Gürsoy

Prof. Dr.

The Republic of Türkiye was recognized politically, legally, and economically through the Treaty of Lausanne, which also established its borders. At the Lausanne Conference, negotiations were held extensively during the meetings to find solutions to the several issues that had been inherited from the Ottoman Empire. The Turkish committee resolved some issues by confirming the international contracts and agreements that had been signed during the Ottoman era. In this sense, Türkiye undertook to participate and approve the contracts and treaties listed under 14 titles in the Article 100 of the Treaty of Lausanne. One of these contracts was the Convention Revising the General Act of Berlin of 1885 and the General Act and Declaration of Brussels of 1890, signed at Saint-Germain-en-Laye on September 10, 1919.The first of the agreements referred to in this convention was the General Act of Berlin, which dated from February 26, 1885, in which the Ottoman Empire had become a party to the issue of Africa’s future for preventing the slave trade. The Ottoman Empire had approved this contract on June 25, 1885. The second agreement the Ottoman Empire had joined as a party was the Declaration of Brussels on July 2, 1890 and again involved the issue of preventing the slave trade. The states that signed the Treaty of Lausanne also approved the General Act of Berlin and the Declaration of Brussels as well. The agreement mentioned in Article 100 was the Convention of St. Germain-en-Laye, dated September 10, 1919. Essentially, the 1885 General Act of Berlin, the 1890 General Act and Declaration of Brussels were revised through this contract to which the Ottoman Empire had not become a party.The Treaty of Lausanne presented a perspective for solving the problems remaining from the Ottoman Empire. One of the most important indicators of this was how the 1919 Convention of St. Germain-en-Laye, which had redrafted the Berlin Contract of February 26, 1885 as well as the General Act and Declaration of Brussels of July 2, 1890 for preventing the slave trade, was placed in front of Türkiye. The Treaty of Lausanne therefore resolved the issue that the Ottoman government had not been a party to the Convention of St. Germain-en-Laye in 1919. The Treaty of Lausanne also had fundamental articles regarding the commercial future of Africa. One should also keep in mind that Türkiye showed initiative in rejecting slavery and slave trade by becoming a party to the Convention of St. Germain-en-Laye, as positioned in Article 100 of the Treaty of Lausanne.While reconstructing the Middle East as the winners of World War I, the Allies tried to get the states that had lost the war to accept Africa’s de facto status in order to protect the bases they had established there by using the discourse of prohibiting slavery and slave trading. The Allies were very successful in this strategy. In addition, the Allies gained the opportunity to design Africa in accordance with their wishes both commercially and politically while on the other hand sharing the lands of Middle East.While Germany, having been defeated in World War I, was made to sign the Treaty of Versailles, one of the dictated articles pertained to the redrafting the 1885 Berlin Contract and 1890 General Act and Declaration of Brussels. The Convention of St. Germain-en-Laye also ensured Austria to accept the same article, as well as the mentioned article again occurring in the Treaty of Trianon that was signed with Hungary. Türkiye’s turn came next, and Türkiye was also made to accept the same principles through the Treaty of Lausanne on July 24, 1923.

The Convention of Saint Germain-en-Laye dated September 10, 1919 on the Abolition of Slavery in Africa and its Ratification by Türkiye in the Treaty of Lausanne

Çağla

The Italo-Turkish War started with an attack by Italy in 1911. It started a period of wars for the Ottoman Empire in the 20th century, shook its dominance in the Mediterranean, and was important in terms of Italy taking its place among the other states of England and France who were colonizing North Africa. At the end of the war, Italy had taken the Dodecanese Islands hostage in addition to Tripoli, thus extending its rule to the Aegean and capturing strategically important islands there.During World War I, Italy demanded a portion of Anatolia through the secret treaties signed with the Allied Powers. However, Italy was unable to get what she wanted at the Paris Peace Conference that had convened at the end of the war, which led Italy to make bilateral agreements with Greece. At the Lausanne Conference held after the Turkish War of Independence, the secret diplomacy of Greece regarding the Dodecanese Islands yielded no results. In 1923, Mussolini showed his stance in the Mediterranean by invading Corfu, and relations between the Greece and Türkiye deteriorated. Meanwhile, Mussolini’s statements that armed the islands against Türkiye in 1924 after Lausanne had caused Türkiye to take some precautions. The War Games organized by Mustafa Kemal Pasha in İzmir in 1924 was also a result of this attempt.The start of Turkish-British negotiations in 1924 regarding Mosul and the resultant stalemate caused Britain to put Italy into action. Britain wanted Türkiye to remain weak in terms of the Mosul issue by having it fear Italy with regard to the Aegean and thus entered a process of rapprochement with Italy. In 1925, the anti-Turkish General Theodoros Pangalos, who had come to power through a military coup in Greece, entered the process of rapprochement with Italy and found the appropriate opportunity to become a partner in this plan to realize his ideas about Anatolia. Thus, the two dictators accelerated their diplomatic visits by concentrating on an operation plan to be carried out in İzmir regarding the Dodecanese Islands.This threat had emerged from Britain in the background while appearing to have emerged between Italy and Greece; it caused Türkiye to take measures against an attack from the Aegean. The 1926 agreement between Türkiye and Britain regarding Mosul and the overthrow of General Pangalos by coup in the same year caused Italy to soften its policy toward Türkiye, and tensions ended before a war could start. Another important point regarding Italy and Greece’s development of policies against Türkiye under the patronage of Britain was that their fascist governments were at work in these two countries. For Pangalos and Mussolini, who had united on common grounds in the context of expansionist foreign policy, they had resultantly viewed Türkiye as a geography where they could realize the goals they had been unable to achieve during the National Struggle. However, the fact that the targets of both countries involved Western Anatolia created questions about what kind of division they could envisage in the event of a possible attack. Because this attack did not take place, predicting how they would have divided the spoils within the framework of a consensus is difficult. However, Pangalos being a Mussolini fan and Mussolini’s uncompromisingly harsh image does pave the way for predictions more or less.However, the aggressive foreign policies were in fact generally the product of restless domestic policies. This is not difficult to see in the examples of Italy and Greece. Neither country’s expectations were satisfied after World War I. While Greece had problems arising from the population exchange, Italy had difficulties coping with the economic and social chaos World War I had brought about. Still, while both were victors in the war, being victorious does not seem to always bring an environment of peace and development.Pangalos’ rapprochement with Italy in terms of foreign policy during the year he was in power had important consequences for Greece. The tense relations, especially due to the Corfu crisis, were replaced by a friendly process, and Greece gained a friend, at least until 1940. Still, his attempt at friendship was a product of his opposition to Türkiye, which he had defined as an enemy. Because of this, after Pangalos lost power in 1926, Greece would enter a normalization process and start to take concrete steps to resolve its problems with Türkiye.

The Greek-Italian Threat During the Inter-War Period and the Tensions in the Aegean (1924-1926)

Volkan

Hatay is the gateway to the Eastern Mediterranean, located in the south of Türkiye. During the First World War, Britain and France shared the region through secret treaties they made between themselves. After the Armistice of Mudros, first Britain and then France occupied the İskenderun Port. The French occupied Antakya on December 7, 1918 and had to fight against the regional independence forces until 1921. Their divideand-rule policy shaped the administrative structure against the Turks. In the Ankara agreement signed between Türkiye and France in 1921, the right to special administration was granted to İskenderun Sanjak. According to the treaty, Turkish became the official language, and the cultural rights of the Turkish were guaranteed, but France never met the terms of the agreement. According to this agreement, İskenderun Sanjak remained outside the borders of Türkiye. However, Tayfur Sökmen had always been in contact with Ankara. He organized the people of the region against the French on the order of Atatürk. To reduce the Turkish population, the French took the lands held by the Turks and distributed them to their supporters, Armenians, and Arabs, and tried to destroy Turkish culture among the Arab population. Atatürk visiting Adana on March 15, 1923, promised the people of Antakya who welcomed him that he would save them when the time came. Until 1936, the case of the Turks remained pending. However, with the change of the Straits regime in favor of Türkiye, Atatürk would bring the Hatay issue to the Turkish Grand National Assembly. Especially with France’s giving independence to Syria and ignoring the İskenderun Sanjak, the Hatay issue would be moved to Geneva. According to the Turkish thesis, the Sanjak should be completely independent and the official language in the region should be Turkish. This thesis was not accepted by the French. Especially in November–December 1936, the decision of the Turks not to participate in the elections held in Sanjak to send a deputy to the Syrian Assembly and the rising tension caused the murder of two young Turkish people at a mass meeting in Hatay. Martial law was declared in Hatay, and under the oppressive conditions, the Turks were forced with arms and bayonets to go to the ballot boxes. Then Atatürk went to Ulukışla to inspect the military units used to intimidate France. This situation had repercussions in a short time. Thousands of Turks welcomed the observer delegation sent to Hatay by the League of Nations. Britain and France, who met again in Geneva shortly after, agreed on Hatay. The report submitted by Sandler on January 27, 1937, was accepted, and Sanjak was accepted as a separate entity. Prime Minister İsmet İnönü’s visit to Britain on May 14, 1937 and his meeting with British Foreign Minister Eden also produced a solution in a short time on the Hatay issue. The Sanjak Constitution and Statute were adopted on May 29, 1937. It was decided that the Constitution would come into force on November 29, 1937. While the Turks of Hatay were celebrating this development, the Syrian Assembly declared the Sanjak to be an inseparable part of Syria. The oppression and persecution of Turks by the Arab and French officials in Hatay were increasing day by day. France, unbeknownst to Türkiye, acted together with the mandate officers in Hatay and prepared an election directive. However, the Ankara government protested to the League of Nations and did not recognize the election directive prepared by France. Thus, a new election commission was established by the League of Nations, and two representatives, one from Greece and one from Yugoslavia, were added to this commission upon the request of Türkiye. In the elections held in Hatay in May 1938, the pressure on the Turks continued. Thereupon, Atatürk’s visit to Mersin to inspect military units again yielded results in a short time. France approved the Turkish soldiers’ presence in Hatay at the time of the election. However, Türkiye did not consider agreeing with France before the Hatay issue was resolved. Eventually Hatay gained its independence through Atatürk’s military and diplomatic maneuvers. Hatay State was established on September 2, 1938. On June 29, 1939, the Hatay Assembly decided the state to join the territory of Türkiye. On July 23, French soldiers withdrew from Hatay, which has become a part of Türkiye.&nbsp;

Atatürk’s Foreign Policy Victory: Evaluation of Hatay’s  Annexation to Türkiye through the Turkish Diplomatic  Archive Documents of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs  (1936–1939)

