic. Verbs expressing reflexivity are active in terms of utterance and passive with regard to meaning. Some grammarians, such as Sîbeveyhî, evaluate the verbs that express reflexivity in the same category as passive verbs in terms of meaning.

Augmented Verbs Expressing Reflexivity (Mutâva‘at)  in the Arabic Language

Ahmet

Prof.

Merzifon is one of our towns that has raised valuable figures for Islamic scientific and cultural life since the reign of Celebi Sultan Mehmed (between 816-824 Hegira years / 1413- 1421 Gregorian years). Among these figures are pundits, scholars, jurists, sufis, qadis and muftis. Merzifon Madrasah, built between the years of 1414 and 1417 (817-824 Hegira years) upon the order of Sultan Celebi Mehmet, who established his reign in the region of Tokat and Amasya after the Battle of Ankara, is one of the oldest monuments of Turkish-Islamic architecture. This famous madrasah, which has value in terms of the history of art, is also valuable in terms of the history of science in which we put emphasis. Merzifon Madrasah continued education and training activities from its beginning to the end of the ruling period of Sultan Süleyman the Magnificent (926-974 / 1520-1566), namely, in the classical Ottoman period. However, apart from this education and training institution, which we can call official, there were scientific and cultural activities in the town. As a matter of fact, the sources show us that a literary, moral, and mystical education was also provided in the mosques, lodges, houses, and mansions of the members and tutelars of science and literature.&nbsp;Abdurrahîm Merzifonî We should mention Abdurrahîm Merzifonî at the top of the list among the scientists and scholars in Merzifon. Besides his serious mystical experience, it is also observed that he scrutinized many valuable works in this field. Among these works were Vesayâ-yi Kudsiyye by Zeyneddin al-Hafi and the books named Ilam al-Huda and Avarif al-Me'arif by Sufi Shahbeddin as-Suhreverdi, the founder of the Suhreverdiye sect (d. 632/1234).&nbsp;Muhammed Kocevî Muhammed Kocevi, the father of Muhyiddin Seyyidi Çelebi (d.931 / 1524), who was mentioned by Taşköprülü-zade among the scholars in the reign of Sultan Bayezid II, also became a professor at Merzifon Madrasah. However, we need to remember that we do not know anything about him apart from the fact that he worked as a mudarris in this madrasah for a long time and we think he might have accomplished this task before his son.&nbsp;Crimean Sayyid Ahmed Crimean Seyyid Ahmed b. Abdullah took over the education and training after İlyas er-Rûmi, none of whose works were recorded in the sources. Among the information that we learned from Taşköprülü-zâde, is that Sultan Murad II gave Crimean Seyyid Ahmed his madrasah in Merzifon.&nbsp;Abdullah al-AmasiAnother person who worked as a manager in Merzifon during the reign of Sultan Murad II was Abdullah al-Amasi. The title of Amasi suggests that he might have been born in Amasya, or that he served in this city. Unfortunately, the information given in the sources does not allow us to know him closely.&nbsp;Molla AtufiMolla Atûfi, who was included in the scholars of Yavuz Sultan Selim period (918-926 / 1512-1520) by Taşköprülü-zade, dedicated some of his works to Sultan Bayezid II. He mentioned him as the true scholar and caliph of the century at the beginning of his book named K. Ravz el-insan fi t-tıbb en-nebevi, which is about tıbb-ı nebevî among those works.&nbsp;&nbsp;Molla Hafiz AcemMerzifon Madrasa continued to be an education and training institution where many valuable scholars lectured and wrote works during the period of Suleyman the Magnificent (926- 974 / 1520-1566). Molla Hafiz Acem (d. 957/155), who should be mentioned at the head of these, escaped from the pressure of Shah Ismail and came to Anatolia and wrote works during his service in this madrasah.&nbsp;We can listother scholars of Merzifon in the period of Sultan Süleyman the Magnicifient as follows: Kutbeddin el-Merzifoni. Kutbeddin el-Merzifoni, who in his last years was also in the neighborhood of Zenbilli Ali Efendi (d.932 / 1526), the famous scholar and Sheikhülislam of the period of Sultan Bayezid II, probably owes his title to having been born in this town. This figure, who died in 1528 (h.935), worked as a mudarris in Iznik, Davud Pasha (Istanbul) and Trabzon Madrasahs. It is also recorded that he had extensive knowledge in the Arabic sciences, especially in fiqh, and that he contributed with taliks to some parts of Sadru ş-Şerî'a's commentary about the book al-Vikaya and Sayyid Sharif's commentary about al-Miftah Seyrek Muhyiddin, whose full name was Muhyiddin Muhammed al-Huseyni, was from the vicinity of Ankara. Yusuf Germiyani was taught by Sayyidi Muhammed Kocevi and Birgivi-zade Muslihuddin Efendi and later became the assistant (muidi) of Bali Efendi of Aydın. It is recorded that he served as a mudarris in Ankara, Merzifon, and Tokat Madrasahs. He was also the teacher of Sehzade Mehmed, the son of Süleyman the Magnificent, and he passed away during this duty.&nbsp;Mecdi Efendi of Edirne reminded that the works of talik (footscripts), which he had written for some parts of Al-Hidaya and Sadr al-Shari'a, remained as a draft. Molla Zeyrek Muhyiddin also had a mosque and a training house built in his town. Molla İbnu-s Seikh: The father of this person, whose real name was Abdullah but known as Ibnu-s Sheikh, was the caliph of Taceddin, one of the sheikhs of the Zeyniyye sect. Ibnu s-Sheikh, who came from a family in Boyabat, became a student of Muhammed b. Hasan Samsuni and Seyyidi Mahmud Kocevi.&nbsp;He started teaching as a mudarris in Merzifon Madrasah and continued in other madrasahs which were not recorded by sources, but soon retired by opting for seclusion. It is noted that Ibnu s-Sheikh was a versatile scholar and he had extensive and reliable knowledge, especially in Beyzavi interpretation.&nbsp;Sheikh-zade: The father of Sheikh-zade, as mentioned above, Cemaleddin Efendi was one of the great scholars of the Bayezid period (886-918 / 1481-1512). Sheikh-zade, whose real name was Abdurrahman, took lessons from Hafiz Acem during his teaching at Merzifon Madrasah and later became the assistant of Molla Karabagî in Iznik Madrasah. After Karabagî's death in 942/1535, he was at Jazeri Kasımpaşa madrasah.The scientific activities that took place in Merzifon over a century and a half are discussed in this article. They were carried out by the madrasah members and their assistants, namely the mudarrises, their muids and advisors, within the Merzifon Madrasah and the madrasah later founded in the period of Sultan Murad II (824-855 / 1421-1451) and by scholars, poets and sufis outside the madrasah. We were unable to give an exact figure about the number of the madrasah members, their assistants, the scholars and the sufis. Only those who succeeded according to the order in the community books, that is, those who carried out the teaching and education activities in the desired way and also produced works besides these activities, were taken into account in this paper.

Scholars Trained in Merzifon in the 15th and 16th Century

Süleyman

Lecturer

This article seeks to answer the question of how the Imāmī Shī‘ite approached qirā’ā (recitation) -especially in regard to exegetical studies- in its classical period. In order to do this the study takes two prominent scholars who were seen as authorities in the field, namely aṭ-Ṭūsī (d. 460/1067) and aṭ-Ṭabarsī (d. 548/1153). In this context, the scope of this study aims to include the opinions of the above-mentioned scholars regarding aḥruf al-sab‘a (seven letters), the origins of the qirā’ahs, their views on the problem of tawātur (authentically wide-spread), conditions of accepting, scrutinizing of the qirā’ahs and, finally, the preferred qirā’ahs they employed.&nbsp;Ṭūsī and Ṭabarsī are seen as the two most prominent scholars of the classical period of Imāmi Sḥī‘ite. Both at-Tibyān of Ṭūsī and Majma‘ul bayān of Ṭabarsī, which mostly took the former as the reference point regarding method, are seen as the first moderate exegetical studies that are centered on the ‘uṣūl/dirāyah method within the tradition.Both Ṭūsi and Ṭabarsī undertook different approaches in a number of matters compared to the early Shite exegetical scholars, primarily regarding their approach towards the qirā’a. Moreover both paved the way for a transformation within the discourse. Examples of some components of this transformation pioneered by the above-mentioned two scholars include a strong denial of the idea put forward by the early Ak̲h̲bāri S̲h̲iʾte exegetical scholars stating that the verbal recitation of muṣḥaf was distorted, and abandoning the use of extreme utterances and narrations that include defamation and despising of the first three caliphs and some companions. In addition, a philological examination of a number of verses of the Qur’ān, use of classical Arabic poetry, and conjunction by muṣḥaf are a few examples of how both scholars were in line with the commentaries of classical exegetical scholars of ahl al-Sunna.&nbsp;One of the issues greatly emphasized by both Ṭūsī and Ṭabarsī is the problem of al-aḥruf al-sabʿa (seven letters) which is seen as the base for the origination of recitations. Not only Ṭūsī, but also Ṭabarsī summarized the common understanding of narrations and ḥadīt̲h̲ within the S̲h̲iʾte discourse of the past and of their time regarding al-ahrufu’s-sab‘a as follows: “The Qur’ān was revealed to one Prophet, on one letter.” Moreover, they did not stay aloof to a number of narrations, referred to as “ʿāmma”, which comes through the channel of aḥl al-Sunna, and therefore they regarded them as falling within the genus of k̲h̲abar al-wāḥid by also stating that they found the idea of “seven different recitations forms” as compatible.&nbsp;Both Ṭūsī and Ṭabarsī seem to have failed to bring about a clear and distinct explanation regarding the authenticity of the recitations. However, the fact that their placement of some recitations, of which aḥl al-Sunna is regarded as falling within the category of sahīh/mutawātir (authentic), into categories of d̲h̲āif (weak), sh̲ad̲h̲ (uncommon), and further as mistaken, seems to be a good indicator of the fact that they have considered these recitations not tobe mutawātir. In addition to this, their statement that these recitations were both premised, and hence they were in circulation among the recitators of Imamite S̲h̲iʾte, shows that there did not exist a biased approach towards different recitations at the time.&nbsp;This study will demonstrate that the scholars held the criteria of “compatibility with Arabic language, correctness in terms of meaning, suitability to the writing style of musḥaf, and common usage among Muslims” as the main grounds for determining the authentic recitations. Although, these conditions are not found altogether in scholars’ works, it is still possible to draw a general principle from the explanations they made at different times and in different places.When it comes to choosing one recitation over another, both Ṭūsī and Ṭabarsī held that they were not content with the way in which the leaders of the prominent sects gave permission to conducting different recitations which were in circulation among the reciters, and they also objected to reducing the recitations to a single style and praising it. By way of reflection, in their works they tried to maintain an equal distance between all the recitations that existed within the qırā’at al-sab‘a and qırā’at al-asḥara. Although in exegesis and preference the dominance of the Ḥafs narration which stretches through the channel of ʿĀṣim (d. 127/745) is notable, they sometimes applied criticism towards some recitations within the Ḥafṣ (d. 180/796).It should not come as a surprise that both Ṭūsī and Ṭabarsī, who shared close and complementary opinions, engaged somehow in a slightly different methodology compared to the scholars who are placed within the Sunni discourse. However, it is of great significance that both Ṭūsī and Ṭabarsī used the reference sources of Sunni scholars. The attempts of both scholars in the late period (20th century and onwards) in Sunni-Shite dialectic is called the taqrīb’ul madhāib approach and shall be seen as a significant factor. Indeed, some sources are mentioned by Ṭūsī’s al-Tibyān and Ṭabarsī’s Majma‘ul-bayān as being the first works written within the scope of taqrīb (disclosing). It might be for this reason that Ṭūsī and Ṭabarsī dealt with a number of matters, primarily the problem of recitation, which were either ignored or only lightly touched upon by the Shite scholars.