Elçin

The Lotus Case was a prominent event for the young Republic of Türkiye in the 1920s, because this case gave Türkiye an opportunity after the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne to show the new Turkish State as being contemporary, independent, and equal to other European states in every international area, especially in law. The accident occurred as follows: A collision on the high seas between the French steamer the Lotus and the Turkish steamer the Bozkurt in 1926 resulted in the sinking of the Turkish vessel and the death of eight Turkish nationals. When the French ship reached İstanbul, the Turkish authorities instituted criminal proceedings against the French officer on watch at the time of the collision (i.e., Lieutenant Desmons). The Turkish Court rejected Desmons’ objection that Türkiye had no jurisdiction and, after a trial, sentenced him to 80 days in prison and a fine of 22 pounds. The French Government evaluated Türkiye’s action as a violation of international law and demanded reparations. The arguments put forward by the two parties involved whether or not Türkiye had any jurisdiction to prosecute the case according to the principles of international law. Türkiye and France agreed to refer this dispute over jurisdiction to the Permanent Court of International Justice. In court, then Minister of Justice Mahmut Esat Bozkurt represented the Turkish side. The court ultimately decided that Türkiye had not violated international law by instituting criminal proceedings against Desmons. The case was followed with great interest by Britain and America. These two countries made statements about the case both in their official papers and their press. For instance, the British press frequently reported on the event based on French newspapers. In addition, the press made some comments against Türkiye, using words such as “arrogant” and “capricious” to define Türkiye’s attitude toward British authors. While British newspapers were making comments about the case and Türkiye, British official documents only made brief mention of how the incident was perceived in terms of the French press. Compared to the British official documents, American official documents dealt with the issue in more detail. For instance, the&nbsp;American official documents on the issue conveyed the views of both the French press as well as the Turkish press about the case. These documents discussed whether the Turkish courts had been impartial and stated that the International Court of Justice in Hague would ultimately bring a solution to the problem. The American press also stated that the French government had made strong protests and would take more active measures. In addition, the US press talked about how French Prime Minister M. Poincare had found Türkiye’s attitude to be a clear violation of international law and how the French government could accept no further delays in liberating Desmons. The US Press also stated France to have all along contended that Türkiye, by arresting an officer on its ship, had set Turkish law, which was applicable solely in its own territorial waters, against the well-recognized rule of international maritime code. This code stated that in the case of an accident, the involved parties were solely under the disciplinary jurisdiction of the admiralty courts of their own countries. In addition, the American press asserted that Türkiye had given in and turned over the affair to the international court due to Premier Poincare’s ultimatum to Türkiye regarding Desmon’s release. When the Permanent Court of International Justice ultimately declared that Türkiye’s actions had not constituted a violation of the principles of international law, some American newspapers interpreted this result as a success for Turkish policy. As mentioned before, Türkiye had signed the Treaty of Lausanne in July 1923. One of the successes of this peace treaty was the abolishment of capitulations. As a result, the Lotus Case ruling in favor of Türkiye is understood again to exemplify how the capitulations had come to an end. With the example of the Lotus Case, all European states, especially France, understood once again that the old Ottoman State had come to an end and that the new Turkish Republic had been born with its own independence and contemporary principles.&nbsp;

The First Victory of Maritime Law in the Young Republic: The  Lotus Case and its International Repercussions

Nuri

The Ottoman intellectuals who had gained some superficial information about Western civilization up to the Tanzimat, generally through various embassy reports and books, had the opportunity to get to know Western civilization more closely during the modernization that followed the Tanzimat. In this process, they realized that Western civilization had developed in a way that could not be compared to Ottoman civilization. They believed that, in order to reach the level of progress of European societies, very radical reforms should first be made in political and social life.Therefore, they engaged in voluminous long-term activities aimed at simultaneously changing both the political regime and the social mentality. Their primary goal was to break the domination over individual and social life by various interest groups who were profiting from the current conditions in both political and social life and who constantly abused Islam for their own interests. To do this, the government system first needed to be secularized, separating religion from the state.Hence, one can say a religious project was underway in the minds of Ottoman intellectuals and statesmen during the modernization period, no matter to which school of thought they belonged. Still, to think that this project was more of a civilization project rather than a purely absolute religious project would be more accurate. In addition, the main basis of civilization involves religion, and both concepts have been used for a long time to convey practically the same meanings. Taking this situation into account would make seeing the consolidation of any reformist thought toward the institutional or religious structure of Islam more accurate through Islamic references as a necessary condition for a new civilization conception rather than as a policy for&nbsp; gaining political legitimacy. As Menapirzade Nuri and Ahmet Midhat Efendi in particular emphasized, this was because those who claimed Islam as also being opposed to civilization had based their claim on the semantic similarity between the words civilization and progress and on those who were against the concept of progress. Moreover, some ignorant scholars were found to try to portray this claim as a religious ruling. In addition, Western Orientalists who claimed that Islam prevented progress were encountered. Finally, Western states also used the concept of civilization as an exploitative political instrument and used the discourse of bringing civilization to the entire Islamic geography. Many compelling internal and external factors similar to these also occurred. Therefore, despite their different worldviews, Ottoman intellectuals who admired the Europe’s level of development had to consider the concepts of civilization and progress alongside the religion of Islam as a result of all these political and social reasons. In other words, they had to undertake the defense of Islam against both ignorant Islamic scholars as well as Orientalists who claimed Islam to prevent progress. According to Engelhardt, however, the main goal of this process of social change that was conceptualized through such terms as Westernizing, Europeanizing, contemporizing, and modernizing, was to bring Muslim Ottoman society closer to the Christian European society in all aspects. To do this, both the government and society first needed to be saved from the domination of religion as it had in Europe and be given a secular structure.As a matter of fact, the environment of relative freedom created by the Second Constitutional Monarchy and the great disasters Türkiye experienced against Western states in the following period led to the emergence of extremely radical discourses around the issues of religion, civilization, and European civilization. Western intellectuals’ contemporary civilizational conceptualizations had initially envisaged a Lutheran reform in Islam that caused intense long-lasting debates in the Turkish press.Hence, this article will first summarize the discourses of certain Ottoman intellectuals, namely Ziya Gökalp and Celal Nuri İleri, who referred to Protestant European societies only as a criterion of contemporary civilization and stated that a Lutheran reform should take place in Islam. Then the study demonstrates a few examples of the fatwas of some Islamic scholars who had used religion as a means of political or social pressure for their personal comfort, which resultantly justified all these reformist discourses. The article’s second section will touch upon Mehmet Akif’s original place in&nbsp;&nbsp;Islamic modernism. The final section will attempt to draw attention to the lack of any rational basis in the discourses that had declared Akif to be an enemy of civilization by distorting some of his statements on the concept of civilization, not only in terms of semantics but also in terms of syntax.

Contemporary Civilization Debates, Islamic Modernism  and Mehmet Akif in the Turkish Press from the Second  Constitutional Era to the Republic

Mustafa

Res. Assist. Dr.

The Ottoman Empire became involved in the First World War by bombing the Sevastopol Port of Russia on October 29, 1914. Enver Pasha played a critical role in the course of the war by simultaneously undertaking the duties of the Minister of War, Chief of the Military Staff, and Deputy Commander-in-Chief. Enver Pasha and a group of former administrators had to leave the country as a result of the Ottoman Empire’s acceptance of defeat with the Armistice of Mudros signed on October 30, 1918. Enver Pasha had contacts in various countries, especially Russia, during his time abroad. Using these contacts, he attempted to become a power element both in Central Asia and in the Ottoman geography. At first, he thought of establishing an army in Central Asia and attacking the British colonial roads with support from Russia. However, following the Battle of İnönü, he began to adopt the idea of crossing into Anatolia more. This idea caused a conflict between Enver Pasha and Mustafa Kemal Pasha. In this period, the French Government was criticized by its public opinion for the existing occupation in Antep (Aintab) and its surroundings. Questioning the logic of being an occupier in this region, thousands of kilometers away from France, the French public wanted to prevent further loss of soldiers and money. The French Government began to seek a dialog formula with Ankara at the point when its national interests met with the demands of its public opinion. Meanwhile, news about the National Struggle Movement in Anatolia and Mustafa Kemal Pasha began to appear in the French press, and some French writers began to publish books about the National Struggle. In such an environment, the tension between Mustafa Kemal Pasha and Enver Pasha was reflected in the French press. Even in some books published in France at that time, various opinions were put forward on this issue. This tension was so high that it even came to the fore in the French parliament. The French Government was questioning the results of the partition agreements with Britain specific to the Ottoman geography while trying to calculate the consequences of reconciliation with the Ankara Government after the Battle of Sakarya resulted in a Turkish victory. At this point, whether the center of gravity in Anatolia was on the side of Mustafa Kemal Pasha or Enver Pasha became a matter of curiosity in French public. This study examines how the tension between Mustafa Kemal Pasha and Enver Pasha during the War of Independence was perceived by French public.We used thirteen different French newspapers for this study. We particularly focused on Le Petit Parisien, Le Petit Journal, Le Journal, and Le Matin, the so-called big five newspapers. Le Temps, a newspaper close to the state, l’Humanité and Le Populaire, representing the radical left, Le Radical, a weekly–monthly publication with a socialist tendency, Journal des Débats appealing to the bourgeois class, Le Gaulois, a right leaning paper; and although their circulations were low, Le Figaro, which had a strong influence, and L’Action Française with Bonapartist tendencies, and Excelsior, known for their visual materials and published weekly, were the other sources of our research. In addition, to understand the opinion of the French Government, we used French diplomatic documents and parliamentary debates of the French Chamber of Deputies. Moreover, the book named L’Aventure Kémaliste (Kemalist Adventure), which was published in Paris during the years of our research, is among the sources used.The results revealed that in the French public opinion, the tension between Mustafa Kemal Pasha and Enver Pasha was misinterpreted as a “cooperation” rather than a “disagreement” or a “conflict” until the Ankara Treaty was signed between the Ankara Government and France on October 20, 1921. It was observed that in French politics, it was claimed that Mustafa Kemal Pasha and Enver Pasha acted together and that Enver Pasha established the dialog between Ankara and Moscow. In addition, it was observed that the idea that these two important figures, who were allegedly in cooperation, were also pro-German was adopted. Furthermore, the press was in line with the opinions of French politicians in that period until the Ankara Treaty. Some columnists even claimed that the cooperation between Mustafa Kemal Pasha and Enver Pasha was organized by Germany and Russia to put the French in trouble in Muslim geographies, especially in North Africa. In addition, this study based on newspapers with different political tendencies determined that the French newspapers approached our research topic from the same perspective, regardless of their political tendencies. It seems that the French public at last began to fully understand the tension between Mustafa Kemal Pasha and Enver Pasha only with Franklin Bouillon’s visit to Ankara following the Turkish victory in the Battle of Sakarya. More specifically, after the Ankara Treaty was signed at the end of this visit, the French began to show considerable interest in Mustafa Kemal Pasha&nbsp;&nbsp;and the Turkish War of Independence and constantly sent journalists to Ankara. However, it is noteworthy that even in some news published after the visit, unrealistic information and claims on the subject continued to appear in the French public occasionally. This may be due to the limited communication conditions of the period and perhaps the disinformation of French news sources abroad.