Approaches of Imāmī Shī‘ite to Qirā’ahs: The Case of Ṭūsī-Ṭabarsī

Mustafa

This paper is on an Arabic Wakfiya dated 1025/1616 issued by Ottoman Sultan Ahmad I. (from 1603 to 1617). The original copy of the Wakf documents is available among the documents in the Ottoman Archive in Kağıthane, Istanbul1 . Ottoman Sultan Ahmad I decided to prepare a separate Wakfiya in Egypt with his personal properties (Khawass-ı Padishahî) as revenue – generating properties for this wakf. Through the Wali (Governor) of Egypt Ahmad Pasha acting on behalf of the Sultan he arranged the registration of his Wakf in the Sharia Court at Cairo. The aim of the Wakf was to bring some comfort to the pilgrims on their way to Mecca at their final destinations, i.e., Ka’ba and Arafat. Awkaf (the plural of Wakf) are considered as a separate unit operating independently under the administration of Mutawallees, in the present terminology of the Board of Trustees, upon their registrations. They collect the income coming from the assets belonging to awkaf and with this income the endowments beneficiaries in Haramain are subsidized (Haramain is the collective name given to the sacred mosques at Mecca and Madinah).The Mutawallees were sometimes called Nâzır and they were appointed by the owner of the wakf in the beginning, but in later times they were appointed by the higher authorities. In the Awkaf of Haramain the highest authority is “Agha of Dârusse’âde at the Sultans’ Saray.” He held the highest position in the Haramain Awkaf and the yearly financial reports (muhâsebe-i vâridât ve mesârifât) were submitted to him. Mutawallee was responsible to observe that the “shart-ı wâkıf” (the conditions of the waqf) were satisfied in the expenditures. Payments were made according to the programme designed and put forward by the rules designated in Wakfiya. When the Agha of Dâr-üse’âda makes the necessary control of the payments indicated in the financial report, first he double-checks and controls whether any beforehand indication was made by the endowment documents. Sometimes these financial reports are submitted for a couple of years or more. It seems that there had been a double examinations and corporate responsibility throughout this process.&nbsp;Sultan Ahmad I. was a very pious man and apart from his awkaf we present here he established numerous religious foundations. We would like to highlight here that he constructed one of the most famous mosques in İstanbul known by his name: the Sultanahmet (Blue) Mosque. Its opening ceremony was a magnificent occasion in 16172 . All these awkaf show that he was very helpful towards the Muslims to feel free and comfortable in their prayers and visits to the Haramain area. He also pledged the full treatment to the Christians during their tour of Jerusalem and while visiting the famous Sepulchre there3 .Sultan Ahmed I, was also a good poet and wrote in a poetical works towards the Prophet Muhammad to express his feelings:“I wish I had put your foot-prints on my head as my crown”Some of his other works in and around Ka’ba (at the Haram of Mecca) and its neighbourhood: All of these repairs done at Haram and Ka’ba were undertaken by the report from Ameer of Mecca the Shareef because starting such repair works in Ka’ba could have been quite a risky undertaking. Therefore, long discussions took place in İstanbul among the ‘Ulama (The Religious Scholars) and it needed necessary care and attention to appoint an experienced architect. To name a few of such projects:1. He furnished the Ka’ba with many ornaments like “Mîzâb-ul-Rahma” on top of the Ka’ba such as the water spout for the rain water which comes down from the Roof of Ka’ba. Even today the Turkish people call it the “Golden Gutter” because it was made of gold in İstanbul and fixed over the old gutter. During this operation a repair of the roof was also carried out.2. Repairs of the two walls of Ka’ba: As we have seen before, starting a new repair or any alterations at Ka’ba could be a quite risky undertaking and, therefore, a full report was needed from the Ameer of Mecca about the problem asking for a solution. One such problem reported was in two walls of the Ka’ba; one at the western side and the other one in the eastern side. Sultan Ahmed I. invited the notables to a gathering. Some of them were in the opinion that Ka’ba should be demolished and rebuilt again. This would have been the most reliable way to solve the problem. Whereas, the other group proposed that the walls should be strengthened by supporting girdles or iron belts (known as “Nikât” in the Arab histories and in Turkish “Kuşak”) and that would resolve the issue without causing any disturbances. With the latter solution, no prayers (salat) would be interrupted and nobody would be disturbed. So, they chose&nbsp;the second peaceful way to use girdles to surround the wall with strong iron belts or copper plated with silver. But to construct such a heavy and bulky material like this would be achievable only in İstanbul and most probably at Tarsâne-i ‘Âmire (the Royal Arsenal). But then the problem was how to carry all of these materials all the way to Mecca. The story about carrying these heavy metals by camels and the welcoming ceremonies at their arrival has been narrated by many historians who were present among the welcoming people in 1611.3. Renovation of the four corners (al-Makâmât al-Arba’a): The four corners devoted to four major Islamic Schools were available around Ka’ba at the time of the Ottomans. They were Hanafî, Shafi’î, Hanbalî and Malikî schools or as they were called “alMazâhib el-Erba’a.” These corners were renovated in the year 1013/1604 during the time of Sultan Ahmad I.4. The well of Zamzam and its cover: The sacred well of Zamzam is located a little further from the centre of Makâm el-İbrâhîmî at the Ka’ba. According to the reports from the Ameer of Mecca there was a danger around the Zamzam, especially after a flood which used to happen in Mecca once in a while. The sudden increase in the level of Zamzam water would cause a great danger for the people who tried to get ablution or drink some Zamzam water from the well directly. In the upper part, the Zamzam well had a circular basin around the curb-stone of the well. The basin was wide but not very deep. But after the flood, the level of water would increase and create danger for the people. Many accidents and unwanted events took place during or right after the floods. Therefore, the problem was reported to İstanbul and at the end of the consultations among the professionals such as Mimâr Başı (head of the architects) and others they decided to construct a lid on top of Zamzam well to prevent such incidents. This lid was again constructed in İstanbul and send to Mecca for the implementation of the project.5. The water coming from Arafat and joining another water canal from Hunayn reached the city of Mecca. The project was initiated and implemented by Sultan Sulaiman elKanûnî, the great grandfather of Sultan Ahmad I (Ahmed’s father was Sultan Mehmed III, and his father was Sultan Murad III, and his grandfather was Sultan Sulaiman). The great project of sending Arafat water to Mecca was something farfetched at the beginning and with the passage of time the canals carrying the water became full of mud and needed some cleaning. So, during the time of Ahmad I. a new project was initiated to clean the canals of both Arafat waters and the waters of ‘Ayn Zubaida which brought water to Arafat. As a matter of fact, the new project initiated by the Sultan Ahmad I. covered both ‘Ayn Zubaiyda and Kânûnî projects. When they were&nbsp;&nbsp;completed and the water reached Mecca many local poets wrote some poems depicting this amazing event. ‘Alî ‘Abdulkadir el-Taberî wrote the following poetical works; “Fe kultu hâzâ al-‘Âm târîhahu, Karrat ‘Uyûn ul-Nâsi bi’l-Mâ-i.”

A Waqf (Foundation) Document Dated 1025/1616 by the Ottoman Sultan Ahmed I Related to Haramayn

Serhan

Religion, which means “path, faith, tradition, bond, servitude” in all cultures, is a phenomenon that changes individual and social life with very strong influences. From this point of view, religion plays an important role in the formation of an individual's personality by contributing to their level of consciousness. We can also say that each religion has established a common ‘language of religion’ to form a common perception. In this respect, revelation is a sign this common language of religion and a state of communication in which God himself addresses in a language that humans speak. In other words, the revelation -word of God- that determines an individual's relationship with themselves, their surroundings, and God is presented to human understanding using the Qur'an's own linguistic and stylistic characteristics within the possibilities and limits of the Arabic language. Hence, in order to actualize this addressaddressee dialectic, the Qur'an takes into account the perceptions and concepts of the society it was revealed to and forms a common world view formed by the values of the society such as language, faith, culture, and history. Moreover, it actualizes the most beautiful transformation and change of the individual's mindset and identity by using the Qur'anic Style, which is the language's own style of expression, in verse and language form. Indeed, the correct understanding of the divine word is made possible by taking into account its distinctive Quranic language, its style, and its ikhbari (pronouncement) and inshai (constructive) sentence structures in parallel with its style of expression. In this way, it contains the transitivity in which one can be included in the context of the other from time to time in the course of the Qur'anic style, and it turns into the inshai structure, which is a higher style of the ikhbari form, and drives its addressees to change their actions.&nbsp;This study aims to identify the main subject of Surat Al-Infitar by taking into account the relationship between the addressees and the environment in light of the methods that are unique to the Qur'anic style offered as a linguistic method of understanding the Qur'an and the style of the language of religion that encompasses the whole of the Qur'an. In this sense, our study takes into account the constructional (inshai) structure that plays a role in manifesting&nbsp;and turning the warning (ikhbari) expressions for doomsday -like the sky will break apart, the stars will fall- into action mostly "here-now", beyond the informing of the future apocalypse. Therefore, the study tries to address the surah as a whole within the framework of the specific language structure of the divine word and the Qur'anic style. Thanks to this information that forms the basis of the method of the Qur'anic style, the verse(s) and/or the surah turns the gayb (invisible) sphere like the apocalypse, the judgement day, the hereafter into an active "event" and a new "action" happening "here-now" through the issues of the testimonial sphere of this world in a style that can be understood by all. As it were, the surah creates the comprehension of the truth of the revelation, which is first and foremost the first stage of the God-man relationship, through the reality of the change in the cosmic structure. And it also creates the understanding of "the hereafter with the consciousness of reckoning". Accordingly, it lays the burden of personal responsibility to the individual and it shows how the will and power of the divine truth manifests.&nbsp;In this context, the surah talks about the cosmic changes that took place during the events of doomsday which transforms into kalami action through Allah's taqwini laws and turns this action into morality. The surah begins with "doomsday" scenes that can be described as "the sudden occurrence of an event and/or the beginning of cosmic change" as if to show a new era is about to begin. The word infitar, which gives its name to the Surah, means "splitting, disturbing the existing order, interfering with something". And in this context, it is interpreted as "without knowing its nature, the revelation of the commandments of God to the Earth either through the descent of the Angels or by the greatness of the Lord". In our opinion, these events are aimed at drawing attention to the reality, nature, and possibility of the divine revelation, as well as emphasizing to their addressees that the old corrupt order will be replaced by a new one. As a matter of fact, when we take into account the revelation course of the Qur'an, we see that it conveys its divine message to a society where the majority were illiterate and thought it impossible for Allah to send his divine message to its addressees by means of a human being who also was illiterate. In addition, the context of forward-looking ikhbari statements reveals to us the inshai structure of the issues towards this world. In this sense, the surah builds a religious and moral consciousness through taqwini/qawni verses beyond just giving information. The point that draws attention here is that the qawni verses are both verses themselves, and that they are accepted as signs, prognostics, that is, intellectual evidence of the truth that exists in their own selves. It reflects the greatest evidence for the positioning of the revelation the fact that all beings, including the earth, sky, and man, with their apparent–known features witnessed by themselves are a verse. And it plays a role in the comprehension that they are all parts of the same whole, including this revelation. Moreover, in the minds of the addressees, who thought that it was impossible for Allah to send his message through the Prophet Muhammad Who was ontologically human, the entity to which they ascribe sanctity gains a new meaning and the actions created by this meaning explain the possibility of such revelation.&nbsp;Thus, a&nbsp;consciousness about everything that the Allah-universe relationship represents is created in the addressees and the absolute creative power behind this truth is pointed out. Therefore, the main subject of the surah is the creation of the awareness of the day of reckoning and the understanding of the hereafter, which is put forth with a style that is simultaneous with the possibility of the divine revelation, its nature and its reality.In line with this perspective, our work offers to read the depictions of the doomsday which belongs to the gayb for humans, the topics concerning the hereafter like the awareness of the day of reckoning in inshai form in the context of Qur'anic style. In this respect, our article attempts to understand and explain the effects of the Qur'anic style that are reflected in this world and which turn it into action and morality here and now, not in terms of the “reality and/or awareness of the scenes of the apocalypse”. Of course, this study, taken in the context of the Qur'anic style, is an effort aimed at basing not the style itself but only its method and, in parallel, determining the main idea of the surah.

Surat Al-Infitar in Terms of Qur’anic Style

Şükran

Assoc. Prof.

Throughout the establishment and the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire, activities of compilation (texts, commentary, super-commentary, margin, abbreviation, abridgement, treatise etc.) and translation continued uninterrupted within the field of Arabic Language and Literature. The discipline of rhetoric is one of the most important areas which Ottoman scientific experience, in its connection with the activities of the above-mentioned linguistic disciplines, concentrate on. Three of these topics are mostly processed by metaphor (majâz), analogy-based metaphor (istiʻâra), and allusion (kinâya).Abû al-Qâsim al-Samarqandî’s (d. after 888/1483) analogy-based metaphor treatise Farâid al-fawâid and Mahmud al-Antakî's (d. 1160/1747) work on the relations of metonymy (al-majâz al-mursal) Risâlat al-istiâra, which is also known as al-Alâqa, are at the center of all these works produced within the process which was also pursued during the 18th century. Within this century alone, scholars such as Khalil Fâiz (d. 1134/1714), Musannifak Bakir al-Mantashawî (d. 1149/1736), Mastchizâdah Abdallah (d. 1150/1737), Waliy al-Din Jarullah (d. 1151/1738), Ismat Mehmed (d. 1160/1747), Ahmad al-Kâzâbâdî (d. 1163/1749), Yusuf Afandi-zâdah Abdullah Hilmi (d. 1167/1754), Zaynî-zâdah Husayn al-Burûsawî (d. 1167/1754), Mehmed al-Kafawî (d. 1168/1754), Mehmed Belîgh (d. 1170/1756), Abd al-Wahhâb al-Âmidî (d. 1190/1776), Ibn Qaratepeli Husayn (d. 1191/1777), Hasan İslimyeli (d. 1196/1782) and Muhammad Sâdiq (d. 1223/1808) wrote works of varying lengths about these two works which only focused on rhetoric topics such as metaphor (majâz), analogy-based metaphor (istiʻâra), and allusion (kinâya). Different studies of this century should no doubt be carried out in order to determine the reasons for such an occurrence.One of the scholars who studied metaphor (majâz), analogy-based metaphor (istiʻâra), and allusion (kinâya) during the same century and who has not yet been a topic of analysis –as far as we know- is Muhammad b. Muhammad el-Chorûmî (18th century). Although there is very little information regarding his life, deducted from the content of his works it is assumed that he might have been a scholar of the 18th century. Through our research we have only&nbsp;identified two of Chorumî’s works which have survived up until today and both of them are about language, more specifically, about metaphor (majâz), and allusion (kinâya).&nbsp;1. Sharh al-masâlik 2. Risâla fî al-farq bayn al-kinâya wa al-majâzWhile examining the difference between allegories and metaphors in Risâla fî al-farq bayn al-kinâya wa al-majâz, Chorûmî took into account the remarks of Sakkâkî, Qazwînî, Taftâzânî and Sayyid Sharîf. During the Ottoman Period, studies on Arabic rhetoric were substantially maintained through these four names to whom Chorûmî has also referred frequently in his study. In fact, to study and teach the works of Sakkâkî, Qazwînî, Taftâzânî and Sayyid Sharîf became a tradition. When analyzing this tradition, it can be seen that it emanated from these three schemas:Name Schema: Sakkâkî (ö. 1228) → Qazwînî (ö. 1336) → Taftâzânî (1390) → Sayyid Sharîf (ö. 1412)Works Schema 1: Miftâh(S) → Talkhîs(K) → Mutawwal ve Mukhtasar(T) → Khâshiya ala al-mutawwal(SŞ)&nbsp;Works Schema 2: Miftâh(S) → Talkhîs(K) → Îdhâh(K)Works Schema 3: Miftâh(S) → Misbâh(SŞ)Particularly after the 16th century, Abû al-Qâsım Samarqandî's (d. after 888/1483) figure of speech treatise Farâid al-fawâid was also articulated to this line and it only became more pervasive during the following centuries. Thus, as pointed out above, in the introduction of his Risâla, Chorûmî fulfilled the wishes of his pupils for him to write a work which would point to the differences between allusion (kinâya), and metaphor (majâz) while teaching Samarqandî’s work known as al-İstiʻârât to the students.As can be seen in the schema, Sakkâkî’s work called Miftâh al-ulûm has been used as a source for many studies and the topics have been discussed mostly through the principles he established. Essentially Chorûmî also preached the subject through two of the main issues put forth, focusing mainly on the first one, as explored in the article extensively. While doing this, he also mentioned the opinions and included the disputes put forth by Qazwînî, Taftâzânî and Sayyid Sharîf. He also expressed his own opinions on the subject with his own reasoning.It can be said that Chorumî utilized the schema created by Sakkâkî in his work Miftâh alulûm in order to explain the difference between metaphor (majâz), and allusion (kinâya) and that he supported the opinions of Sakkâkî while also criticizing Taftâzânî. Consequently, it is possible to follow Chorûmî’s narrative through Taftâzânî. In his work Chorûmî mainly focused on expressing the opinions of the above-mentioned scholars more clearly, mediating between the scholars’ opinions when they differ and opting for the most suitable opinion between the scholars. Chorûmî defined the fundamental difference between metaphor (majâz), and allusion (kinâya) by asking whether the true meaning is implied or not. Through his deduction there has to be a presumption enabling the implication of the true meaning in metaphor (majâz), but with