The Perception of Mustafa Kemal Pasha-Enver Pasha Conflict  in the French Public Opinion during the National Struggle  Period

Nurettin

Although the proclamation of the republic was left until after the peace treaty, a number of radical changes were known to have been made during the National Struggle that formed the basis of the Republican regime. The first important step that was taken toward these changes and innovation movements can be expressed as the establishment of the Turkish Grand National Assembly (TGNA) in April 1920. While the establishment of the TGNA underlined the will of the nation, it also allowed the National Struggle movement to gain legitimacy. Secondly, the emphasis on the sovereignty of the nation in Article 1 of the Constitution adopted on January 20, 1921 marked an important step that had been taken in the process leading to the proclamation of the republic. In addition to these, the abolition of the sultanate on November 1, 1922 was a declaration that no authority or person could be effective other than the parliament and that the appropriate time to name the regime that was now being de facto implemented was believed to have come.The discussions on determining the republican regime as the form of government were brought to the agenda by both national and local press organs. First published on December 10, 1918, İstikbal Newspaper was one of these organs supporting the National Struggle movement. The newspaper dealt with the pre- and post-proclamation of the republic with the news articles it published and later made serious criticisms against the method that had been followed during the proclamation. Although the newspaper had accepted the regime that existed before the proclamation to already be a republic and included articles praising the republican regime, it criticized how the proclamation had been imposed by taking advantage of the cabinet crisis.From the beginning of the preparations for the amendments to the 1921 Constitution to the proclamation of the republic, İstikbal Newspaper closely followed the developments within this scope and conveyed these goings on to readers with an oppositional approach, though this oppositional attitude was not directed toward the republican regime. With the adoption of the new regime, the powers of parliament had&nbsp;been reduced compared to the parliamentary governmental system, and the prime ministerial and especially presidential offices had been given broad powers. The newspaper interpreted this situation as a departure from the principles of sovereignty and nationalism and a shift away from the axis of democracy. In this context, the newspaper increased its dosage of criticism and emphasized how granting wide powers to a person or office other than the parliament could lead to the transformation of the political system into a dictatorship in the future. The articles published in the newspaper emphasized that the powers of the parliament should not be given to any one person or authority.Although İstikbal Newspaper stated that the proclamation of the republic had been carried out in a hurry as a fait accompli, the news articles it published also accepted the inevitability of the republican regime being established after the sultanate was abolished. This situation may be viewed as a contradiction. However, the main issue the newspaper addressed was how the change had been made in a short period of time, not by consulting the nation but with the encouragement and guidance of a certain cadre of people. In addition, the oppositional attitude of the press toward the proclamation of the republic and the regulations of 1923 shows the press at that time to have had broad freedoms. Indeed, the articles İstikbal Newspaper published were seen to have an extremely high level of criticism against the government and the Halk Fırkası [People’s Party]. İstikbal Newspaper displayed an oppositional attitude toward the methods followed while proclaiming the republic and expressed its thoughts on the supremacy of the parliament and the sovereignty of the nation with great courage and open-heartedness, which played an important role in maintaining awareness in public consciousness.&nbsp;

A Methodological Opposition to the Proclamation of the  Republic: The İstikbal Newspaper Published in Trabzon

Mehmet Fahri

Every nation-state needs a historical conception that will feed its cultivated sense of national identity and give it mythological and symbolic aspects. The thought in this field is shaped, above all, around an origin myth that will provide the nation-state with a reason for existence, distinguish it from others, and give its citizens the feeling of being “ancient”. A “legitimate” history thesis outlines the official identity boundaries of the nation-state and informs its citizens about the ancestral lineage to which they belong. At the same time, it meets the standards of its time because it is covered in a scientific outfit. In this sense, the official history thesis is also a “thesis of belonging”.&nbsp;It was crucial for the fledgling Turkish Republic of the 1930s to develop a historical perspective that would define its people and give meaning to their belonging. In this view, the First and Second Turkish History Congresses are crucial in terms of making the state’s official understanding of history visible. By disseminating the official history thesis, these congresses demonstrate the supremacy of the government’s own identity conception. In order to establish the geographical basis of the inhabitants of the Turkish nation-state, the fundamental content of the Turkish History Thesis is primarily shaped by the creation of the territorial genealogy of Anatolia. The idea that the existence of ancient civilizations of Anatolian origin like the Sumerians, Hittites, and Etruscans in this geography is “ancient” compared to the others - like the Greeks or Armenians - gives historical validity to the relationship between modern Turkish identity and the idea of homeland. Here, a new set of symbols, myths, and traditions supplied by the line of historical and ethnic continuity based on Central Asia can be used to replace the Ottoman-Islamic past with a legitimate one.The goal of Blue Anatolianism is to diversify and enhance the official Turkish History Thesis rather than to depart from it. In the early republican period, Blue Anatolianists, who advocated “to bring the West here, to themselves, instead of going to the West”, became the creators of their own unique discourse. The need to define a geography that is more “local” and closer to the young Republic’s center, as a reaction to the “extreme” nature of the idea of origin that will base the nation-state identity of the Turkish History Thesis, is where this alternative perspective expresses itself most clearly. The official history theory, which based citizenship identification on ethnicity, had a “surreal” component, although Blue Anatolianists promoted a territorial interpretation of culture. In reality, the alternative discourse that Blue Anatolianism contributes to the fundamental framework of national identity gives meaning to its originality as a theory of territorial nationalism.Intellectually, the Neo-Greekism advocated in the 1910s by authors like Yahya Kemal and Yakup Kadri forms the foundation of the Blue Anatolia thesis. This also highlights the concept of humanism, which forms the basis of the thesis’s effort to diversify the official historical narrative. The desire to link this geographical association with Anatolia has its roots in Neo-Greeks, who believe that “in order to understand Europe, we need to start from Greece” and foresee a Turkish identity facing the West. However, this Anatolia is not the generalizing Anatolia of the official history thesis, nor is it the Anatolia of the Anatolianist ideology, which would develop a conservative mystification in the years to come. Neo-Greek Anatolia is a geographical extension of the Mediterranean and Aegean seas, and unmistakably resembles European territory.The Blue Anatolianist movement shifts the construction of belonging in the official discourse from the ethnic to the geographical. As a result, the present Mediterranean interpretation, which replaces the nomadic pathos emanating from Central Asia that serves as the foundation of the Turkish History Thesis, also becomes the focus of a secular and humanist worldview with Anatolia at its core, opening the way to multiculturalism.The uniqueness of Blue Anatolianism as a theory of territorial nationalism lies in the fact that the identity it advances is based on geographical inheritance, and in a sense, it equates being a citizen of the Republic of Türkiye with being the heir of all communities who have lived here since the earliest times of Anatolia. The movement’s founding theorist, the Fisherman of Halicarnassus, stated in one of his writings that the core of modern Turkish identity is a singular identity that “started to flow long before the Hittites” and embodies the traits from all "Phrygian, Lydian, Ionian, Persian, Byzantine, Seljuk, and Ottoman" civilizations.One of the most significant cultural outputs of the movement was the writings of Azra Erhat (a pupil of the Fisherman of Halicarnassus), particularly her translations from classical Greek. On the other hand, Blue Anatolianism developed into a formalized political and cultural movement thanks to the activities of Sabahattin Eyüboglu, an intellectual from the same time period.&nbsp;

The Blue Anatolian Ideal as a Theory of Territorial  Nationalism

Ercan

Kemal Tahir holds a significant position in the annals of Turkish literature and intellectual discourse. His life’s dedication revolved around delving into the intricacies of the nation’s realities. Utilizing novels as a medium, he sought to communicate both history and reality. His perspectives on historical and social matters have been subjects of deliberation within intellectual and literary circles. An enduring topic of discussion has been Kemal Tahir’s stance on banditry. Central to his main thesis is the argument that a bandit “cannot be a hero”, portraying banditry as a social phenomenon. Although banditry is subtly alluded to in many of his village-themed novels, this study accentuates his views through an examination of the novels “Yorgun Savaşçı” and “Rahmet Yolları Kesti”. The former unfolds during the National Struggle era, marked by the absence of state authority, revealing the widespread prevalence of banditry. The latter, set in the mid-1930s concurrent with the establishment of the Ankara Government and the solidification of state authority, is noteworthy for its portrayal of a bandit narrative. In both of Kemal Tahir’s novels, various individual and societal elements pertinent to the genesis of banditry are underscored. These elements encapsulate the author’s overarching perspectives on the phenomenon. According to the author, the notion of appreciating honest bandits is a concept proposed by “semi-intellectuals” resulting from an evaluation that is detached from Anatolian cultural norms. It remains nothing more than a folkloric imagination. Bandits, or robbers, are individuals with a low sense of social morality, displaying cowardice, susceptibility to manipulation by others, aversion to work, and an inability to do anything other than feign. There is a certain period of banditry. Banditry is the product of a period of turmoil and war. The most decisive factor in the emergence of banditry is the power of the state. If the state is strong in the political, economic and military fields, it does not last long even if bandit movements are seen. Banditry arises from a combination of factors, including the pursuit of notoriety, a desire for bravery, avarice for monetary gain, and other individual motives. The perpetuation of banditry is further influenced by the populace’s fear and mistrust of the state, with the continuation of such activities contingent upon the strength or weakness of the state. In instances where villagers perceive a lack of power, there is a tendency to idealize bandits, portraying them as heroes and transforming them into&nbsp; legendary figures. The allegiance of a bandit aligns with the stronger party, manipulated by those individuals. Kemal Tahir equated banditry with theft, positing that it does not manifest in a well-ordered and fearless society. In societies undergoing moral decay, banditry tends to emerge, and the admiration for banditry persists.In conclusion, as we intricately intertwined the bandit phenomenon depicted in Kemal Tahir’s novels “Yorgun Savaşçı” and “Rahmet Yolları Kesti” with the author’s perspectives within the realms of both Turkish literature and historical reality, it becomes evident that Kemal Tahir faced substantial criticism throughout his lifetime. The true essence of what the author aimed to convey remains challenging to assess objectively. The limited recognition bestowed upon his views and literary persona in the 20th century has contributed to certain challenges confronting Turkish society today. Presently, there is a more objective approach to the author. Nevertheless, it remains challenging to surpass comparisons with Yaşar Kemal, particularly concerning the concept of banditry. Currently, we find significant parallels between the author’s viewpoint on banditry and historical actualities. This circumstance calls for an assessment of his novels not solely in the context of banditry but also with regard to other historical and literary facets, free from comparisons and biases. Kemal Tahir has bequeathed a substantial legacy contributing to our comprehension of the challenges in literature, art, and society in the 21st century. The extent to which we can preserve, convey, and transmit this heritage to new generations will be highly valued.