Mehmed Chorûmî’s Treatise on Metaphor and Allegory

Fatih

The assessment of the historians and biography authors in the period of the Mamluks should be made by considering the political, military, economic, social and scientific developments during the period, from the establishment of this state to its collapse. For example, in history works, which were written during the founding years of the Mamluks, the major theme is the struggles against the Crusaders and the Mongols. In the following years, the historians focus especially on the interior developments during al-Melikü-n-Nasir Muhammed b. Kalavun (first reign: 693-694/1293-1294, second reign: 698-709/1299-1309, third reign: 709-741/1309-1341). In the late 8th (14th) century and early 9th (15th) century, the historians focused on Timur (771-807/1370-1405), and especially towards the end of the Burji/Circassian Mamluke period (784-923 / 1382-1517), the focus was on the new rival and the hostile Ottomans. Likewise, due to the increasing economic problems in the last period of the state and the riots caused by the Mamluk groups, economic and social issues were discussed more. On the other hand, the social classes to which historians belong to affect both the content of the historical works and the way they address the events. For example, historians from the military class concentrate more on political events and give more information about the military class that holds the power. Also, the biographies of the people belonging to this class are relatively intense compared to other individuals in the biography sections of their work. The historians from the Ulema class, although there are exceptions, address to social and scientific/cultural developments more, and also devote a large part for the biographies of scholars in the biography sections. The geographical regions where the historians live also affect the content of their works. For example, historians who live in the Damascus region (Syria/Bilad-i Damascus) generally concentrate on the biographies and prefer Damascus-based narrative in political developments. Egyptian historians, on the other hand, address the events more than the biographies, and they focus on the developments taking place in Cairo, the capital city. Therefore, Mameluke historiography has several differences based on the period, place, and social class of the historians and their position in the state.First of all, it is necessary to point out some possible reasons for writing so many historical works during the Mamluks period. The patronage provided by the sultans and statesmen to the historians and their encouragement should be mentioned first. As a matter of fact, Sultan Baybars adopted Ibn Sheddad and Ibn Abduzzahir among his relatives and took them to some of his campaigns. For example, Ibn Abduzzahir was with Baybars during his Kayseri campaign. Ibn Abduzzâhir’s booklet in makâma-style on the Kayseri campaign is quite detailed and requires special study. Also, it is a primary source in terms of determining the characteristics of the Turkish Seljuks, such as their various customs, and clothing. The statesmen of this period not only encouraged and provided patronage to the historians, but some of them also wrote historical works such as Baybars el-Mansuri and Ebu'l-Fida al-Meliku'l-Mueyyed. Also, it is determined that the leading Mameluke sultans transferred their knowledge and observations to the historians of the period. As a matter of fact, it is determined that many Mameluke sultans were among the important sources of historians such as Yunini, Nuveyri, Ibnu'd-Devadari, Makrizi, Ayni, and Ibn Tagriberdi.The works of the children of the Mameluke sultans, which were the class of "evladunnas", also played an important role in the spread of historiography. It could be said that the members of this group, who were regarded as a reserve force and not generally appointed to important positions, tried to stand out with what they wrote in the field of history. We compare this situation with the fact that the non-Arab class, which was generally in the second order in the Umayyads (41-132/661-750) period, came to the fore in the field of science. Among the leading historians of the Mamluks period, the authors such as Ibnu'd-Devadari, Ibn Dokmak, Ibn Tagriberdi, Abdulbasit el-Malati, and Ibn Iyas tried to maintain the role of their fathers or grandfathers in the field of history. Substantially, the criticism of these historians for the historians came to the fore in the religious sciences such as Makrizi, Ibn Hacer, Sehavi, or Hatib el-Cevheri from the public class, and the criticisms of historians from the ulema class for them took place on the ground of knowledge or ignorance about the Mameluke State politics and Mameluke system. In particular, the criticisms of IbnTagriberdi on this group in terms of the Mameluke system and their knowledge of Turkish language, the statements of him and Abdulbatit al-Malati, which glorified the Bahri/Turkish Mamluks period, and severe criticism of Sehavi and Hatib al-Cevheri's on their close relations with the statesmen of the "evladunnas" class can be given as examples. It should be noted that the criticisms of Sehavi and Hatib al-Cevheri also provided very valuable information in terms of determining the understanding of the patronage of scholars in this period.Finally, we would like to propound some of our opinions about how historical works written during the Mamluks should be used. First of all, we should present our objections to the view that the Mameluke historiography is a repetition of each other and that there are several fundamental works. In our opinion, some minor details are scientifically vital in illuminating many historical events. For example, Makrizi, who lived about a century&nbsp;after the establishment period of the Mamluks period, points out many details in his works, which he wrote with the help of historians who had witnessed that period and also he connected events that were reported to be independent of each other in previous history books. Also, the widest information about the biography of Baybars al-Mansuri is included in the works of Makrizi, not Safedi or Kutubi. Being from the same period as Makrizi, Ibn Kadi Suhbe conveys some of the events, which are comprehensively conveyed by Makrizi, in a short form but with important remarks. For example, while Makrizi mentions general statements about the peace that was tried to be established by the Crusader states for a long time after the known Alexandria raid, Ibn Kadi Suhbe reports that Cyprus is also among the parties to the accord and provides explanatory information, stating that the term of the accord is twenty years. Ibn Tagriberdi, who was the student of Makrizi, quotes many events from the works of his teacher during his life, however, he provides important remarks and corrections by intervening with his famous “kultu”s. Ed-Delilu's-safi, which is a summary of the twelve-volume al-Menhel, is one of the two biographical works of Ibn Tagriberdi, and it can be given as an example of this situation in that it contains additional biographies and the death dates of some sultans not included inthe first work. Therefore, the historical works that appear to be repetitions of each other, play an important role in clarifying the events with the details they provide, although they are little.

On the Chronicles and Biographical Works (Tabaqat) of Mamluk Times (648-923/1250-1517)

Özgür

The new situation that emerged following the collapse of the Baghdad-based Abbasid Caliphate in 1258 brought about a number of developments in terms of political thought. . The institution of the caliphate had been renovated in 1261 by Egypt-centered Mamluks, a realm which had been founded immediately prior to the fall of the caliphate, and this new structure of the caliphate had encouraged many scholars to enquire into various aspects of politics, especially the caliphate issue. In addition, the ongoing conflicts with the Mongols and the Crusaders had influenced the attitudes and the language of texts in the field. Moreover, with the influence of competition with the neighboring Islamic states, sometimes in times of war and sometimes in times of peace, a rich literature of political thought had been collected in the Mamluk era.This study tries to draw together some thoughts on the diversity of political thought texts in the Mamluk period and tries to shed light on the main issues of that period. Additionally, the study draws attention to two main arguments on “political-jurisprudential ahkâm”: The debates on the caliphate-sultanate axis which revive the tradition of al-Ahkam al-Sultaniyya and the problems of political legitimacy stemming from the question of being a Qureshi or not. The main claim of the article is that the different fiqh tendencies of the time triggered discussions on politics, as a result of which a rich literature emerged. This article focuses only on the written literature of the field, bearing in mind the fact that there is a variety of sources regarding this literature. It is possible to categorize the main issues of the political texts of the Mamluk era as follows:&nbsp;1. Political- Jurisprudential Issues a. The question of the caliphate and the sultanate that came to the fore following the emergence of the Egyptian Abbasid caliphate as a consequence of the fall of the Abbasid caliphate; the issues particularly related to the problem of being a Qureshi or not; and the issue of legitimacy.b. The discussions on siyasa shariyya that arose with the influence of The Great yāsā of Chingiz Khān, the practices of mazalim and hisbe as an extension of this, and the discussions about the most appropriate mazhab for the state which aimed to change the mazhab preference of the state if it was deemed necessary.c. The jihad/siyer, bağy and âdâb-ı harb/the art of war literature, that was formed with the influence of the wars with the Crusaders, Mongolians and other Islamic states, and also ahkam of zımmîs as an extension of this subject.• Since a dynastic model could not be properly executed, the power would change hands frequently. Hence issues like dethroning (hal‘), resignation and coup are among the main issues. • The pressing need to establish institutions dealing with social control, and the responsibilities that politicians had in the face of the emergence of vital social problems/ bid’ahs.2. Adab Literature: Political Nasihatnâmesc. Moral, political and historical texts written for sultans whose religious and cultural backgrounds were relatively limited and who did not have sufficient experience; the texts written for the purpose of the education of the sultan. d. The literature on official correspondence. e. Texts including the speeches of meetings attended by the sultan, and the divan which contains the sultan’s poems. f. Texts written for other state officials. The literature addressing all the above-mentioned issues constitutes the main sources of political thought in the Mamluk period. The following issues should also be added to the pool of resources:&nbsp;3. Issues Related to Social-Cultural Life-Political Thought g. Classification of sciences and unmûzac books. h. Texts about the social-cultural life in Mamluk period. i. Encyclopedic works.&nbsp;Following this general introduction, the article firstly focuses on the debates taking place around the caliphate and the sultanate axis which revive the tradition of al-Ahkâm al-sultaniye. In this context, Ibn Jamâa (d. 733/1333), the first author whose opinions are examined in this study, tried to draw a legal framework around the caliphate-sultanate separation in his book entitled Tahrîr al-ahkâm fî tadbîr ahl al-Islâm”. While another shafi faqih, Muhibbuddin al-Maqdisi (d. 888/1483), strengthened the position of the Mamluk sultan and pushed the caliphate institution to the background in his work Bazl an-nesâih as-shar'iyya, Ibn al-Mibred (d. 909/1503) from the Banî Qudâme family heavily criticized the regime at the time and proposed an alternative ruling model centered around a Qureshi caliphate in his work Izâh turuk al-istikâme.The competition between the Mamluks and the Ilhanites who adopted Shiite practices in the Olcaytu period also caused intellectual fragmentation. For instance, Ibn Taymiyya&nbsp;(d. 728/1328) wrote titled Minhâc as-sunnah an-nabaviyyah as a refutation for al-Hillî’s (d. 726/1325) work entitled Minhâc al-karâmah. Zahabî (d. 748/1348) who wrote a summarized version of Ibn Taymiyya’s voluminous book and who also wrote imamah texts as a rejection of Shiite understanding of imamah, took his place among studies which discussed the issue of the imamah-caliphate debate.The second issue examined by this study is the problem of political legitimacy stemming from the question of Qureyishness. This issue is analyzed through three types of texts. Ideas of Hayrbaytî (d. 844/after 1440-1441), who had established the formulation of “the sultan being appointed by Qureshi” in his work titled al-Durra al-garrâ will be studied at first. Secondly, the approach of Arab faqih al-Maqdisî from Quds (d. 896/after 1490-1491) will be examined. The latter wrote a thesis titled Duval al-Islâm as-sharîfa that claims Arabs lost the quality for political leadership and that the existing gap was filled by the Turks. Finally, two other books, Nafâis macâlis al-sultâniyya and al-Ukûd al-Cavhariyya, are discussed in this study. Those books draw attraction since they include the records of Kansu Gavrî’s (d. 922/1516) discussions with the ruling elite about the Circassians’ attempts to establish a link between Circassians and the Arabs or prophets Ishaq and Yaqub.The works included in this study, which are about the problem of the caliphate-sultanate separation and about the problems of legitimacy, also show that the political attitudes of ulama from different sects sometimes correspond with each other in Mamluk political thought. The efforts of both Hanafi and Shafii scholars to recognize the legitimacy of Mamluk sultans are meaningful from this perspective. There are texts showing what a rich environment of discussion had taken place. For instance, there were scholars who defended the idea that some applications of the Mamluk period were a departure from the legitimate political applications of earlier periods. And also this departure constitutes a problem that should be solved. By taking the detailed information about the identities, legal sects and political positions of the scholars into consideration, the extensive analyzes will give an opportunity to better realize the Mamluk political thought on the one hand, and also facilitate the process of understanding the thoughts of Ottoman scholars who contacted this knowledge on the other. Moreover, by so doing, a fruitful ground is expected to emerge for Ottoman political thought studies.

Introduction to the Political Thought of the Mamluk Period: The Revival of the Tradition of “al-Ahkam al-Sultaniyya” and the Struggle to Solve the Problem of Legitimacy

Tuncay

In this article, I studied the characteristics, types, and titles of fiqh works written in the Ayyubid-Mamluk period with special reference to the scientific mindset of the period. I tried to map the legal writing and to analyze it from the point of its characteristics. Firstly, relying on research on the biographies in the TDV Encyclopedia of Islam and some other biographical studies, I found 464 scholars who had written at least one fiqh work with the condition that they had lived and died in Egypt, Biladush-Sham or Hijaz in the Ayyubid-Mamluk period. According to my findings, most of the scholars lived and carried out their studies in Qairo and Damascus. These two cities were followed by Halab, Mecca, al-Quds as-Sharif, Alexandria, and Madina in order of the scholars’ origins. Secondly I identified all the fiqh works of these scholars including those that either no longer exist today or we don’t have any information about their existence, and found around 1750 titles. The number of legal works might possibly be higher than this when additional research is done through the manuscript libraries and tabaqat works. Then I classified and analysed them, setting the general inclinations and characteristics of the fiqh writing in that period. As an example, there are around 350 works on usul al-fiqh, some complete and some incomplete, some in verse (manzum), written in this period. Nearly forty works on ahadith al-ahkam, more than thirty tabaqat works for fuqaha (not including the general biographies, history books, autobiographies, biographies focused on some regions, etc.) were written as well. Additionally I made general, macro-level comparisons between the mentioned period and other periods of Islamic history. The scholarly and intellectual orientation of this period seems to be highly different from that of the Eastern Lands of Islam (the region between Baghdad and Samarkand) in the late classical period. The scholars of Ayyubid-Mamluk period were more religious and humanistic studies oriented and more interested in the history, hadith and fiqh studies, whereas the eastern scholars, especially the followers of Fakhraddin al-Razi, were more interested in ulum al-aqliyya, e.g. kalam, logic, speculative ethics and theoretical linguistic studies. As characteristic of the Ayyubid-Mamluk period, many works on tabaqat, ahadith al-ahkam, etc. were written - more so than in any other period. New genres like qawaid / furuq / al-ashbah wa al-nazair came out as a result of certain intellectual transformations in the late classical period. Important textbooks (mukhtasars) of three fiqh madhhabs (Shafii, Maliki and Hanbali) that generated a literary tradition of sharhs and hashiyahs in the late classical period were written by the Ayyubid-Mamluk scholars. A striking tendency of the Mamluk scholars was their unprecedented thirst and race for writing scholarly books. Although having authored some fiqh work, proving the legal competency seems to be a semi-obligatory custom for one’s designation to the offices like qadi, mudarris, mufti of dar al-adl, there were other more important -and one might say – existential motives that stimulated the growth of legal writing such as the concern for the preservation of the scholarly legacy against the threat of extinction, like reproduction of past works and adaptation to a new milieu, and the existence of four madhhabs competing with each other. However, the&nbsp;scholarly works of this period cannot be seen as limited to a mere imitation of and copy of past works; on the contrary, they brought important newness and freshness to the field. Against the thesis and historical narrative seeing this period as a period of decline and imitation, I claim that the richness of fiqh literature, rise of new types and existence of assertive fiqh scholars and works draw a very different picture. And so, the history of legal thought and practice of this period deserves to be researched and rewritten.

Fiqh Literature at the Time of the Ayyubids and Mamluks

Güllü

Aiming to be an introduction to the historiography of sīra during the Mamlūk era, this study is planned as two parts. The first part examines an established list of sīra works written in this period in terms of contents, methods, and subjects put forward by scholars. Thus, it tries to draw a frame for sīra books of the Mamlūk era by putting emphasis on the diversity of them. Examining one or two texts from each genre, it reaches some conclusions which are thought to be extended to include other texts of the same genre as well. The second part discusses some controversies on sīra subjects and texts compiled because of these controversies. Also, it emphasizes the source value of treatises and fatwa compilations for the historiography of sīra since treatises were written by scholars to defend their views in the scholarly debates and fatwa compilations depict the transmission of religious knowledge produced within scholarly circles to social practices.The Mamlūk era is regarded as representing the highest rank that the Islamic world has reached until that day in text production not only quantitatively but also qualitatively. It can be said that this judgement is acceptable for the historiography of sīra. Even it is still far from being thorough, our text list is rich enough to confirm this assessment. Although we cannot talk about an emerging new genre in the sīra field, the most developed texts of every genre were compiled during this period. Also some genres came into prominence and issued more texts than others. First of all, we must remark “comprehensive sīras” as the first of these genres. Designating a sīra work as “comprehensive” in this study means that it includes not only a chronological narrative of the Prophet Muhammad’s life but also his appearance (shamāil), his special features (khasāis) and prophetic proofs (dalāil), his hilya, his miracles, his family and relatives, his wives and children, his freed slaves and servants, his scribes and mu’azzins, his property, weapons and mounts, his major and minor pilgrimages, his death and funeral. Comprehensive sīras can be regarded as a reflection of the encyclopedic feature of the period on the historiography of sīra. Even in abridged sīras written in this period, the content of the comprehensive sīras was applied. In addition to comprehensive sīras, there are so many examples of abridged sīras and sīras written in verse from the Mamlūk era and these texts are primarily used for educational purposes in scholarly circles.&nbsp;Another scholarly feature of the Mamlūk era is compiling commentaries and glosses on canonic texts of Islamic sciences. Considering the sīra field, this period is also very rich in regard to the commentaries and glosses. It can be observed that some scholars tend to limit&nbsp;themselves to literally explanations, while on the contrary, others tend to extend their comments on every aspect of the text under scrutiny. In addition to sīra books, it must be noted that there are also books from other genres written in this period which include a chapter on sīra. These sīra chapters in general histories, biographical dictionaries, and encyclopedic works must also be examined in detail to reach a complete picture of the period in terms of the historiography of sīra.&nbsp;Beside the above mentioned sīra works which were produced and consumed mostly within academic circles, there are also “popular” sīra works which were mostly composed and narrated by storytellers and preachers. Prominent scholars such as Ibn Taymiyya severely criticized these popular sīra works and issued fatwas or compiled treatises against them especially on the mawlid (the birthday of the Prophet Muhammad and the celebrations), his miracles and prophetic proofs.To conclude it must be emphasized that the historiography of sīra during the Mamlūk era is still a largely unstudied subject. Thus, the very first aim of this study is to show that there are an exhausting list of works still waiting to be examined in various aspects. Because that period witnessed a massive text production and scholars put emphasis on protecting the academic heritage, reconstructing it and transmitting it to the next generations in a more systematic way.

An Overview on the Historiography of Sīra during the Mamlūk Era

Nagihan

Res. Assist.

The Mamlūk Turkish State (648-923/1250-1517) was a state that triumphed against the Mongols and the Crusaders. The Mamlūk Turkish State which dominated Egypt, Damascus and Hijaz, the most important regions of the Islamic world for nearly three centuries, had a great impact on the Islamic states after that, especially the Ottoman Empire, with its political and scientific institutions. The Mamlūk State where developments could be regarded as the summit in terms of science as well as political avhievements, should be handled in terms of hadith science. Because this period was a rich period where many muhaddithūn were trained, the best examples of hadith literature were written, and they offer basic resources to today’s researchers in every field of the Islamic sciences.One of the reasons why hadith science became popular in this period is that the Muslims living in the Mamlūk s period were the people who knew that the most important science center, Baghdad, was recently destroyed by the Mongols, and who actually fought against the Mongols. This situation should have prompted them to hold on the Qur’an and sunna more tightly, and to adopt a simple and clean contract as in the first years of Islam, rather than new theoretical-philosophical debates. In addition to the hadith science in society, the fact that much more importance was given to the life of Sufism and zuhd, and the positioning of society in a high position in the hadith science and muhaddithūn shows this.Mamlūks took many of their features from the Ayyūbid State, which ruled before them in the geography they dominated. There are some applications of the Ayyūbids on the background of the importance given to the science of hadith in society. One of the reasons why madrasahs and Dār al-ḥadīth were built during the Ayyūbid period was to take a precaution against Shii, and to adopt the Sunni contract. Because of this purpose, the Ayyūbids gave much more importance to Asharism than to other sects, with the thought that they were the best representatives of Sunni in general. Overtime, this attitude became more radical in the name of Asharism. As a result of the efforts made to spread and strengthen the Asharism, the majority of the people adopted it. When the Mamlūks came in time, it was not possible to eliminate the Ashari/Shafii effect from the Ayyubids despite some practices such as the appointment of judges from four different sects. The negative policies followed by the Shia tendencies against the hadith led to the selection of hadith and circumcision as the method of protecting the Sunni in Egypt and Damascus, and the emphasis on the hadith. Accordingly, the number of Dār al-ḥadīth in the&nbsp;region, and the importance given by the society to the hadith education increased. This situation seems to be the main reason underling the fact that hadith science developed significantly during the Mamlūk period.The importance of the Mamlūk Sultans and Emirs, who gave importance to science and scholars in general, to give special importance to science of the hadith and scholars, which were engaged in hadith, and the presence of Sultans and Emirs, who attended the hadith assemblies, listened and narrated the hadith, and classified the works, can be mentioned among the factors affecting the development of the hadith.Another reason for the hadith science to be highly developed and widespread among the Mamlūks during the Mamlūk is the high number of places and facilities where the science of hadith could be collected. Because there were quite different and easy ways to collect hadith education in this period.A large number of Dār al-ḥadīth allocated to hadith science, especially madrasahs, where other Islamic sciences were collected, mosques where people from all walks of life could easily participate without any quota, age or scientific level limitation, served as training institutions as well as hankhah, ribat, lodges, libraries and tombs that served as an educational institution made the hadith science easily accessible, and offered numerous possibilities for those who wanted to collect hadith science.&nbsp;Some situations arising from the technical characteristics of hadith science should have contributed to the spread of hadith science in the society and to increase the number of scholars receiving hadith education. Practices belonging to the science of hadith, such as isnad, acceptance of the method of icazet and concluding the sema and spelling councils that can be easily attended by all sects, and which gained widespread in many cities during the Mamlūk s, led to the formation of a mobility and liveliness in favor of hadith science in the society.&nbsp;It can also be thought that the upbringing of the Mamlūk Sultan and Emirs, brought from various countries as devshirme, with the love of Prophet and perception of the sunna, gave them a special emphasis on the science of hadith when they came power. In addition, the fact that Turks, who love to fight and are a strong nation, have adopted the understanding of jihad for God should be considered. In this regard, the science of hadith has performed a role that encourages both the sultan and emirs and the society which they managed. It can be said that this understanding also leads to the fact that the science of hadith has had a special place for the administrators.In the Mamlūk society, scholars generally received education in many branches of Islamic sciences and they wrote works by giving lectures in each branch of science. For this reason, many of comrades in this period were also good historians, good jurists, good commentators. In Mamlūk society, apart from being a group that produced information, scholars had a different function. Since the Sultans and the Emirs were different from the people in terms of ethnicity and sectarian, they needed scholars to establish contact with the people. Sultans have been in contact with scholars to ensure their legitimacy, to control the religious structures of the society, to encourage the society in war and economic troubles and to persuade society in important decisions. The Scholars also needed a political stability in order to work in institutions such as madrasahs and Dār al-ḥadīth and to continue their scientific studies at peace. Therefore, the Scholars should have been in contact with the Sultans. This situation has often affected their scientific and social relations with each other.&nbsp;In the Mamlūk community where various denominations and ethnic groups live, the position of scholars in society varies. The people gave a special value to the scholars who were busy with the ḥadīth because of their interest in the Hz. Prophet and the science of the ḥadīth. In this study, the relationship of the Scholars and especially the muḥaddith with the politicians and each other, the understanding of the ḥadīth and sunna of the society and the position of the scholars in the society will be discussed.

Ḥadīth and Scholars in the Mamlūks

Muhammet

Mamluks held a distinguished status in Islamic history by virtue of putting an end to the Crusader threat in the Egyptian-Syrian region and to the Mongol invasion, which had destroyed the eastern Islamicate world. First the Mongol invasion, then Timur’s expeditions wreaked havoc in the eastern Islamicate world and caused the movement of a great number of scholars to the Mamluk-ruled territories. Similarly, on one hand, the uneasiness derived from the ongoing reconquista in al-Andalus, and on the other, the memories of pilgrim-scholars of al-Andalus and al-Maghrib regarding the cities of Egypt and Syria, where prominent scholars preferred to live and numerous scholarly institutions existed, attracted the Andalusi and Magribi scholars’ attention to Egyptian-Syrian cities. Scholars coming from east and west of the Egyptian-Syrian region participated in the scholarly milieu of Mamluk cities such as Cairo and Damascus within a short period of time. They acquired positions like the post of chief judge and mudarris, and the majority preferred to live in these cities to the end of their lives with the pleasure of having multiple facilities. The influx of scholars from the east and west constituted the cosmopolitan scholarly milieu in the cities of Egypt and Syria, and, thanks to that, numerous works in almost all branches of the Islamic sciences were produced, and new encyclopedic genres came to light.Mamluks fashioned themselves as the guardians of the Islamic world by protecting the Egyptian-Syrian region from external threats, like the Crusades and the Mongols, as the restorers of the caliphate by reinstituting the caliphate in Cairo after the collapse of the Baghdadcentered Abbasid caliphate; and as the servants of the two holy places (khadim al-haramayn) after acquiring the obedience of the sharif of Makkah. All of these developments increased the respect of scholars for the Mamluks.In addition to promoting the safety and stability in the region they ruled, Mamluks made cities like Cairo, Damascus, Aleppo, and Jerusalem prominent learning centers in the Islamicate world by constructing a great number of scholarly institutions and providing a wide range of facilities for scholars. During the Mamluk period, what is called “scholarly institution” was by no means restricted to the institution of madrasa. Thus, historians of ulama and educational&nbsp;institutions of that period need to take into consideration other scholarly institutions alongside the madrasa. For instance, in that period, mosques and hanqāhs had lessons supported by waqfs and also offered stipendiary positions (mansibs) to ulama. Furthermore, institutions like madrasa, mosque and hanqāh intertwined with each other in terms of their architectural forms and institutional functions, so that they became multi-functional scholarly institutions, with the names: “mosque-madrasa”, “hanqāh-madrasa”, “mausoleum-madrasa”, “mosquemadrasa-hanqāh” and “mosque-madrasa-mausoleum”. In the period covered by this article, scholarly institutions, which have lessons for four Sunni schools of law together with lessons for hadīth, tafsīr, usūl al-fiqh, qirā’ā, nahw, medicine, and ‘ilm al-mīqāt, were formed. These types of scholarly institutions paved the way for a large number of scholars and students to establish personal, scholarly, and professional networks with each other.&nbsp;This article deals with the motivations behind the movement of scholars to the EgyptianSyrian region in the Mamluk period and evaluates remarks in modern scholarship on this issue. Moreover, the article proposes that three interrelated tendencies came into view at the scholarly institutions of Cairo, which was the political and cultural center of the Mamluks. These tendencies are: first, the harmonization of madrasa and mosque in terms of their architectural forms and institutional functions; second, the emergence of scholarly institutions that combine the functions of a number of institutions such as mosque, madrasa, hanqāh, bīmāristān, and mausoleum; and lastly, the formation of scholarly institutions, that offer a large number of mansibs to ulama by providing lessons for the four Sunni schools of law together with lessons for tafsīr, hadīth, and the other sciences mentioned above.