The Theme of Banditry in Kemal Tahir’s Novels “Yorgun  Savaşçı” and “Rahmet Yolları Kesti” (1919-1939)

Betül

While beginning the preparations for the 10th anniversary of Türkiye, political and intellectual circles proposed the newly emerging idea to establish a museum exhibiting the 10-year course of the revolutions that had taken place in Türkiye by making use of the possibilities of contemporary museology. Upon adopting this idea, attempts were initiated to establish a revolution museum. In fact, the Istanbul Municipality had initiated some local activities regarding this issue in previous years. However, officials had a more comprehensive concept for the Revolution Museum in mind compared to these previous activities. Although all the necessary artifacts for the museum were available, these were understood to be insufficient for inaugurating what would be a well-established museum. Thus, the need to have experts who’d been trained according to the museum discipline clearly came before these artifacts.&nbsp;As a result, the politicians and bureaucrats had no choice but to assign an authorized commission specifically for this job, upon which the Committee of Museums was formed to establish the Revolution Museum. The members of this committee consisted of names such as Kadro journal’s editor Şevket Süreyya Aydemir, Foreign Ministry Advisor and Secretary General of the Balkan Union Abdülhak Şinasi Hisar, historian Enver Behnan Şapolyo, Sami Çölgeçen, and Hamit Zübeyir Koşay. The missions the state officials expected from the museum were to keep the revolutionary movements alive, to revive their vital aspects, and to display the 10-year-old history using examples. The museum committee was requested to illustrate almost 10 years of flowing history in the museum. However, the committee members, who were the leading figures in terms of history and museology, had different views toward the idea of revolution. Another issue upon which they were unable to agree was whether to include the Tanzimat Reform Era or the Turkish National Struggle period as the historical starting point of the Revolution Museum. All these expectations and disagreements from the committee members prevented them from establishing the museum.&nbsp;&nbsp;Revolution museums had emerged as products of the new states and ideologies established after the revolutions. Considered as places of promotion, history, memory, and evidence collection, revolution museums are definable as places built as archives,research centers, educational institutions, and propaganda tools in the world states that had undergone ideological and structural revolution at the beginning of the 20th century.Revolution museums feature more their educational functions than their exhibiting and preserving ones. These museums reflect cultural and modern developments of a nation as well as its vital struggles against its enemies in history. Thus, they have made important contributions to the field of public education both in Türkiye and the world. Şevket Süreyya (Aydemir) Bey also expressed this feature of revolution museums in his report from August 27, 1933. The four-page report lists information, documents, maps, photographs, tables, materials etc. about the Battle of Sakarya exhibit planned in the museum, after which he stated how this hall would instruct visitors about the Battle of Sakarya.The Revolution Museum would finally come into existence in 1939 after Atatürk’s death, when the house where Atatürk had lived in Şişli, Istanbul was opened to the public as a museum. In addition, the Institute of Turkish Revolution History in affiliation with Ankara University Faculty of Language, History, and Geography was opened during the time when Hasan Ali Yücel was the Minister of Education. The Revolution History Museum was also established in Ankara in 1942 within the body of the Turkish Revolution History Institute. The materials that had been collected for the Revolution Museum planned in Ankara before were given to the Turkish Revolution History Institute in 1943.The Revolution Museum had been intended to be created similar to the Ankara People’s House. This study will address the efforts to establish a revolution museum whose idea had been put forward in 1933; the criticisms, different views, and discussions of the examples of revolution museums in Russia and Italy; the attempts to establish a similar model of revolution museum; and the reasons why the museum had failed to be established. As sources, this article utilized the archival materials, newspapers, journals and official reports of the period.&nbsp;

The Attempts at Establishing a "Revolution Museum" During  the Time of Atatürk

Ceyhun

A general belief exists in Turkish culture that music had developed around the palace. However, when examining traditional Ottoman music, music was seen to have not only been limited to the palace environment but to have also developed in cities, homes, coffee houses, mosques, and Mevlevi lodges. For this reason, Turkish music culture did not follow a Western course to the public.Ottoman music began being influenced by the West in the 18th century when Selim III brought Western musicians to Istanbul for his opera concert. By including Western music groups in their touring schedules, Istanbul society’s interest in Western music has become fashionable and the people of Istanbul encountered polyphonic Western music in this way. With the proclamation of the Tanzimat, modernization efforts in the field of music intensified, and a Palace Orchestra and Fasıl [program of musical pieces] Committee were included within the body of the Mızıka-yı Hümâyun [military band] founded by Giusepe Donizetti. Despite these modernization efforts, Western music could only be situated academically during the Republican period.The main idea and infrastructure of the innovations that Atatürk planned to make in the field of music were formed on the framework the Tanzimat had started. The aim was to have the revolution to be made in the field of music be inspired by Western music and to create a new Turkish music that the West would listen to with respect.Ziya Gökalp’s views on music were also influential in determining the music policy of the period. Although his knowledge of music is controversial, Gökalp wrote in his work “The Principles of Turkism” that two types of music exist in Turkey: The first of which is the Turkish music born out of the people, and the other is the Ottoman music that had been translated from Byzantium by al-Farabi. Gökalp also stated that he found Eastern music to be sick and non-national and argued folk music to be the music of Turkish culture and Western music to be the music of the new civilization.As a matter of fact, Atatürk thought that national Turkish music could be created by blending folk music, which is seen as the core music of the Turks, with polyphonic Western music. This understanding of music aimed to use the strengths of Western music in Turkish music by adopting the musical institutions of the West and planned in practice to synthesize the polyphonic techniques of Western music with Turkish folk music melodies.Apart from the institutional reform studies and practices carried out to create a national form of music, another aim was to culturally internalize Western-based Turkish music. In this context, two vocal competitions were organized by the Cumhuriyet newspaper between 1930-1931. The aim of this study is to examine these vocal competitions the Cumhuriyet newspaper held. In this context, the article examines the 1930 for the “Song of the Nations” contest to select the Turkish participant of another international song contest held in Paris to play the leading actress in the French film La Chanson Des Nations; and also the “Nightingale of Türkiye vocal contest” held in 1931 by performing a content analysis of the news published at this time. The study examines within its scope the newspaper issues of Cumhuriyet, which organized the competitions, as well as the issues of Son Posta that involved the competitions between November 1930 and March 1931; and it attempts to determine how much the competitions had been affected by the alafranga and alaturka debates and the extent which the contests affected the reforms to be made in the field of musicIn particular, the competition in the field of Western music organized by Cumhuriyet newspaper for people to participate in the movie “Song of Nations” in 1930 created the atmosphere the Republican regime desired. The intellectual personality of Hudadat Şakir Hanım, who came first in this competition, can be said to have been suitable for the Turkish national music culture the Republican regime wanted to create.Nightingale of Türkiye vocal competition held in 1931 did not attract as much attention as the movie “Song of Nations” contest in 1930. Cenap Şahabettin said that the songs in Nightingale of Türkiye competition made his soul feel old, that he had listened to all the “Istanbul nightingales” with his ears closed, and that he had a hidden sadness in his mouth upon leaving the hall. Şahabettin’s comments are in line with Atatürk’s criticisms of Turkish music.The alafranga-alaturka debates appeared in the vocal contests and continued into early 1930s. These debates even lasted until the end of the ban on Turkish music radio broadcasting in 1934. Later Atatürk tried to express that his words on the subject were misunderstood in different environments. Because his greatest desire was to ensure that Türkiye adopted the modern music technique as well as to have the Turkish compositions that were loved and listened to in the country also be heard in Europe.&nbsp;

Reading the Music Revolution through the “The Song of the  Nations” Film (1930) and “The Nightingale of Türkiye” (1931)  Vocal Contests

Serdar

Öğretim Görevlisi Dr.

The political system in Türkiye is the main factor that determines the media regime. During the early Republican period, multi-party life was tried twice, and the press gained the opportunity to make its voice heard compared with the single-party years. After the failure of these attempts, the press largely lost this freedom with the adoption of the Press Law in 1931. For this reason, the press demonstrated its ideological tendencies through issues related to foreign policy instead of discussing domestic politics and the regime.On September 1, 1939, the Second World War began with the German invasion of Poland. The Soviet-Finnish Winter War, which also emerged as a local war during the Second World War, was an event that exhibited the ideological tendencies of the Turkish press.Immediately prior to the Second World War, Soviet Russia wanted to expand its borders to the Baltic region to secure its borders against the increasing danger from Germany. Toward this end, it demanded certain regulations and argued that the FinnishSoviet border was only 32 km from Petrograd. However, Finland refused these demands. After the talks were interrupted, the Winter War began on November 30, 1939, when Soviet Russia attacked Helsinki. Contrary to expectations, Finland displayed great resistance by using the climatic and geographical conditions in its favor. However, Finland, which did not find the help it expected, needed to ask for peace and submitted to Soviet demands at the end of the war that lasted for 104 days.Contrary to the common belief in Turkish historiography, Türkiye followed a policy&nbsp; of alliance with Britain and France instead of an active neutrality policy during this period. This policy was a factor that determined the attitude of the press towards the Winter War. However, a number of differences existed among the three abovementioned newspapers. The ideological tendencies of these newspapers played a role in the basis of these differences.Cumhuriyet, Yeni Sabah, and Tan newspapers represented the three tendencies of the Turkish press during the Second World War. Cumhuriyet is known for being pro-German, Yeni Sabah for being pro-British, and Tan for being pro-Soviet. Therefore, the study also examined the positions taken by these newspapers based on their attitude toward the Soviet-Finnish Winter WarYeni Sabah, especially its editor-in-chief Hüseyin Cahid Yalçın, was worried that Soviet Russia would approach Germany due to this war. However, in the later days of the war, after the Allied states clarified their stance in favor of Finland, Yeni Sabah also took a stance in favor of Finland. Yet, the tone it used against Soviet Russia was extremely careful. In other words, Yeni Sabah refrained from using a harsh style against Germany and Soviet Russia.Cumhuriyet, which was described as pro-German due to its editorial policy during the Second World War, openly took the side of Finland during the Winter War. The unexpected resistance from Finland was met with enthusiasm. Cumhuriyet like Yeni Sabah associated the heroism of the Finns against the Russians with their “Turkish roots” and covered the subject intensively. Cumhuriyet differs from the other two newspapers due to its critical language against the Allies and Soviet Russia. In particular, names, such as Peyami Safa (known for his anti-communist ideas) and Muharrem Feyzi Togay (defender of Turanist thought), used harsh language against Soviet Russia. On the other hand, Zekeriya Sertel, the editor-in-chief of the Tan, argued that the Soviet Union had lacked imperialist goals and made justifiable demands in favor of socialism.&nbsp;&nbsp;

The Reflection of the 1939-40 Soviet-Finnish Winter War on  Yeni Sabah, Cumhuriyet and Tan Newspapers and Evaluations  on the Ideological Positions of These Newspapers

Gülmelek

Çağrı

Populism, which is a modern social phenomenon, emerges, develops and transforms in different ways throughout history. The Narodnik movement, in which Russian intellectuals supported the peasants, and the populist movement of the People’s Party in the United States, in which the cotton workers of the South defended their rights against the rich merchants of the North, are based on agrarian radicalism, but their political actors and ideological backgrounds differ. The populism that has been observed in many parts of the world since then appears in Türkiye under the name “populism” and embodies the understanding of “populism in spite of the people” inherited from Ottoman intellectuals, similar to Russian populism. Social scientists studying Turkish populism generally trace early populism in Türkiye to the modernization movement of the late Ottoman period and consider “populism” that emerged during this period as an intellectual movement distinct from political populism in democratic countries. It is argued that populism in its modern sense emerged with the transition to a multiparty system in Türkiye; thus, the relationship between populism and democracy becomes clear. The DP which came to power in 1950 with populist promises and its populist policies, became symbols of the democratization of the Turkish political system. Populism as a political style and strategic tool of the period of DP is based on the discourse of the national will. DP Government, used this will; the nation, claimed as the owner of the will, were the citizens reduced to the vote. Representing the sovereignty of the people, the DP unites different social segments in democratic demands. On the axis of trend between democratization in the first period of DP and authoritarianism in its second period, the leader’s nonbureaucratic, informal and personalized relations with the public, became more evident. In this process, it can be said that plebiscitary politics along with a system based on patronage and clientelism were important strategies of DP populism. It can even be argued that DP transformed this political style into a strategy more in the context of winning votes and achieving victory in political competition. This strategy is also reflected in the civil administrative arrangements of that time. The governments of DP, by winning the elections in 1950 and remaining in power for ten years, added a total of 5 new provinces and 141 new subprovinces to the civil administrative organization. In other words, 19% of the 26 newly established provinces and 22% of the 640 subprovinces in the first hundred years of the Republic occurred in the period of DP. In this context the averages obtained by dividing the number of newly established provinces and subprovinces by the duration of the government show that the period of DP is the second period with the highest average in the history of the Republic.&nbsp;This study analyzed the civil administrative arrangements enacted by the DP during its ten year power as part of its populist policies. It is claimed that the implemented regulations were based on the personalized relationship between the party leader Adnan Menderes and the people, sometimes being part of his patronage politics, and sometimes being used as a political strategy when its cost could not be covered. The main goal of this political strategy was to get the most votes. The political strategy that Menderes built on rewardpunishment relationship was also based on the democratic demands of the people. The demands of the local people to be a province or district were also taken into account by DP to obtain better services and prestige; regulations announced to the public were rearranged according to the reaction of the people. Especially in preparation for the 1957 elections, as part of the strategy to gather votes, the demand of the people was instrumentalized, and the good news were announced that many localities would become provinces or subprovinces. While it is possible for a place to legitimately become a province or subprovince for geographic and economic reasons, it is also apparent that the decisions made during the period of DP were made in accordance with the personal interests of the political leader. The justifications put forward during the realization of the civil administrative arrangements, which were based on personalized relationships rather than institutional ones, show that the arrangements were an instrument of the populist politics of DP.&nbsp;&nbsp;

Civil Administration Arrangements in the Democrat Party  Period from the Populist Politics Perspective

Mahmut

A Book on Prince Sabahatin and His Political Vievs

Hande

An Alternative Perspective on the Events of September 6-7

Tuğba

Atatürk and The Assassination

Güler

The Book that present new and Important Contributions to  the Literatüre on the Early Republican Period, Modernisation  and Nation Building Process

Prof.

Hulusi

The Concept of the Middle East and the Historical Breaking Points of the Middle East (1878-1979)

After nearly thirty years of Sultan Abdülhamid’s rule, the Constitutional Monarchy was reinstated on July 23, 1908, through the efforts of the Committee of Union and Progress. The Unionists, who had lived in exile in Europe for many years, believed that an Ottoman Empire with a parliamentary system and a constitution would restore its lost prestige in the West. The Committee of Union and Progress saw the salvation of the Ottoman Empire, which was considered a “sick man” by the West, in adopting Western systems. Motivated by these ideas, the Unionists forced Sultan Abdülhamid to declare the Constitutional Monarchy following a rebellion they initiated in Macedonia.&nbsp;The re-proclamation of the Constitutional Monarchy aroused great excitement in Europe. Both statesmen and the press took the issue seriously. European statesmen congratulated the Ottoman authorities on the proclamation of the Constitutional Monarchy as a matter of diplomatic courtesy, but they also rigorously analyzed the potential impacts on their own countries. Especially Britain and France seemed pleased with the declaration of the Constitutional Monarchy. Britain, which had conflicted with Sultan Abdul Hamid’s administration for years, thought that it could better align with the new regime and increase its investments in the Ottoman Empire. For this reason, many British statesmen, particularly British Foreign Secretary Edward Grey, supported the Constitutional Monarchy. However, they harbored doubts about its success and followed this movement with a mix of sympathy and skepticism. France adopted a similar attitude.Conversely, other European states such as Germany and Russia were apprehensive about the Constitutional Monarchy. Germany, the only European state that had long enjoyed healthy relations with the Ottoman Empire, feared losing this influence under the new regime. Russia, on the other hand, was concerned that the new regime would strengthen the Ottoman Empire, thwarting its longstanding aim to dismantle it and seize its territories in the Balkans and the Mediterranean. Russia also feared that Britain might sympathize with the Ottoman Empire after the declaration of the Constitutional Monarchy and return to its policy of preserving its territorial integrity. However, Britain had no intention of reverting to its traditional Ottoman policy; it only wanted to keep the Ottoman Empire in a position that would not harm European politics.&nbsp;The small Balkan states of Greece and Bulgaria were also concerned about the Constitutional Monarchy. Both states, having claims over Macedonia, preferred the continuation of unrest in the region. The declaration of the Constitutional Monarchy, however, brought an end to the unrest in Macedonia and ceased the activities of local gangs, restoring Ottoman authority in the region. This situation worried Greece and Bulgaria.In addition to the official views of states, the Western press also followed the Constitutional Monarchy closely. The British and French press, in particular, were largely positive about the Constitutional Monarchy. Headlines such as “The End of the Eastern Question” and “The Awakening of the East” reflected hopes that the Constitutional Monarchy would elevate the Ottoman Empire to the level of European states. However, this goodwill and support in Europe came to an abrupt end in October 1908. A chain of events, including Bulgaria declaring its independence, Greece annexing Crete, and Austria annexing Bosnia, put the Ottoman Empire in a difficult situation early on.Faced with these crises, the Ottoman Empire expected support from European states and public opinion. However, it did not receive the anticipated support from any state or organization. European states found it in their interest to support the perpetrators of these events rather than the Ottoman Empire. Consequently, the Committee of Union and Progress realized that the idea of European support for the Ottoman Empire through the Constitutional Monarchy was merely a dream. This realization led the Unionists to intensify their rhetoric against Europe in the subsequent years. Ultimately, these tensions culminated in the Ottoman Empire opposing the European powers in the Great War.

The Young Turk Revolution of 1908 and the Restoration of Constitutional Rule According to the Press Organs of the Great European Powers

Nuran

Macedonia (including Thessaloniki, Bitola, Kosovo), with its diverse population including Greeks, Bulgarians, and Serbs, posed significant challenges for the Ottoman Empire between 1878-1908. Initially acquired by Bulgaria through the Treaty of San Stefano, Macedonia was subsequently transferred to the Ottoman Empire under the Treaty of Berlin. Consequently, after 1878, Bulgarians aimed to regain the borders established by the Treaty of San Stefano. They initially focused on securing independent churches and schools in Macedonia and attempted to convert Greeks and Serbs to the Bulgarian Church to bolster their population. The Greeks and Serbs responded in kind, forming committees to counter Bulgarian activities. Moreover, amidst internal conflicts, these groups clashed with Ottoman soldiers. Another tactic employed by Bulgarians to reclaim the San Stefano borders was to incite European intervention through organized revolts. The Bulgarian rebellions in 1902 and 1903 were particularly bloody, leaving Macedonia embroiled in prolonged instability. The European States (Britain, France, Germany, Austria-Hungary, Russia, Italy) had conflicting interests in the Balkans and considered the situation in Macedonia crucial. Their compromise in 1878 aimed to prevent the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, even amidst territorial losses, to maintain European peace. Four reform programs were implemented between 1903 and 1907, each aimed at restoring order and diminishing Ottoman influence.&nbsp;With the implementation of the first reform program, Austria-Hungary and Russia gained influence over the administration of Macedonia. In the Vienna Reform Program, the two states agreed that the police and gendarmerie in the region would be organized by European officers. However, the program could only be implemented for a very short time. The large-scale revolt of the Bulgarians in 1903 drew the attention of the European &nbsp;States to Macedonia. Thus, in 1904, a broader program to restore order in Macedonia was adopted by the Ottoman government. As part of the Mürzsteg Program, two civil servants, an Austrian and a Russian, were appointed to assist the inspector general assigned to Macedonia by the Ottoman government. Their purpose was to conduct inspections and address the complaints of the Christian population. In addition, the organization of gendarmerie units was to continue in order to maintain public order. The final two reforms aimed to ensure that the financial and judicial affairs of Macedonia were under the control of the European states. The implementation of the reform programs, initially planned for two years, was continuously extended until 1914.&nbsp;However, these reforms were deemed insufficient, prompting Britain and Russia to propose the Anglo-Russian reform program. This program aimed to appoint a Christian governor to Macedonia, reduce the number of soldiers, and increase the number of gendarmes under European control. With the implementation of the Anglo-Russian reform program, Macedonia was intended to have an autonomous structure under the control of the European states, allowing it to make its own decisions while remaining tied to the Ottoman Empire. The Ottoman Empire declared that it would never accept this reform program. The reform draft was also not immediately accepted by other states.On the other hand, the Anglo-Russian reform bill mobilized the Committee of Union and Progress, which had been rapidly organizing among the officers of the Third Army in Macedonia since 1907. Working towards the declaration of the Constitutional Monarchy for the second time, the Committee was closely monitoring developments in Macedonia. The Committee of Union and Progress opposed Europe’s intervention in Macedonia once again, believing that the last proposed reform program would lead to the loss of Macedonia. Additionally, the proposal to reduce the number of soldiers in the Anglo-Russian reform draft would weaken the Committee’s power in Macedonia and hinder the declaration of the Constitutional Monarchy. Consequently, the draft had unexpected repercussions for the European states. The Committee of Union and Progress, which had been secretly organized in Macedonia, emerged into the open to demonstrate its power to the European states. The Anglo-Russian reform bill, along with other factors, delayed the proclamation of the Second Constitutional Monarchy from the planned time. In this study, the Anglo-Russian reform bill will be analyzed, and its consequences will be emphasized.