Movement of Scholars to the Mamluk Region and the Range of Scholarly Institutions in Mamluk Cairo

Abdurrahman

Hicrî 6. Asırda Yaşamış Rakkalı Bir Müderrisin Bilinmeyen Nâdir Bir Eseri (Sâid b. Ahmed b. Ebubekir el-Hanefî’nin “el-Cem‘u beyne’l-fetvâ ve’t-takvâ fî muhimmâti’d-dîni ve’d-dünyâ” Adlı Eseri)

Ümit

Mohammad

Şeyh Alî el-Bistâmî’nin (Musannifek) “Risâle Der Cevâbi Hasen/Kâfûr-i Hasen” Adlı Risâlesi Üzerine Bir İnceleme: Tercüme ve Değerlendirme

Cemal

Kitap Değerlendirmesi: Faiz Meselesi: Tarihte Örnek Uygulamalar Murat Ustaoğlu-Ahmet İncekara (İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi Yayınları), s. 361. ISBN: 978-605-399-546-3

Halit

Prof. Dr.

In this study, I examine the use and function of the patronage system by and among scholars during the Mamluk dynasty through the example of Ibn Hajar al-Asqalānī and Ibn Khidr al-Qusūrī, one of his main disciples and lifelong devotees. Based on tabaqāt, biographic and autobiographic sources of the period, as well as the extant manuscripts of Ibn Hajar’s works that were copied during his lifetime, I examine how Ibn Khidr, who was a very important figure of the time in Ibn Hajar’s circle but who has been practically forgotten today, helped his master in various matters and was protected by his master in return. My aim is to show that Ibn Hajar was a very successful organizer who was thus able to achieve great accomplishments both in his administrative and scholarly activities through his perfect operation of the patronage and substitution system, while at the same time making an appraisal of Ibn Khidr and his hardly recognized efforts.When addressing patronage relations in scholarly life during the Mamluk dynasty (648- 923/1250-1517), the primary focus is on wealthy individuals such as sultans, amirs, and prominent merchants who supported the ulama by establishing foundations, providing direct financial support, or appointing the ulama to certain positions. At first glance, the members of the ulama protecting one another does not attract as much attention, despite the fact that this was an important type of patronage that ensured the continuation of scholarly activities. However, when the right environment and the right people are present, the ulama’s protection of one another was a type of relationship that could yield more beneficial results than those with other influential people.With the aim of examining the various dimensions of patronage relations among scholars during the Mamluk dynasty through an example, this study focuses on the relationship between Ibn Hajar al-Asqalanī (d. 852/1449), probably the most famous figure of the period, and Ibn Khidr al-Qusūrī (d. 852/1448), one of his foremost students and lifelong devotee. As will be explained in detail below, Ibn Khidr was a very important figure of his time, despite now being practically unknown, and he is not mentioned as much as he deserves. Although his name has been brought up in some contemporary studies on Ibn Hajar and Fath al-Bārī and his place in the eyes of his teacher has been pointed out, because Ibn Khidr was not the focus of these studies, his person and service to Ibn Hajar cannot be said to have been sufficiently scrutinized. My aim is not to make a reassessment of the already limited contemporary literature on this&nbsp;subject, but rather to show that Ibn Hajar was a very successful organizer who was thus able to achieve great accomplishments both in his administrative and scholarly activities by operating the patronage and substitution system perfectly, while simultaneously giving Ibn Khidr the value he deserves. By getting to know Ibn Khidr, who seems to have consciously chosen to remain in Ibn Hajar’s shadow, one can better understand the duration of the relationship that had begun between the two scholars as teacher and student, the stages it passed through over time, its value as a patronage relationship, its place in the eyes of other scholars of the period, its meaning in terms of how it mutually benefited both of them, its material and spiritual returns, and its reflections in their works. Providing information about Ibn Hajar’s life is considered unnecessary, as I assume that he is already known to the reader.The first group of sources I use here predominantly are the manuscript copies of some of Ibn Hajar’s works, in particular Fath al-Bārī and Hady al-Sārī, which were copied when both scholars were alive (i.e. pre-852/1449). The glosses, gloss records, samāʿ and muqābala records, and ijāzas of these manuscripts contain remarkable data on Ibn Khidr. As for the two mentioned works, Ibn Khidr played a very important role in the writing of Fath al-Bārī and in the reading and reproduction of Hady al-Sārī. In particular, Ibn Khidr’s contribution to Fath al-Bārī should be carefully analyzed in terms of the role played not only by him but also by his colleagues. The second group of sources involve the biographies, autobiographies, and tabaqāts written by scholars such as Shams al-Dīn al-Sahāwī (d. 902/1497) and Burhan al-Dīn al-Biqāʿī (d. 885/1480), who knew the two names personally. Without the information provided by al-Sahāwī, who was a student of both Ibn Hajar and Ibn Khidr, to see Ibn Khidr in today’s printed literature and to recognize his importance would be almost impossible.

Devoted to the Master: The Case of Ibn Hajar and Ibn Khidr as an Example of Patronage Among Scholars During the Mamluk Dynasty

Muharrem

Assoc. Prof. Dr.

This article examines the practice of coerced divorce oaths by the executive officers (ehl-i örf) in Ottoman society, alongside the legal remedies recommended by muftīs to nullify such oaths. Within the Hanafi tradition, it is widely acknowledged that divorce oaths retain validity even when made under duress. Recognizing the potential for abuse by those in positions of authority, jurists have devised remedies as safeguards against this exploitation, particularly by political figures. Anatolia and Rumelia, where strict adherence to Hanafi madhhab became prevalent in the latter half of the 16th century, serve as prime areas for observation. The thousands of fatwās issued by muftīs who served in these regions between the 16th and 18th centuries provide a rich source of data for analysis. These fatwās describe how executive officers transformed divorce oaths into tools of coercion, leveraging them for various purposes, both legitimate and illegitimate. Instances include extorting money or property, evading legal repercussions, and manipulating interpersonal debt relations. Moreover, divorce oaths were utilized to control public discourse, suppress dissent, enforce compliance with government mandates, and coerce payments from taxpayers. They compel individuals to swear divorce oaths to ascertain the presence of political agitators, subversives, or bandits in the neighborhoods, villages or towns, or to galvanize public sentiment against banditry. Additionally, they demand that individuals take such oaths to ensure their presence at specific locations or meetings. The objective is not always to fulfill a specific task or obligation through divorce oaths. At times, executive officers deliberately engineer circumstances conducive to the violation of coerced divorce oaths, with the aim of precipitating divorces. It is evident that executive officers employ divorce oaths for both legitimate and illegitimate purposes. Despite having coercive means at&nbsp;&nbsp;their disposal, their inclination to exploit the religious significance of divorce oaths may stem from their perceived weakening authority. The issues reflected in the fatwā collections indicate that many individuals subjected to divorce oaths under executive duress sought assistance Ottoman muftīs. They sought guidance on effective remedies or sought validation of the legal efficacy of the remedies they employed.Ottoman muftīs issued fatwās affirming the validity of divorce oaths imposed by executive officers under duress, even in cases where they clear victimization occurred. However, procedural constraints within the fatwā process and directives from the central government limited their ability to issue fatwās aligned with alternative madhhab opinions. Nevertheless, they proposed formulas intended as tricks or remedies to shield individuals from executive coercion. According to these formulas, if a person who is coerced into swearing a divorce appends “in shā’a Allah” (if Allah wishes) immediately after the divorce pronouncement, audibly enough for himself, the divorce will be nullified, and the marriage remains intact. Similarly, a person taking a divorce oath to avoid litigation due to injustices inflicted by executive officers does not breach his oath if he grants power of attorney for the case or presents his situation to the judge. In a case where an individual whom the executive officers made to swear three divorces under duress, divorces his wife and violates his oath after the waiting period is over, he can remarry his wife. Furthermore, if the individual’s intent behind using the word “divorce” is to provide false information or confession, or if he uses ambiguous language intending a meaning other than divorce, the divorce will not be granted. Again, if a husband limits a general expression in his oath with his personal intent, the divorce will not take place. Moreover, if a person swears a divorce to compel or refrain from a specific action under duress, the divorce is postponed until he either fulfills or abandons the action. Although it is understood that some individuals in Ottoman society were aware of and utilized these strategies, measuring their effectiveness against executive abuses remains challenging. Employing these strategies requires a deep understanding of legal intricacies and courage to confront authority. Importantly, most strategies are not considered by the court if no witnesses are present. Nevertheless, numerous fatwās in collections indicate that the formulas were widely used and effective in Ottoman society. The formulas served as a counterbalance to the established jurisprudence of the madhhab, which could cause grievance, such as the opinion that considers the divorce oath under duress as valid. They prevented many marriages from dissolving untimely and unnecessary, reduced the practice of tahleel marriages, and served to protect the right to property. This article, a study of legal history, provides evidence from fatwā collections to support these findings.&nbsp;

The Muftīs’ Remedies Against Coerced Divorce Oaths by Executive Officers in Ottoman Society (16th-18th Centuries)

Nail

Abū Zakariyyā Yahyā b. Sharaf Muhyī al-Dīn al-Nawawī (631-676/1234-1277) was one of the leading scholars of the 13th century CE (7th century AH) and had acquired competence in various branches of Islamic sciences, especially fiqh and hadith. He gained a well-deserved reputation that has grown since his lifetime to the present day. Al-Nawawī wrote many works in various genres related to a number of different disciplines. His best known and most widely read books today are those on hadith. Al-Takrīb and Irshād, which he wrote on the Mustalah al-hadith, Riyād al-Sālihīn and al-Azkār, which are considered among the most reliable examples of the hadith compilation genre, and Sahīh al-Muslim’s commentary Minhāj, one of the leading books in the commentary literature, have become classics and been widely read and followed for centuries. Al-Nawawī’s works on Islamic substantive law manifest themselves as various types of texts written around the leading furūʿ fiqh texts of the Shāfi‘ī school of law. Al-Nawawī produced many texts in the form of commentaries, nukat, ta‘līq, and treatises, and was one of the main actors involved in the Shāfi‘ī school of law’s transition from an earlier school to a later one. During the Mutakaddimīn period, Shāfi‘īsm was divided into two sub-schools in parallel with the geographical extent of its spread, and the conflicts between them gradually deepened over time. Al-Nawawī also worked on texts that represented the two wing s of the school, as well as on books with highly representational power. In addition to the books by al-Ghazālī and al-Rāfiʿī, which represent the Khorasan branch of the school (tarīqa al-Khorasāniyyīn), his studies on the books by al-Shirāzī, which represent the Irāqī branch of the school (tarīqa al-Irāqiyyīn), have made significant contributions to Shāfi‘īsm.Among al-Nawawī’s many works that have transformed the literature of the school, the one that stands out in various aspects and is perhaps the most important is the commentary he had begun to write called al-Majmū‘ on al-Shirāzī’s al-Muhazzab. As the name suggests, although this commentary was based on a Shāfi‘ī text that he considered a comprehensive book on substantive law, he did not confine it to this school but instead presented comprehensive content in an effort to address the views of almost all jurists and schools, including the first generations of ulamā (salaf). Thanks to the method he had developed and successfully applied in this work, al-Nawawī brought new expansions to writings on furūʿ fiqh commentaries. He&nbsp;&nbsp;took important steps to add new dimensions to textual commentary that are now classical in content and method and that have long been adopted and followed by jurists of all schools. The information he added to the book from fields related to fiqh, such as hadith and biographical dictionaries of the ulamā (tabakāt), as well as the comparative evaluations presented in this direction, require that the work should be seen as a book that represents more than Shāfi‘īsm. In evaluating the hadith narrations that serve as evidence of religious norms, al-Nawawī attempted to bring together the data of hadith scholarship and the information produced in the field of biographical dictionaries with the problems of substantive law, thus bringing important additions to the commentary activity. These expansions were compatible with the new tendencies in Islamic scholarly writing after the Mongol invasion and the Crusades and were effective over authors of the later period of Islam (mutaʿahhirūn), guiding the authors of the Shāfi‘ī school in particular. Parallel to the scholarly notions that became widespread during the Mamluk period, this method of writing paved the way for al-Nawawī to indirectly influence authors of other schoolsAl-Nawawī began the book with a long introduction in which he explained the method he would follow regarding the commentary and presented important evaluations by opening many headings on various topics. In addition to the information he provided and the analyses he made over the Shāfi‘ī literature, he also addressed important topics related to the etiquette and qualifications for issuing religious opinion (ādāb al-fatwā), the processes of education, the etiquette of teacher-student relations, and especially his evaluations of al-Shīrāzī and al-Muhazzab. Al-Nawawī’s writing of the first version of his work, in which he had initially followed a broad and detailed commentary style, left off at the beginning of the topics of worship before adopting a more intermediate style of writing. A copy of the first version of the book is now available, which was worked on up until the end of the heading “Hayd”. The second version was left unfinished because of his method and his desire to keep the scope wide, with al-Nawawī only being able to write the commentary up to the title of “Ribā” in the chapter “al-Buyūʿ”, which comes after the subjects of worship. Afterward, many Shāfi‘ī authors attempted to complete the work. The only commentator whose work has survived to the present day is Taqī al-Dīn al-Subkī (d. 756/1355), who belonged to one of the leading scientific families of the Mamluk period. Al-Subkī completed the heading of “Ribā” that alNawawī had left unfinished, as well as the remaining heading in the “al-Buyūʿ” chapter, but he too was unable to complete the commentary. The remaining part of the work was annotated and completed by Muhammad Najīb al-Mutī‘ī (d. 1985), one of the late Egyptian scholars, thus bringing to an end a history of more than seven centuries.&nbsp;