The Last Reform in Macedonia: The British-Russian Reform Bill (8 March 1908)

Ümüt

Cholera, which occurs due to consuming food and drinks contaminated with the vib rio cholerae bacterium, is a severe disease characterized by watery diarrhea. The bacte rium is a comma-shaped gram-negative pathogen that can survive in both oxygenated and anaerobic environments. After an incubation period of 1-4 days, symptoms such as muscle aches, exhaustion, nonstop vomiting, and rice-water-like diarrhea appear. Excessive fluid loss causes tissues to shrink, and the skin changes color between black and blue. Death is inevitable as kidney failure occurs due to unrecoverable fluid loss.The spread of cholera in the 19th century also impacted the Ottoman Empire due to its geopolitical and geostrategic position. This study examines the global and local his torical development of cholera, particularly during the Second Constitutional years. It aims to shed light on the disease’s agenda between 1908 and 1914, examining its place in intellectual and social contexts in terms of raising social awareness about cholera. This qualitative research uses documentary scanning to obtain valid data from archival documents, minutes, periodicals, regulations, and books. A literature review was also conducted for documentary validation. Data from these scans were classified and evalu ated through document analysis.Cholera’s ability to survive in varied environments has enabled epidemics to turn into pandemics amid climatic changes and socio-economic conditions. Although chole ra had been present in India for centuries, it became a global issue in the 19th century due to industrialization and urbanization. Due to its geopolitical and geostrategic positi on, the Ottoman Empire faced several cholera epidemics in 1831, 1846, 1849, 1854, 1865, 1871, 1893, and 1902, particularly in Istanbul. Measures against these epidemics were hampered by technical failures, financial difficulties, rigid ideologies, and unplan ned policies. Nevertheless, the state continued to combat epidemics by strengthening legal regulations, improving the conditions for physicians, and enhancing the quality of health institutions.Between 1908 and 1914, the chaotic environment, compounded by internal and ex ternal political conditions, was further strained by epidemics. Cholera epidemics, parti cularly severe in Istanbul from 1909 to 1913, were added to a series of events including the proclamation of Constitutionalism and the Balkan Wars. The surge in the disease during 1910 and 1911, exacerbated by refugees from the Balkan Wars, mobilized burea ucrats, physicians, and media. Parliamentary debates at the time show that combined efforts of civil and military bureaucrats, doctors, and vaccination processes helped miti gate cholera’s impact. The chaos in Istanbul due to cholera also highlighted the impor tance of social awareness. The early years of the period saw a boom in press and publis hing, which, coupled with print capitalism and logistical modernization, expanded information channels. The set of ideas that defined cholera and its characteristics aimed to break the misconceptions about the disease. These ideas focused on the relationship between nutrition and cholera, emphasizing how dietary habits could influence the spre ad and severity of the disease. Attention was drawn to the fine line between the digesti ve system and cholera, highlighting the importance of understanding how the disease affects and is affected by digestive health. The correct cleaning methods were pointed out, emphasizing their role in preventing the spread of cholera. Furthermore, practices that should be carried out to avoid contracting the disease were clearly explained. These comprehensive ideas and guidelines kept both individuals and institutions alert and in formed about the development and spread of cholera.&nbsp;Between 1909 and 1913, the problems caused by cholera, in addition to existing do mestic and foreign policy issues, intensified both collective and individual efforts to enhance intellectual discourse. When examining the intellectual atmosphere of the peri od, it is evident that reactions to epidemics such as cholera accelerated the public’s and individuals’ engagement with everyday, objective knowledge. As can be easily seen when the intellectual atmosphere of the period is investigated, the reaction to epidemics such as cholera accelerated the activities of the individual and society’s acquaintance with every day, objective knowledge. Cholera epidemics, which played a pivotal role in transforming the dynamics of the industrialized world, catalyzed significant changes during the Second Constitutional Monarchy years. The collective awareness, planning, and institutionalization developed during these epidemics significantly impacted health and municipal policies inherited by the Republican Era. The psychological distress cau sed by epidemics among individuals, cities, and states also shaped these policies.

Efforts to Raise Social Awareness Against Cholera During the Second Constitutional Years (1908-1914)

Sadık

Yusuf

While some intellectuals who expressed their views on the definition of a nation highlighted the importance of culture, the desire to live together and historical awareness, others emphasized lineage. Some intellectuals claimed that states create nations, arguing that a nation emerges only when it can be organized into an independent state. In contrast, Ernest Gellner argued that nationalism creates the nation by reviving dead languages and inventing traditions. During the deliberations of various draft laws in the parliament, it is understood that minority deputies in Ottoman society aimed to highlight their own identities and cultures and have them accepted by other communities. It was emphasized that, particularly in the parliament’s early period, efforts in this direction were curtailed by the president of the parliament, asserting that everyone should unite under the name “Ottoman” regardless of ethnic identity. Additionally, the speaker of the parliament frequently warned deputies not to engage in debates on the definition of a nation. While some minority deputies advocated for uniting under the Ottoman umbrella, others were accused of attempting to disrupt this unity. For instance, Filip Mise Efendi claimed that the Vlachs were proud of being Ottoman, while the Greek deputies made attempts to disrupt this unity.Fierce debates also occurred during the discussions on the Law of Associations. Deputies expressed differing opinions on whether societies bearing ethnic identity names could be established. Minority deputies argued that such associations were crucial for minorities to preserve their culture and would not lead to the state’s disintegration. Tekfurdağı Deputy Adil Bey disagreed, warning that such associations could fuel separation. Serfiçe Deputy Yorgo Boşo argued that minorities were known to be part of the Ottoman subjects, and such societies would not aim for separation. He suggested that if associations with ethnic identity names were not allowed, changing the names of Turkish and non-Muslim deputies like Ohannes and Yorgi would also become a topic of discussion. As a result, the establishment of societies with the names of tribes was prohibited.After the Balkan Wars, it became apparent that Turkish deputies increasingly emphasized Turkish identity and language in their parliamentary speeches. Following the minorities’ independence from the Ottoman Empire, deputies such as Istanbul Deputy Şefik Bey, Karahisar-ı Sahip Deputy Ağaoğlu Ahmet Bey, and Antalya Deputy Hamdullah Suphi Bey frequently emphasized Turkish identity and the importance of the Turkish language from the parliamentary rostrum. Trabzon Deputy Mehmet Emin Bey highlighted that minorities had strengthened their national feelings through the nationalist movement, and Turks could no longer ignore this situation, choosing instead to assert their own identity and culture. This issue gained prominence in parliament after Şerif Pasha’s efforts to establish Kurdistan at the Paris Peace Conference. Telegrams sent by Kurds to the parliament indicated that they did not see themselves as a separate nation from the Turks and disapproved of Şerif Pasha’s activities. Although some deputies increasingly emphasized Turkish identity, the term “Ottoman” continued to be used as the name of the nation, claiming it was inclusive.

Debates on the Definition of Nation in the Ottoman Chamber  of Deputies between 1908 and 1920

Mehmet

Assoc. Prof. Dr.

From the Armistice period through the Republican era, the approach of both the state and the society towards disabled veterans was quite problematic. The state had difficulty providing a satisfactory welfare umbrella for disabled veterans and, on the other hand, it was also reluctant to let them establish large-scale autonomous civic associations through which they could demand measures to improve their situation. On a more general social level, despite the glorification of military culture within the framework of national identity and the abundant use of militarist motifs, ableist biases towards disabled veterans were still very strong. This article focuses on how disabled veterans of the Ten-Year War (1912-1922) were represented in Turkish literature from the Armistice through the Republican periods. By using the literary texts that were produced in the period under study from a historian’s point of view, its aim is to better understand the existing perception of disabled veterans in particular and disability in general. Dealing specifically with novels and stories, the article discusses that the existing approach to disabled veterans, which was quite problematic in the era under study, was also reflected in the literary texts produced in this period. However, the article also discusses that these literary texts themselves were among the factors that shaped this troubled perception. In that respect, the article underlines three main problems.&nbsp;Firstly, it seems that persistent ableist biases and the masculine perspective fed by militarist motifs led to the creation of an almost stereotyped disabled veteran character in literary texts. A main distinctive feature of this stereotype is that it tends to regard disabled veterans as incompatible with the image of “an ideal masculine soldier”. That ideal image was actually very strong the literature of the era. For example, Yakup Kadri &nbsp;Karaosmanoğlu’s Kiralık Konak (1922) [Mansion for Rent] is one of the perfect texts to trace this masculine soldier image. Hakkı Celis, its main male character, turns into a “real man” when he is enlisted as a reserve officer to serve in Çanakkale. Becoming a soldier is portrayed as a kind of catharsis, a transition from being a fragile and snob boy into a strong and well-built masculine man. In this perspective, disability is seen as a cause of incompatibility primarily because it would undermine the manliness and masculinity of a soldier. For example, the story of Ali Seyfi, a reserve officer serving in Çanakkale in Peyami Safa’s (aka Serve Bedi) Ateş (1944) [The Fire] is a perfect case of this anxiety. When severely wounded on the front, Ali Seyfi loses not only a leg, but also his genital organ. In the novel, this loss is described as the greatest disaster that can happen to a soldier. As discussed in the article, this anxiety of losing manliness, both literally and metaphorically, has also had wider repercussions in Turkish nationalism.&nbsp;Secondly, instead of being analyzed in depth within their own real and complex contexts, disabled veteran characters are usually used as auxiliary elements to strengthen a different message in the political-ideological or moral agenda of authors and their literary texts. In other words, in such cases a disabled veteran character is used as a tool to convey to the reader another, and possibly more “lofty” mission. For example, Ahmet Celâl in Yakup Kadri Karaosmanoğlu’s Yaban (1932) [The Alien], a disabled ex-reserve officer who lost his right arm in the First World War and re-settled in a village near Eskişehir, is actually a functional character to underline the legitimacy of the Turkish National Struggle.And thirdly, in the shadow of the hegemonic masculine and militarist body image blended with ableist biases, disabled veteran characters are often forced to achieve extraordinary duties in the literary texts produced during the period under study. They are forced to take an extraordinary action, as if they need to do this to compensate their physical deficiencies or, as if this is necessary for them to become “legitimate” literary characters. For example, although Tarık Buğra’s Küçük Ağa (1974) [The Little Agha] is a relatively recent literary text, it does not make any “revision” in terms of the stereotyped disabled veteran characters in Turkish literature; as a matter of fact, it reproduces many of the symptoms that those characters suffer from, through the character of Salih the One Armed (Çolak). Salih lost his right arm on the Iraqi front in the First World War. As soon as he returns to his hometown Akşehir, not only is his disability not appreciated by local people, he is also forced to constantly re-prove himself. That appreciation is only shown when Salih trains himself to become a sharpshooter with a pistol, joins the Nationalist Forces (Kuvayı Milliye) and becomes a warrior again.Though the main focus of the article is the early Republican era (1923-1946), it also extends its time period until the 1980s. It deals with the social realist literary perspective in order to make a comparison. In that respect, disabled veteran characters in the novels of Orhan Kemal and Kemal Tahir are analyzed and compared to those portrayed during the early Republican period.&nbsp;

Disabled Veteran Characters in Turkish Literature from the  Armistice through the Republican Period and the Perception of Disabled Veterans

Çağlar

Following the Battles of Kütahya-Eskişehir, the Turkish Army halted the Greek forces in the Polatlı-Haymana region, east of Sakarya. Mustafa Kemal Pasha declared, “There is no defense of the line. There is a defense of the surface. That surface is the entire homeland. The homeland cannot be abandoned unless every inch of the homeland is watered with the blood of its citizens.” The Turkish Army’s defense culminated in a 22-day battle, preventing the Greek forces from advancing further. This marked the end of Turkish defensive operations since 1683 and initiated the army’s preparation phase for an offensive.On September 13, 1921, the Turkish Army underwent a reorganization. The 5th Cavalry Group was renamed the 5th Cavalry Corps, with the 14th Cavalry Division remaining under its command. From September 14 to 30, Greek commander Anastasios Papoulas realized that the 4th Greek Division was isolated in Afyonkarahisar and sent the 1st Corps to reinforce it. An army group consisting of four divisions and one regiment was established under General Yorgos Kondilis. On October 1, the Greek forces aimed to capture the hills dominating the Afyonkarahisar Plain. The Turkish 2nd and 5th Corps decided to attack the Greek forces from the southeast of Afyonkarahisar.On September 30, 1921, the Turkish Army postponed the attack against the Greek forces in Afyonkarahisar, which had been there since September 24, to October 2, 1921. The Western Front headquarters, situated in the eastern part of Afyonkarahisar, was approximately 140 kilometers away from the 2nd and 5th Corps. This distance caused significant delays in troop communications. Furthermore, adverse seasonal conditions compounded these challenges, rendering the operation more difficult and leading to further delays. The 5th Corps and its affiliated 14th Division commenced the attack&nbsp;from the northeast of Afyonkarahisar on October 1. However, due to the 2nd Corps joining the attack on October 2, its impact was diminished, leading to the Turkish Army’s failure in the battle that concluded on October 8. Had the 2nd Corps acted on time, the Greek Army could have been defeated in Afyonkarahisar, eliminating the need for the subsequent Great Offensive and Pursuit Operation.The 14th Cavalry Division, under the command of Mehmet Suphi Bey, participated in the attack with its three regiments. The division was in close contact with Greek forces during the Afyonkarahisar Battles. War reports indicate that the division tried to implement the orders received from the Corps and relayed them to the affiliated regiments. However, the delayed transmission of orders from the Western Front Command to the 5th Corps Command hindered the operation. Fahrettin Pasha, the 5th Cavalry Corps Commander, received orders late and subsequently sent delayed orders to Mehmet Suphi Bey. Despite this, Mehmet Suphi Bey issued orders in accordance with the Corps’ directives and the operation’s progress.War reports from the 14th Division reveal that it received situation reports from its regiments and informed the Corps about the division’s general progress. These reports detailed the movements of Greek forces, areas of engagement, and casualties. The war report was maintained daily by the division, with at least two reports written each day.The battle’s failure necessitated the preparation of the “Sad Offensive Plan”, followed by the “Kaf Defense Plan”. The Battle of Afyonkarahisar served as a rehearsal for the Great Offensive ten months later, providing valuable experience to the Turkish Army’s command level. Due to the lessons learned from the battles, it was decided to gather Turkish forces to the southwest of Afyonkarahisar. The shortcomings identified during the Battle of Afyonkarahisar were addressed. Consequently, leveraging the insights from this engagement, the offensive launched on August 26, 1922, proved to be triumphant.

The Battle of Afyonkarahisar According to the War Report of the 14th Cavalry Division (October 1-8, 1921)

Hadiye

Assoc. Prof.

Deniz

Images of “the Republican Citizen” Designed in  the Context of National Identity Construction in Türkiye during the Early Republican Period

Ferhat

This study scrutinizes debt consolidation from 1958 to 1965, with a focus on the pivotal year 1960. The study argues that this consolidation is a product of preceding economic policies (1946-1958) and explores the preconditions leading to debt emergence. It utilizes quantitative data from the Directorate of State Archives and Turkish Diplomatic Archives, alongside Grand National Assembly minutes, the Official Gazette, and periodicals. Grand National Assembly minutes serve as the primary source. This unique study offers a comprehensive historical narrative, addressing both quantitative and qualitative aspects of debt consolidation, filling a notable gap in research.Two pivotal mechanisms shaped Türkiye’s economic policies in the post-World War II period. First, despite criticism, a deliberate devaluation in September 1946 aimed to align domestic and international trade terms, thereby promoting liberal integration into the global economic system. Second, although never implemented, the 1947 Türkiye Economic Development Plan emphasized allowing the private sector to develop “with complete freedom and safety” throughout the 1950s. As the primary actors shaping Türkiye’s post-1945 era, commercial capitalists played a critical role. Both agribusiness merchants and importers of manufactured goods and means of production benefited from the 1946 devaluation and the subsequent liberalized foreign trade regime. These conditions facilitated capital accumulation for both agribusiness merchants and large landowners involved in exports and imports dealing with manufactured goods and means of production.The 1946 devaluation was perceived positively as it stimulated agricultural production, bolstered heavily exported goods, and fostered expanded trade. Indeed, owners of commercial capital played a decisive role in the liberalization of imports in 1950. With devaluation and liberalized imports, economic growth averaged 10% per annum until the first quarter of the 1950s, with a significant share of agricultural output at the forefront. However, persistent challenges in the form of balance of payment deficits emerged as a consequence of the economic expansion. The 1954 pamphlet titled “Kalkınan (Developing) Türkiye”, published by the Democrat Party, asserted that a deficit in the balance of payments was deemed necessary to “equip and develop the country.” Concurrently, the global discourse echoed the sentiment that “Development is not possible without foreign aid!”&nbsp;By the first quarter of the 1950s, when the financing capacities for foreign trade had reached their limits, a shift in the developmental paradigm occurred. The focus turned towards considering domestic conditions as pivotal factors for development. Efforts to address external dependence involved expanding credit and domestic demand facilities provided by institutions such as the Central Bank, state banks, and State Economic Enterprises (SEEs). Despite these endeavors, economic policies encountered an impasse in 1958, exacerbated by the inclusion of inflation alongside the persistent foreign trade deficit. In response to these challenges, a stabilization program was implemented in 1958. This initiative sought to resolve existing problems through strategies such as removing SEEs from the state budget, regulating the money and credit markets, streamlining the foreign exchange system, promoting exports, and establishing a price system aligned with global prices. However, it is noteworthy that this program marked the commencement of a consolidation phase for preceding economic policies.This paper examines the consolidation of public and nationalized private sector debt in Türkiye between 1958 and 1965, which amounted to approximately 16 billion TL. Although the consolidation process started in 1958, the actual consolidation took place in 1960 and extended until 1965. The consolidated debts were gradually liquidated in a prescribed manner, with maturities of 10–100 years and interest rates ranging from 0.5 6%. In this study, this consolidation process is referred to as gradual consolidation. Private sector debts stemmed from foreign trade and imports on credit, liquidated banks and farmers’ debts. Farmers’ resort to loan sharks to settle their debts was emphasized in connection with delays in the repayment of loans from Ziraat Bank and Agricultural Credit Cooperatives. Moreover, the process that started in the second half of the 1950s with the liquidation of small banks in the banking sector and the enactment of Law No.7129 continued after the 1960 coup. Public debt consists of the debt of public institutions, enterprises, the Central Bank and other public banks. The consolidated public debt was not redeemed until 1973, with the enactment of Law No. 154 in 1963 and additional laws, and was then liquidated with interest-free government domestic debt securities until 1985. In conclusion, the study reveals that public debt and certain private sector debts, which emerged as a result of the economic policies of the 1946–1958 period, were gradually deferred to the 1970s and 1980s through debt relief.