Al-Nawawī’s Incomplete Magnum Opus:  al-Majmū‘ Sharh al-Muhazzab

Betül

Şeyma

Elif

Nevrin

The Damascus Documents in the Museum of Turkish and Islamic Arts (TIEM) is a collection of manuscripts that had been transferred from Damascus to Istanbul in the early 20th century. This collection mostly consists of Qur’anic manuscripts and contains relatively fewer texts on fiqh, tafsir, hadith, Qiraat, theology, grammar, history, amulets, and prayer texts, as well as documents that shed light on the history of the region and daily life, such as letters, sales contracts, marriage contracts, appointment documents, foundation records, pilgrimage power of attorney, and some texts from the Bible written in Arabic. Due to the wide variety of manuscripts, this collection is of great importance for manuscript research, especially for the study of muṣḥaf. How this collection had been formed can be revealed by elucidating upon the history of the building in which it had been preserved, Qubbat al-Khazna. Qubbat al-Khazna is in the courtyard of the Umayyad Mosque in Damascus and is a sheltered structure that has been used for different functions throughout history and in which a large collection of manuscripts had been accumulated. Whether this building had been a modern library, a huge archive, or just a repository is unclear, and the subject of this article aims to reveal the history of this building and the how the manuscript collection preserved therein had been formed.Since the early 20th century, much research has been conducted on the Qubbat al-Khazna and its collection of manuscripts, particularly on the Damascus Documents. The first research on Qubbat al-Khazna focused on the non-Islamic manuscripts. The German scholar Bruno Violet (d. 1945) first studied in the Qubba in 1901 and published articles on some of the manuscripts found inside the Qubba. However, Hermann von Soden (d. 1914) was the one who officially announced the collection to European academia. The most comprehensive study to date on both the history of the Qubbat al-Khazna and the contents of the Damascus Documents was published in 2020 edited by Rambach D’Ottone et al. and titled “Towards a History of the&nbsp;&nbsp;Qubbat al-Khazna Corpus of Manuscripts and Documents.”Initially functioning as a bayt al-mal [house of money] in which the state’s income and expenditure records were kept, this building was later used to store documents pertaining to the mosque’s endowment. Later, when the Qubba was realized to have been unaffected by fires, it was transformed into a repository for valuable documents. This collection of documents survived many disasters such as fires and earthquakes during the many years it was kept in the Qubba.In recent centuries, the collection has attracted the attention of European manuscript collectors, and for this reason, some artifacts have been removed from the Qubba on various occasions. This is confirmed by the presence of manuscripts in libraries around the world that appear to have come from the Qubba. Manuscripts were also lent with official authorization from the Ottoman administration. This process began in the early 1900s when German researchers became interested in the Christian manuscripts in the Qubba and conducted research there. When this initiative proved inadequate, the proposal was made to have some manuscripts be taken to Berlin for a short period of time to be photographed, and the Ottomans accepted this proposal. However, Abdul Hamid II took some measures to guarantee the return of the manuscripts, which included the preparation of a deed, the issuance of a receipt for the return of the manuscripts, and limited permission to photograph just for documenting the manuscript inventory. The costs of photographing the manuscripts were covered by Abdul Hamid II’s private funds. In the end, the Christian manuscripts that had been lent to Germany were returned to the Ottoman Empire.Toward the end of World War I, the increasing difficulty of preserving the manuscripts in Qubbat al-Khazna prompted the Ottomans to move to protect them. As a result, the manuscripts were brought to Istanbul in 1917, one year before the fall of Damascus, and were accompanied by the army. The fact that this collection currently preserved in the Museum of Turkish and Islamic Arts under the name the Damascus Documents constitutes the largest portion of the manuscripts from Qubbat al-Khazna shows the Ottomans to have realized their aim of protecting these precious contents. Nevertheless, the fact that some manuscripts had been lent to Germany to be photographed and the good relations between the Ottoman Empire and Germany have led to claims that Abdul Hamid II had gifted some of these manuscripts to the German side. However, this claim not only contradicts archival documents and witness testimonies but is also incompatible with the importance the Ottoman Empire showed toward the documents.As a result, the research has shown that the most prominent feature of Qubbat al-Khazna is that it is a sheltered structure that had preserved Qur’anic manuscripts almost like a safe. In this respect, the Qubba is understood to have been a kind of archive containing manuscripts. The current research has also revealed the actions the Ottoman Empire took to protect a manuscript archive under its domain, as this collection wasn’t brought to Istanbul until after the emergence of the conditions of war, the result of which being that most of the manuscripts in this collection have survived to the present day.&nbsp;

The Ancient Archive Forming the Damascus Documents Collection: Qubbat al-Khazna and its History

M. Akif

Assist. Prof. Dr.

The model of good governance in the mainstream (Ahl al-Sunna) Islamic political thought embodies a dual commitment to both power limitation and consolidation, a nuanced equilibrium observed across historical and contemporary societies, including Western societies. However, in contemporary retrospective analyses of the Ahl al-Sunna tradition, a prevalent tendency emerges to depict the Islamic political model as solely endorsing power, centralized authority, and autocratic governance, often neglecting the crucial aspect of power limitation. Contrary to this misrepresentation, this article evaluates a critical examination of mainstream Islamic political thought centered on the principle of “tawhid.” Through this lens, we debunk this misconception and illustrate how political power in Islam is inherently limited ontologically, epistemologically, legally, and morally.Central to Islamic political theory is the principle of tawhid, which serves as the primary limit on power at a theoretical level. Tawhid signifies the absolute transcendence of God alongside His supreme sovereignty over the universe. This transcendence underscores the ontological distinction between the Absolute Creator and the relative creatures. Accordingly, no individual, institution, or entity other than Allah can partake in divinity, and there can be no ontological equivalence between Allah and any other being. In Islamic doctrine, God remains unassimilable to relative creatures through concepts such as “incarnation” or “avatarhood,” and conversely, creatures cannot transcend their ontological limitations to resemble God in a manner.The second aspect of tawhid pertains to Allah’s absolute and uninterrupted sovereignty over the universe. This sovereignty is manifested in the perpetual dependence of the created universe, including its components on the eternal and everlasting God for existence and sustenance. Thus, beyond the physical laws governing the universe, the social, legal, and moral laws shaping the human world also fall under God’s sovereignty and will.Considering this understanding, the principle of tawhid serves to limit political power ontologically, epistemologically, legally, and morally. As emphasized by political and sociological scholars, the establishment of political power cannot rely solely on physical force. The legitimacy of political power often hinges on the establishment of a symbolic framework that validates acts of governance and obedience. Throughout history and across various cultures, this legitimacy has frequently been achieved through attributing divinity&nbsp;&nbsp;to rulers and government. However, human nature recognizes the necessity to limit political power. Consequently, in these same societies and cultures, the divine attribution of political power was limited by a corresponding divine understanding of justice.However, in Islamic thought, the principle of tawhid ensures that divinity is exclusively attributed to Allah, thereby inherently discouraging the attribution of divinity to the government and rulers. Consequently, rulers’ attempts to consolidate their authority with theological references are theologically thwarted. Additionally, in Islam, the authority to discern truth is not categorically limited to a single person or group; rather, all believers are theoretically empowered to access truth. This safeguard against the epistemological exploitation of political power that prevents the emergence of privileged clergy within Muslim societies. Furthermore, justice in Islam transcends mere abstract virtue, evolving into a meticulously detailed legal system. This intricacy enhances the efficacy of justice application and fortifies it against abuses of power.In Islamic governance, the consolidation of power is supported not by theology but by Islamic law. Within Islamic thought, sovereignty, i.e., the authority to legislate, is vested in God alone. Neither the emir nor the sultan, scholars, the state as a legal entity, or society as a whole can claim sovereignty. Thus, Shari’a, the divine law, serves as the transcendent legal and moral framework that predates and surpasses any Islamic political or social unit. Rulers are not positioned as authorities above the law; rather, they are subject to its dictates like any other individual. Divine law serves as both a founding principle and a source of legitimacy, establishing itself as the supreme authority within any given sociopolitical entity.Finally, another factor that limits political power in Islamic thought is the moral order. Over centuries, this moral framework, shaped in alignment with the life and teachings of the Prophet Muhammed and the scholarly writings that followed, has played a crucial role in defining the position and role of political power within the broader divine order. A highly sophisticated system of values has delineated the boundaries of political power, establishing its place and status within a larger framework of principles.&nbsp;&nbsp;

Limitations of Power in Islamic Political Thought

Envisioning a Consultative Umma: An Introduction to  Namık Kemal’s Constitutional Imaginary

İlknur

The Ottoman Empire prepared the Mecelle to function as the civil code to complete the commercial code. Mecelle prohibited the customer from selling a purchased item before receiving it, and left the responsibility for damages to the seller up until the point the item was delivered. Due to this arrangement, the Mecelle was frequently criticized both during and after its implementation. The focus of criticism is that, although the Mecelle immediately transfers ownership of goods to the customer in a sales contract, it leaves the responsibility for damages to the seller until delivery. In other words, The Mecelle’s regulations regarding property and damage liability are presented as a legal contradiction. Although the responsibility for damages belongs to the seller until delivery, the benefits belong to the customer.Meanwhile, the French Civil Code puts forth no legal obstacle for an undelivered good to be subject to a new sale, leaving the responsibility for damage only to the customer from the moment of sale. Ownership of goods is transferred to the customer at the moment the sales contract is signed. This link the French Civil Code establishes between the transfer of ownership and liability for damages is accepted as legally consistent and is always highlighted when criticizing the Mecelle. After the Mecelle, the Code of Obligations (1926), which is based on the Swiss Civil Code and was entered into force as the law of independent debts, transfers ownership of goods to the customer at the moment of delivery. The responsibility for damages to goods belongs to the customer from the moment the contract is signed. In this arrangement, customers have to bear all economic risks and loss of value for goods they do not yet own, control, or can interfere with. On the other hand, the seller does not have to bear any risk or loss of the goods being sold once the contract has been signed; however, property regarding the goods is protected until the moment of delivery. As can be seen, the Code of Obligations has made the exact opposite conditions than the Mecelle in terms of transfer of ownership and damage liability provisions regarding sales contracts. In this way, regulations protect sellers’ commercial activities while in return opening the door to serious problems that may be accrued by the customer. As a matter of fact, the next Turkish Code of Obligations (2011) abandoned the previous regulations, which were found to be extremely harmful to the customer, and left the responsibility for damage to the seller alongside any benefits from the goods. In other words, the Mecelle’s regulations that protect customers from liability for damages until delivery has returned.Abul’ula found the fact that only the Mecelle was subjected to heavy criticism to be strange, despite the existence of various Western laws that have opposite provisions in terms of ownership and responsibility for damages. The Code of Obligations (1926), which came into force after the Mecelle, can be presented as a dramatic example of this determination. In the background of the Western-based criticisms directed at the Mecelle, the occurrence of economic results is quite likely to be achieved through legal practice rather than any concern for harmony between provisions. When remembering how the provisions of the French Civil Code, which supports liberal, secular, and absolute property, were instrumentalized and imposed on other nations, the Mecelle can be considered to have become a target due to its potential for resisting the pragmatist aims of the Western states that are trying to turn Ottoman lands into a profitable market. When encountering the Mecelle, which tried to reflect fiqh principles into legal practice and protected the financial rights of both the customer and the seller for this purpose through sensitive criteria by balancing them with the duties and responsibilities in a contract, Ottoman lawyers idealized the arrangement of the French Civil Code that focused on ownership, and over time the provisions of the Mecelle became marginalized. Provisions that prevent the sale of undelivered goods and left the responsibility for damages to the seller are obvious examples of what happened in this process. This article examines the process of the Mecelle being shelved as an old law in the context of the right of disposition before delivery and the issue of damage liability by focusing on the amendments to the Mecelle and on the legal regulations of the French Civil Code. The study finishes by attempting to determine the effect the French Civil Code had on the efforts of the Mecelle Amendment Commissions.&nbsp;

A Comparison of the Mecelle and the French Civil Code in the  Context of the Pre-Delivery Right of Disposition and Damages  Provisions

Hasan

The subject of this study is the institution for educating lawyers known as the Muallimhâne-i Nüvvâb, which was founded in 1855 as the first structure different from the madrasah education system in the history of Ottoman legal education.This study seeks to answer the following questions: What were the reasons behind the emergence of the Muallimhâne-i Nüvvâb? What kind of curriculum did the school have? How was it different from the madrasah education system in terms of training lawyers? What effect did it have on the new law schools in the Ottoman State?The changes the Ottoman State experienced in its political, military, social, and economic fields during the 19th century also affected the field of law. Laws enacted in different fields throughout that century, the new legal needs that arise as a particular result of close relations with Western states, and the regulations in the administrative and financial structure that had been introduced by the Tanzimat directly affected the field of law. Concerning these developments, muhassillik [income collection] assemblies were established to have a say in the how provinces, shires, sanjaks, and districts were managed. The jurisdiction of reasoning and negotiation in matters such as administration, tax, and punishment were given to these assemblies.These developments paved the way for the nizâmiye [guardhouse] courts and prepared the groundwork for diversifying both the types of trials and courts. The diversification of courts in terms of form and procedure led to the segmentation of legal fields and their executors (i.e., judges and lawyers), and naturally to the diversification of legal education during this process. In this context, intense regulation activities were carried out in the 19th century regarding the status of the kadi who’d been carrying out the legal affairs of the state and of the naibs, who were the kadis’ representatives. In a sense, the state was attempting to ensure that lawyers as the executors of the changing new legal order also were adapting to this change.The changes in the field of law necessitated a reconsideration of legal education in the next stage. Thus, the Muallimhâne-i Nüvvâb was established in 1855 as the first structure in the history of Ottoman legal education that was different than the madrasah education system. In the history of legal education, the Muallimhâne-i Nüvvâb was an important and pioneering institution in that it had the title of the first law school to be opened in the field of the judiciary due to having law lessons in its curriculum, as well as its practices related to court affairs.When looking at the documents regarding the establishment of the Muallimhâne-i Nüvvâb, the prominent aspects of the new law school can be expressed as follows. First of all, the establishment of the school came to the agenda to meet the increasing need for judges and the proliferation of new legal fields, as the measures aimed at increasing the quality of the existing regents had not produced the desired result. Secondly, having the ability to make a judgment on an issue had been considered sufficient for being selected to attend the school. Thirdly, the school drew attention for the short time required for receiving an education there.At the same time, the Muallimhane-i Nüvvab had largely taken over the madrasas’ task of educating lawyers, especially for those who’d never received or could not complete a madrasa education. In the second half of the 19th century, the Muallimhâne-i Nüvvâb had enough human resources to take control of the nizâmiye courts, which had been founded alongside the shari’a courts for a long time. While the framework regarding the education to be given in this school was drawn first, it focused on learning fiqh and fatwa books and gaining their practical aspects with regard to reasoning. In the understanding of the madrasa education, a student who would become a lawyer (i.e., enter the tarik-i kaza) was expected to have higher qualification levels. On the other hand, a picture had been drawn for this new school, one in which practical education was predominant while the schedule was concise. However, the addition of different areas of law, especially the new laws and regulations such as the Mecelle that emerged in the process, to the curriculum of Muallimhane-i Nüvvab as a course resulted in a rich schedule that was to be expected from a law school.The Muallimhâne-i Nüvvâb met the state’s need for jurists for about 69 years, alongside the Mekteb-i Hukuk-ı Şahane and the madrasas. In this regard, the Muallimhâne-i Nüvvâb came to the fore for the law schools that would later open for training the lawyers who would both serve in civil courts as well as learn the newly formed legal acquis. It came to the fore as a leading institution in the field of law due to the education curriculum that was applied at the school and its professional institutional character in the field of law.The influence the Muallimhâne-i Nüvvâb had reached not only within the Ottoman borders but also to the Ottoman geography in the Balkans. The Muallimhane-i Nüvvab made its name on the historical scene as a school modeled on raising the manpower Muslims in Bosnia and Bulgaria needed regarding sharia issues. The Muallimhâne-i Nüvvâb will undoubtedly receive the value it deserves in the history of legal education as a result of future monographic studies to be carried out on the school.

Muallimhane-i Nüvvab: The Pioneering New Law School That  Differed from the Madrasa Education in the Ottoman State

Zeynep

In contemporary Iran, various religious celebrations and mourning characterize the daily life of the followers of the Shīʿa sect. Although a few of these religious ceremonies have been practiced for centuries, others have recently been incorporated into the religious calendar. The most important of these recently institutionalized ceremonies is the ayyām-e fāṭimiyya, which commemorates the death &amp; martyrdom of the daughter of Prophet Muḥammad, Fāṭima al Zahrāʾ. On these special days, many Iranian cities hold mourning assemblies, and processions march through the streets. This mourning is notable in terms of its prevalence in the modern period and the power of Karbalāʾ ceremonies to shape the Shīʿite culture. In addition, this emphasis on Fāṭima requires a rethinking of the position of women in Iranian society and the Shīʿite culture. This study aims to provide an overview of the history of the mourning of Fāṭima and its religious origins and impact on debates on the ideal Muslim woman in the light of available data and to take a step toward filling the gap in the literature.In the Sunnī and Shīʿite traditions, Fāṭima was venerated as the daughter of the Prophet, and many hadith and siyar books narrated her virtues. However, for the Shī‘a sect, Fāṭima is a founding and legendary figure. Although Karbalāʾ was a critical turning point in the formation of Shīʿite consciousness, disputes over the land of Fadak during the pre-Karbalāʾ period and Fāṭima’s refusal to pledge allegiance to Abu Bakr are crucial to the formation of the political perception of Shīʿite memory. Fāṭima’s experiences and death at the end of her life are traumatizing for the Shī‘a. Although various narrations about Fāṭima’s death exist, popular accounts of her being subjected to violence by ‘Umar and dying as a result of this violence lead to the understanding of her death as a martyrdom. Although the anniversary of Fāṭima’s&nbsp;&nbsp;death was initially marked in the official Iranian calendar as Fāṭima’s death, the word death was replaced with martyrdom in 1378 AH (1999 AD). In this process, the issue of whether Fāṭima died a natural death or due to an attack has been reopened to debate with reference to historical sources and the issue of taqrīb al-madhāhib. In response, many scholars have written articles on the subject. Lebanese scholars Muḥammad Ḥusayn Faḍlallāh (d. 2010) and Sayyid Ja‘far Murtaḍā al-‘Āmilī (d. 2019) are two of these scholars.In Shī’ī popular piety, the existing historical evidence has long pointed to the place of mourning for Fāṭima and her allegedly miscarried son Muḥsin. However, conducting a clear identification of the historical origins of this mourning for Fāṭima is difficult. To the best of our knowledge, the first examples of mourning similar to that in the present day were witnessed during the Qajar period. The incorporation of this mourning into the official calendar and its widespread adoption across the country has been relatively recent and has dated back to the period after the Islamic Revolution in Iran. With the special efforts of clerics, such as Ayatollah Wahīd al-Khorasānī (b. 1921) and Ayatollah Javād al-Tabrīzī (d. 2006), and the declaration of this day as an official holiday, the mourning for Fāṭima has rapidly developed. In this process, it was intended to commemorate ayyām-e fāṭimiyya in a manner similar to the mourning rituals of ‘āshūrā’. In this context, rawḍakhānī assemblies were organized in homes and mosques, cultural programs were organized in schools and official institutions, and mourning practices, such as wearing black and avoiding weddings and entertainment, were requested. Seemingly, a replica of the first 10 days of Muḥarram is being practiced, and a new Muḥarram is being introduced into religious culture in Iran these days. This notion is reflected in the fact that the ayyām-e fāṭimiyya is referred to as ‘āshūrā’-ye fāṭimī and ‘āshūrā’-ye dowwom.As a result, reading and evaluating the mourning for Fāṭima as part of a wide-reaching Muḥarram mourning culture would be appropriate. In the modern period, in addition to the mourning for Fāṭima, various religious agendas have been incorporated into the Shīʿite calendar. For example, new days of mourning in recent times, such as the martyrdom of Ḥusayn’s daughter Ruqayya and the death of ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib’s wife ’Umm al-Banīn, have been produced, and special programs have been held on these days, especially by the youth. Ceremonies that commemorate the martyrdom of Muslim b. Aqīl, which have recently emerged under the name ayyām-e muslimiyya, can be considered in the same context. Evidently, Muḥarram ceremonies have created the Shīʿite culture of mourning, and the boundaries of this culture have gradually developed and exceeded the boundaries of the mourning of Karbalāʾ.&nbsp;

Ayyām-e Fāṭimiyya as an Alternative ʿĀshūrāʾ:  The Mourning of Fāṭima in Modern Iran

Nergis

Öğretim Görevlisi

Sahaflar Şeyhizâde Esad Efendi (d. 1848) was one of the most important figures in 19th century Ottoman political and cultural history. After teaching at Mūsile-i Sahn, he held many high-ranking administrative positions, such as Regent of the Judge, Correspondent of the Office of the Sheikh al-Islam, Recorder of Events in the Qadiate of Istanbul, Official Historian, Chief Judge of the Army, Ambassador to Iran, Minister of the Imperial Printing House, Member of the Assembly of Justice, Naqib al-Ashraf, Chief Judge of Rumelia, Member of the Assembly of Education, and Head of the Assembly of Education. In addition to his political and administrative activities, Esad Efendi’s name is remembered for the poems and books he wrote and works he translated. Having been a good collector like his father Ahmed Efendi and his spiritual advisor the Mawlawi Hâlet Efendi (d. 1822), Esad Efendi scrutinized the works he added to his library. In 1846, two years before his death, Esad Efendi donated the books he had collected during his life in a pious endowment. Esad Efendi had served as the official historiographer (vaḳʿanüvîs) of the Ottoman Empire, editor-in-chief of the first official Turkish newspaper Taḳvīm-i Veḳāyiʿ, and ambassador to Iran for over a year in 1835-1836, and his collection of nearly 4,000 bound manuscripts, including important examples of the art of creative composition (inshā), was no coincidence. His collection contains 193 munsheāt books, 33 of which are Persian munsheāts.The art of creative composition (inshā) is the general name given to any kind of writing that aims to demonstrate the power and value of writing. In Dānishnāmey-i Edeb-i Fārisī, the word inshā means to create and bring forth and has three literary meanings: a) a writer who uses eloquence to express their thoughts and feelings through construction, a technique that belongs only to prose; b) in the art of meʿānī, inshā means a statement whose meaning is not likely to be true or false, the opposite of news, a statement that cannot be denied or proven, and a statement through which the speaker or writer does not intend to show something in the real world; and c) in the official and historical context, inshā means a dīvān and vizierate whose duty is to write official and state correspondence. Meanwhile, the etymological meaning of the word munsheāt is to make, to produce, to do, to discover, to conceive, to write, to compose a sentence, to organize a speech, or to begin the construction of a building. In its briefest form, munsheāt means “artful writing” and refers to the drafts a munshī [secretary] writes after receiving instructions. Munsheāt also means a collection of official or unofficial letters written by scribes using literary terms. Munsheāt writing or correspondence, also known as teressül, mekātib, resāil, and nāme-hā, has a special place in Persian culture and literature as one of the techniques of construction. The Dīvān-ı Inshā, or Dīvān-ı Resāil, where the art of construction was intensively used, was an office that prepared official documents on behalf of the ruler and managed government correspondence. The documents produced in this office were gathered together for the training of munshī candidates and thus was where munsheāt compilations were created. Munsheāt compilations often contain samples of official and personal correspondence; sometimes historical, religious, and literary articles; or valuable pieces of poetry or other useful information. Although these compilations share some common features, munsheāt can be classified in terms of content as literary, historical and didactic works; in terms of writing style as compositions and compilations; and in terms of language as Arabic, Persian, or Turkish.Among the 33 Persian munsheāt compilations (mecmuas) in the Esad Efendi Collection of the Süleymaniye Manuscript Library, 11 mecmuas have been previously studied by various scholars (Nos. 1739, 3295/2, 3297, 3298, 3302, 3309, 3329, 3331/5, 3333, 3346, and 3785/26). The remaining 22 compilations in the collection have not yet been fully studied and are registered under the following numbers: 1783, 1888/4, 2733/1, 2808/1, 3319, 3320, 3332, 3339/3, 3353/2, 3369/1, 3369/4, 3371, 3431/14, 3435/1, 3436/7, 3440/1, 3628/7, 3628/9, 3673/14, 3769/21, 3790/30, and 3817/14. These munsheāts can also be divided into two main categories: a) the didactic munsheāts that were written to instruct munshī candidates in the intricacies of the art of creative composition, and b) the munsheāts consisting of official and/or unofficial letters written by various historical figures. After the introduction to the art of creative composition, munsheāts, and munsheāt compilations, this article will discuss the contents of these 22 munsheāts that have not yet been studied in detail, with the aim being to introduce them to the scholarly world.&nbsp;

The Persian Munsheāt Mecmuas in the Esad Efendi Collection of  the Süleymaniye Manuscript Library

Nurullah

A New “Pamphlet” on the Development of the Idea of (Re)public in the Ottoman Empire

A New Edited Book on Hadith Commentary

Muhammed

A Study on What is Islam(ic): Reconceptualizing Islam

Securing Soil, Building Harmony: A Review of Malissa Taylor’s Land and Legal Texts in the Early Modern Ottoman Empire

Abdulhadi

An Evaluation on the Turkish Translation of the Memoirs of Amin al- Husseini, the Founder of the Palestinian Independence Movement

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Journal of Islamic Review - İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi is the publication of Institute of Islamic Studies at Istanbul University. It is an open access, scholarly, peer-reviewed journal published biannually in March and September. Manuscripts submitted for publication should be in Turkish, English or Arabic.

The Journal of Islamic Review, is a double-blinded peer-reviewed journal that includes national and international scientific studies that apply disciplinary, interdisciplinary and multidisciplinary methods in the field of Islamic sciences such as Major Islamic Sciences, Philosophy and Religious Sciences, and Islamic History and Arts.

The journal publishes research papers, research notes, book reviews, symposium promotions and manuscripts.   Articles submitted to the Journal of Islamic Review are evaluated according to the double blind review system.

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With the closure of İstanbul Dârulfünun (University) Faculty of Theology in 1933, the Institute of Islamic Studies, established within the Faculty of Literature, was closed down in 1941, and it was reopened again in 1953 under the direction of its director Zeki Velidi Togan and deputy director Fuat Sezgin. The Institute, whose status was changed to a research center in 1982, became affiliated to the rectorate of Istanbul University in 2018. Despite the change in its status, a peer-reviewed scientific journal has continued to operate within the Institute since its establishment.

The journal was published as “The Journal of the Institute of Islamic Studies” between 1953 and 1982, and as “The Journal of Islamic Studies” between 1982 and 1995 in nine volumes and fourteen different issues. The journal resumed publication in March 2020.

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The Journal of Islamic Review aims to contribute to the accumulation of knowledge in the field of Islamic sciences by publishing studies with scientific qualifications at national and international level.The Journal of Islamic Review is a double-blinded peer-reviewed journal that includes articles in the fields of basic Islamic sciences, Islamic history and thought. The journal prioritizes interdisciplinary, multidisciplinary and Ottoman period-centered studies in these fields.The journal publishes research articles, review articles, research notes, book reviews, symposium/workshop promotions, etc. in Turkish, English and Arabic.

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The journal is committed to upholding the highest standards of publication ethics and pays regard to Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing published by the <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, the <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, the <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a>, and the <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> on <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a> The subjects covered in the manuscripts submitted to the Journal for publication must be in accordance with the aim and scope of the Journal. Only those manuscripts approved by every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Changing the name of an author (omission, addition or order) in papers submitted to the Journal requires written permission of all declared authors.Plagiarism, duplication, fraud authorship/denied authorship, research/data fabrication, salami slicing/salami publication, breaching of copyrights, prevailing conflict of interest are unethical behaviors. All manuscripts not in accordance with the accepted ethical standards will be removed from the publication. This also contains any possible malpractice discovered after the publication. Plagiarism Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. If plagiarism/self-plagiarism will be found authors will be informed. Editors may resubmit manuscript for similarity check at any peer-review or production stage if required. High similarity scores may lead to rejection of a manuscript before and even after acceptance. Depending on the type of article and the percentage of similarity score taken from each article, the overall similarity score is generally expected to be less than 15 or 20%. Double Blind Peer-Review After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by the editors-in-chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope. The editor provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles and hands over the papers matching the formal rules to at least two national/international referees for evaluation and gives green light for publication upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.

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General Principles A maximum of two articles produced from graduate theses can be published in each issue. It is essential that the articles conform to the article format with a new arrangement.An author whose article is published in our journal will not have another article published in the following issue.Ethical PrincipleJournal of Islamic Review - İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi is committed to upholding the highest standards of publication ethics and pays regard to Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing published by the <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, the <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, the <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a>, and the <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> on <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a>Submitted manuscripts must be in accordance with the aim and scope of the journal. Only those manuscripts have not been published before or are not in the evaluation process in another journal and whose content and submission have been approved by each author are accepted for evaluation.Changing the name of an author (omission, addition or order) in papers submitted to the journal requires written permission of all declared authors.Plagiarism, duplication, fraud authorship/denied authorship, research/data fabrication, salami slicing/salami publication, breaching of copyrights, prevailing conflict of interest are unethical behaviors. All manuscripts not in accordance with the accepted ethical standards will be removed from the publication. This also contains any possible malpractice discovered after the publication.

Ethics

The journal adheres to the highest standards in research ethics and follows the principles of international research ethics as defined below. The authors are responsible for the compliance of the manuscripts with the ethical rules.<ul><li>Principles of integrity, quality and transparency should be sustained in designing the research, reviewing the design and conducting the research.</li><li>The research team and participants should be fully informed about the aim, methods, possible uses and requirements of the research and risks of participation in research.</li><li>The confidentiality of the information provided by the research participants and the confidentiality of the respondents should be ensured. The research should be designed to protect the autonomy and dignity of the participants.</li><li>Research participants should participate in the research voluntarily, not under any coercion.</li><li>Any possible harm to participants must be avoided. The research should be planned in such a way that the participants are not at risk.</li><li>The independence of research must be clear; and any conflict of interest or must be disclosed.</li><li>In experimental studies with human subjects, written informed consent of the participants who decide to participate in the research must be obtained. In the case of children and those under wardship or with confirmed insanity, legal custodian’s assent must be obtained.</li><li>If the study is to be carried out in any institution or organization, approval must be obtained from this institution or organization.</li><li>In studies with human subject, it must be noted in the method’s section of the manuscript that the informed consent of the participants and ethics committee approval from the institution where the study has been conducted have been obtained.</li></ul>

It is authors’ responsibility to ensure that the article is in accordance with scientific and ethical standards and rules. And authors must ensure that submitted work is original. They must certify that the manuscript has not previously been published elsewhere or is not currently being considered for publication elsewhere, in any language. Applicable copyright laws and conventions must be followed. Copyright material (e.g. tables, figures or extensive quotations) must be reproduced only with appropriate permission and acknowledgement. Any work or words of other authors, contributors, or sources must be appropriately credited and referenced.All the authors of a submitted manuscript must have direct scientific and academic contribution to the manuscript. The author(s) of the original research articles is defined as a person who is significantly involved in “conceptualization and design of the study”, “collecting the data”, “analyzing the data”, “writing the manuscript”, “reviewing the manuscript with a critical perspective” and “planning/conducting the study of the manuscript and/or revising it”. Fund raising, data collection or supervision of the research group are not sufficient roles to be accepted as an author. The author(s) must meet all these criteria described above. The order of names in the author list of an article must be a co-decision and it must be indicated in the <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/1B163C33EBDD4AC68B3BAB7341ABAB15" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form.</a> The individuals who do not meet the authorship criteria but contributed to the study must take place in the acknowledgement section. Individuals providing technical support, assisting writing, providing a general support, providing material or financial support are examples to be indicated in acknowledgement section.All authors must disclose all issues concerning financial relationship, conflict of interest, and competing interest that may potentially influence the results of the research or scientific judgment.When an author discovers a significant error or inaccuracy in his/her own published paper, it is the author’s obligation to promptly cooperate with the Editor to provide retractions or corrections of mistakes.

Manuscripts are pre-evaluated by the editorial board prior to the reviewing process. The editorial board evaluates the manuscripts independently of the ethnicity, gender, nationality, religious beliefs and political philosophy of the authors. In the evaluation, the journal’s areas of interest, journal writing rules, word limit, academic style, language-grammar rules, adequacy of analysis and comments, use of sources and originality of the subject are taken into consideration. Due to the high volume of manuscript submissions, a detailed report is not provided for manuscripts that are returned or rejected as a result of the preliminary evaluation.Plagiarism ScanSubmitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. If plagiarism/self-plagiarism will be found authors will be informed. Editors may resubmit manuscript for similarity check at any peer-review or production stage if required. High similarity scores may lead to rejection of a manuscript before and even after acceptance. Depending on the type of manuscript, the similarity rate is expected to be at most 20%.Double Blind Peer-Review The editor ensures that the manuscripts go through a fair double blind peer-review process, and if the manuscript fulfills the formal requirements, the editor submits the manuscript to at least two external national/international reviewers, and if the reviewers deem it necessary, they approve the manuscript for publication after the requested changes are made by the authors.

Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, sexual orientation, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors. He/She provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted manuscripts for publication and ensures that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential before publishing. Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers. Only he has the full authority to assign a reviewer and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the journal.Editor-in-Chief is responsible for the contents and overall quality of the publication. He/She must publish errata pages or make corrections when needed.Editor-in-Chief sends the manuscripts to at least two national/international external reviewers for evaluation; after the reviewing process, the decision on publication is made by the Editor-in-Chief.Editor-in-Chief guarantees that all information about the manuscripts will remain confidential until the article is published; he/she takes care to keep the identity of the reviewers confidential.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with third parties.In particular situations, the editor may share the review of one reviewer with other reviewers to clarify a particular point.Reviewers should not have any conflicts of interest with the authors and/or financial supporters of the research.

Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by editor-in-chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope.The editor hands over the papers matching the formal rules to at least two national/international referees for double-blind peer review evaluation and gives green light for publication upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.

Peer Review

Reviewers’ judgments must be objective. Reviewers’ comments on the following aspects are expected while conducting the review:<ul><li>Does the manuscript contain new and significant information?</li><li>Does the abstract clearly and accurately describe the content of the manuscript?</li><li>Is the problem significant and concisely stated?</li><li>Are the methods described comprehensively?</li><li>Are the interpretations and consclusions justified by the results?</li><li>Is adequate references made to other Works in the field?</li><li>Is the language acceptable?</li></ul>Reviewers must ensure that all information about submitted manuscripts remains confidential until the manuscript is published and should report to the editor if they detect copyright infringement or plagiarism in the manuscript. If the reviewer does not consider himself/herself competent in the subject matter of the article or feels that he/she cannot provide timely feedback, he/she should inform the editor and ask him/her not to involve him/herself in the reviewing process.

Language The language of the journal is both Turkish, English and Arabic.Manuscript Submission All correspondence will be sent to the corresponding author unless otherwise specified. Manuscpript is to be submitted online via the “Submit a Manuscript” tab at <a href="https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/journal/42/submission/step/manuscript/new" target="_blank">https://dergipark.org.tr/en/pub/iuislamtd</a>Manuscripts should be submitted with a <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/61624BA0385C47C185A24D60988A889E" target="_blank">Title Page</a> specifying the article category and and including information about the manuscript (see Submission Checklist), an electronic text file of the manuscript written in Microsoft Word 2003 and upper versions, and a <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/1B163C33EBDD4AC68B3BAB7341ABAB15" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a> signed by all authors.Manuscript Template and Spelling RulesDue to double blind peer review, manuscript file must not include any information about the author.The manuscripts should contain mainly these components: title, abstract and keywords; sections, references, tables and figures.Double quotation marks should not be used in the title selection to avoid confusion in citation, and single quotation marks or italicization should be preferred if necessary.The abstract must be between 150–250 words and written as one paragraph. Please ensure that abstract reads well and is grammatically correct.Underneath the abstract, 5-8 keywords that inform the reader about the content of the study should be specified.Keywords should be ordered from general to specific and the first letters of the words should be capitalized. See <a href="https://www.isnadsistemi.org/en/guide/isnad2-2/academic-writing/5-keywords/" target="_blank">https://www.isnadsistemi.org/en/guide/isnad2-2/academic-writing/5-keywords/</a>.The main sections of the manuscript (excluding Abstract, References, etc.) should not exceed 9000 words.In the main sections of the manuscript, except for the Introduction and Conclusion, the headings should be numbered sequentially as 1., 1.1.1., 1.1.1.1.Accuracy of citation is the author’s responsibility. All references should be cited in text.The English spelling of proper names and concepts in Arabic, Persian, Turkish and Ottoman Turkish is based on <a href="https://www.isnadsistemi.org/en/guide/isnad2-2/academic-writing/23-transliteration/" target="_blank">The ISNAD Citation Style for Transliteration Alphabet</a>.

Author Guidelines

Research Article: Original research articles are studies that have academic value and present original and scientific results on subjects appropriate to the scope of the journal.Review Article: Articles that describe, discuss and evaluate the latest level of knowledge or topic and are expected to guide future studies.Research Note: Manuscripts in which a topic is discussed in a scope and quality that does not reach the size of an article. Research notes are expected not to exceed 4000 words. Manuscripts in the research note type are not taken into the reviewing process; they are evaluated by the editor and taken into the publication process. A research note does not include a abstract. In addition to the title, the manuscript should include 5-8 keywords.Book Review: Reviews of works published in the last 5 years are prioritized. Book reviews are expected to be prepared by experts in the field. Only introductory and summarized manuscripts are not accepted. In book reviews, an original title separate from the title of the book being reviewed and 5-8 keywords should be determined.Symposium/Workshop Promotion: Manuscripts that include the evaluation of national or international academic meetings. In promotional manuscripts, especially the academic contribution of the meeting should be addressed.

Journal of Islamic Review - İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi complies with ISNAD 2nd Edition (Author-Title System) for referencing and quoting. For more information: <a href="https://www.isnadsistemi.org/en/" target="_blank">https://www.isnadsistemi.org/en/</a> All quotations, including block quotations, should be enclosed in quotation marks; quotations within quotation marks should not be italicized.The titles of the cited sources and the spelling in quotations should be preserved exactly as they are.

Ensure that the following items are present:● Main Manuscript DocumentImportant: Please avoid mentioning the author(s) names in the manuscript<ul><li>The title of the manuscript</li><li>Abstract (150-250 words) </li><li>Keywords: 5-8 words</li><li>Main text sections of the article (should not exceed 9000 words)     </li><li>References </li><li>All tables, illustrations (figures) (including title, explanation, captions)</li></ul>● <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/1B163C33EBDD4AC68B3BAB7341ABAB15" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a> ● Permission of previous published material if used in the present manuscript● <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/61624BA0385C47C185A24D60988A889E" target="_blank">Title Page</a>The category of the manuscript<ul><li>The title of the manuscript</li><li>All authors’ names, affiliations (institution, faculty/department, city, country) and e-mail addresses</li><li>Corresponding author’s email address, full postal address, telephone and fax number</li><li>ORCIDs of all authors</li><li>Grant support (if exists)</li><li>Conflict of interest (if exists)</li><li>Acknowledgement (if exists)   </li></ul>● <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/5F97BA2A57D846F7AC7CC54FF960A15F" target="_blank">Author Contribution Form</a>Important: In case of multiple authors, the contribution of each author should be indicated and signed by the corresponding author.

<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/1B163C33EBDD4AC68B3BAB7341ABAB15" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/61624BA0385C47C185A24D60988A889E" target="_blank">Title Page</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/5F97BA2A57D846F7AC7CC54FF960A15F" target="_blank">Author Form</a>

Issue Type	Regular
Editor(s)	Ahmet Hamdi Furat
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