The Cost of Imported Goods Filling The Showcases: Gradual  Debt Consolidation (1958-1965)

Enes

Türkiye-Israel diplomatic relations started with the recognition of Türkiye regarding the State of Israel on March 28, 1949, approximately one year after its establishment on May 14, 1948. Türkiye’s diplomatic crises with Israel as a result of the Arab-Israeli wars became an important determinant of the relations between the two countries over time. Türkiye’s recall of its ambassador in Tel Aviv during the 1956 Arab-Israeli War, its condemnation of Israel during the 1967 Arab-Israeli War, demanding Israel’s withdrawal from Arabian territories occupied by Israel (June 22, 1967), and the declaration that Türkiye would allow the Soviet Union to use its airspace to deliver military supplies to Arab countries affected the relations between the two countries negatively. Similarly, Türkiye’s bilateral relations with Israel followed a fluctuating course until the 1980s after it accepted Zionism as racism at the meeting of the United Nations on November 10, 1975. Israel’s declaration of Jerusalem as the eternal and unchanging capital on July 23, 1980, caused a new crisis in the relations between the two countries. After this decision of Israel, Türkiye condemned Israel with the Resolution 478 of the United Nations by recalling the Chargé D’affaires and reducing its diplomatic relations with this state to the lowest level.Türkiye tried to improve its relations with the Islamic World after reducing the level of diplomatic representation with Israel to the level of Second Clerk. The thoughts and political understanding of Turgut Özal, who served as the Prime Minister and President of Türkiye in the 1980s and 1990s, also affected Türkiye’s decision to develop bilateral relations with Islamic countries. During his tenure, Turgut Özal argued that the Muslim population living in the Ottoman remnant regions had a privileged place in Turkish foreign policy, and for this reason, Türkiye must lead the Islamic countries. Another factor that affected Özal’s political thoughts was his economy-oriented foreign policy approach. Özal adopted an economy-oriented foreign policy understanding throughout his political life and believed that the political problems between states could be&nbsp;resolved through the development of economic relations and interdependence, and he built his policies in the field of international relations on economic foundations.&nbsp;Turgut Özal’s understanding of economy-based foreign policy was a determining factor in Türkiye’s relations with the Middle Eastern countries between 1983-1993 when he served as the Prime Minister and President. Although Türkiye’s total exports to the Middle East were 18% and imports 22% in the 1970s, its exports increased to 40% and imports to 35% in the 1980s, when Özal remained in power. Although Türkiye established closer ties with Islamic states to find solutions to the problems, it did not prioritize the development of its bilateral relations with Israel and remained distant from this state.&nbsp;Despite Türkiye’s development of economic relations with Islamic states, its distance from Israel caused serious discomfort during these years. As a result, although Turkish statesmen in the 1980s believed that Israel should withdraw from the Arabian lands occupied in 1967 to achieve peace in the Middle East, Türkiye-Israel relations could not develop further until the early 1990s. This study aims to uncover the political relations between Türkiye and Israel between the years 1983 and 1993 when Turgut Özal was the Prime Minister and President. To understand how Türkiye’s policies towards Israel were shaped during this period, Türkiye-Israel relations after September 12, 1980 were also discussed. The sources of this historical study, that was based on document analysis, include the newspapers Cumhuriyet, Milliyet, Hürriyet, and Güneş, as well as statements of Turgut Özal given to the press, other periodicals, books, and archive documents of the same period. The findings of the study were collected using the document analysis technique, and the data were analyzed with the content analysis technique. The political relations of the two countries were discussed under four headings: “A General Overview of Türkiye-Israel Political Relations after September 12, 1980 (1980-1983)”, “Türkiye Israel Political Relations during the 1st Özal Government (1983-1987)”, “Türkiye-Israel Political Relations during the 2nd Özal Government (1987-1989)”, and “Türkiye-Israel Political Relations during the Presidency of Turgut Özal (1989-1993)”.The study found that Türkiye’s political relations with Israel did not develop significantly as a reflection of Turgut Özal’s foreign policy understanding between 1983-1991 when he served as Prime Minister and President. The idea of establishing bilateral relations remained at the level of mere discourse until 1991. The establishment of the Demirel-İnönü Coalition Government in Türkiye decreased Özal’s influence in foreign policy, and the level of diplomatic representation between Türkiye and Israel was raised to the level of an embassy in December 1991.

The Reflections of Türkiye-Israel Political Relations in the Turkish Press (1983-1993) during the Period of Turgut Özal

Onur

The elements of traditional Ottoman music that appealed to elite tastes were associated with the category of classical music for the first time at the end of the nineteenth century. This new category emerged as an attempt to maintain and elevate the status and demarcate the boundaries of this music, whose place in hierarchies of taste had become blurred and which was beginning to experience a crisis of legitimacy. This reformulation was also part of the efforts to incorporate it into the discourses of national music. Unlike many popular music genres, critics, intellectuals, and writers are essential in shaping the values and standards of highbrow cultures, such as classical music traditions. Through the discourses they generate, they demarcate the boundaries between the genre and the other music cultures, define its canons, and formulate arguments to maintain and elevate its position in the hierarchies of taste. This study argues that Rauf Yekta played a pivotal role in constructing the category of Turkish classical music, delineating its boundaries, and developing arguments to establish its superiority over other music genres. Rauf Yekta’s social and educational background, his upbringing in elite music circles, his knowledge and authority in various fields of music, the public duties he undertook at the Istanbul Conservatory and official boards, his reputation in Türkiye as well as in the international community as a respected musicologist, and his influential polemical articles in newspapers made him the best person to assume this role. This does not mean that he completely invented the category of Turkish classical music. Rather, this article argues that he reformulated components that had already existed for centuries in the oral and written traditions of elite music culture to which he belonged.In this context, the primary documents written by Rauf Yekta, spanning from the late 1800s to his death in 1935, as well as his interviews and polemics, were analyzed from &nbsp;the perspective of music sociology. This allowed for the identification of the taste hierarchies he established between Turkish classical music and other music cultures along different axes. On the horizontal axis, Rauf Yekta compares highbrow music cultures, which he believes are somewhat equivalent to each other. On the vertical axis, he contrasts these highbrow musical genres with popular and folk music cultures, which he considered to be beneath them in the hierarchy of taste. Finally, he evaluates whether these musical genres have a national character, contrasting them along the nationality axis. In each of these axes, which contrast various music cultures along binary oppositions, he places Turkish classical music at the top of the hierarchy of taste.When he refers to Western classical music as the counterpart of Turkish classical music, he makes positive statements about it, viewing both as superior to popular music genres. However, because he was always skeptical about the mutual understanding and enjoyment of musical cultures by listeners from different societies, he labeled Western music as something totally alien to the Turkish soul. He reformulated Ottoman/Turkish classical music as the national music of new Türkiye, positioned folk music as a primitive and plebeian branch of national music, and classified Western music and Western-oriented Turkish polyphonic music, which he called “the new school of composition,” as non-national. Although he justifiably opposed the Eurocentric approach, arguing for the non-hierarchical coexistence of different musical systems with their own values and standards, he developed an ethnocentric approach motivated by his polemical language, conservative/nationalist leanings, and prejudices against Western music culture. Accordingly, he attempted to prove the superiority of Turkish classical music over Western music by reversing the Eurocentric scheme and contrasting polyphonic and maqam-based music cultures from a dichotomous perspective.In his early writings, he was relatively more favorable towards innovations in Turkish music using Western music techniques. However, he gradually hardened his stance against all Western-oriented musical practices. Regarding popular music, he was rigorously strict about demarcating the boundaries between popular and classical music, viewing commercialized popular music- which he frequently referred to with derogatory terms like “market,” “tavern,” or “vulgar” music, etc.- as lacking aesthetic value and not deserving of inclusion in national music. Throughout the Republican era, the Turkish classical music community’s mentality patterns have been influenced by Rauf Yekta’s framework. As a result, this community transformed into an insular, conservative group that adopted a hostile attitude towards popular music, restricted its repertoire to specific eras in a way that extols the old while being skeptical of anything new, and set rigid boundaries between Turkish classical music and other musical genres and styles. On the other hand, Rauf Yekta’s efforts played a pivotal role in maintaining the aesthetic standards and values of the classical tradition, preventing its assimilation into popular entertainment culture, and reinforcing its status and group identity at a time when its symbolic status and legitimacy were declining.

The Emergence of the Category of Turkish Classical Music  and Rauf Yekta:Turkish Classical Music Versus Other Musics

Esra

Assist. Prof.

Hanife

A Music-Oriented Analysis of the Cultural Relations between Türkiye and the USSR

@JOURNAL_BOX_CURRENT

Yakup

Merve

Öğretim Görevlisi

Resolution or Interest Oriented Policy?  International Influence on the Cyprus Conflict  Between 1960-1974

Gunel

Russia-Armenia Relations on the Context of Humanitarian Cooperation (1991-2023)

@JOURNAL_BOX_EARLYVIEW

Yasin

Cyprus has for many years attracted international attention due to its strategic location. The island came under Ottoman rule in 1571. In 1878, British forces took over the island from the Ottoman administration, in exchange for protection against Russian attacks. In response to the entry of the Ottoman Empire into the First World War on the side of Germany, Britain added the island unilaterally to its own territory on 5 November 1914. During the negotiations in Lausanne, the Turkish side accepted that Cyprus belonged to Britain. The declaration of the establishment of the Turkish Republic of Cyprus took place on 16 August 1960, with both Turkish and Greek Cypriots taking part in the administration of the country. However, the Republic of Cyprus was not able to continue for long. Clashes resumed on the island after Makarios attempted to restrict the rights acquired by the Cypriot Turks in the 1960 constitution.Following the collapse of the Republic of Cyprus in December 1963, Turkish Cypriots established their own administration on the island. First, a separate Turkish administration called “General Committee” was established in 1964. Then, in November 1967, the Provisional Turkish Cypriot Administration was established. Thus, Turkish Cypriots tried to ensure their security in a more organized way. Britain did not support the steps taken by the Turkish Cypriots on the island. After Turkey’s 1974 military intervention, the Autonomous Turkish Cypriot Administration was established in October 1974 in the north of the island. On February 13, 1975, the founding of the Turkish Federated State of Cyprus (TFSC) was announced.Against this background, this study deals with the response of the British parliament to the declaration of the establishment of the TFSC by Turkish Cypriots in 1975. One of the countries that reacted strongly to the Turkish military intervention on the island in 1974 was Britain. The announcement of the establishment of the TFSC also provoked a strong reaction from Britain. In the statements made by the British government, the establishment of the TFSC was declared to be an “undesired development”. This study examines the approach of British MPs to the TFSC through discussions in the House of Commons.The first result of the study shows that British MPs did not support the announcement of the establishment of the TFSC. British MPs reacted to this and they questioned whether the British government knew about this announcement beforehand. British MPs also sought an answer to the question of why the government had not taken any steps to prevent the establishment of the TFSC. British government officials emphasized in their statements that they did not know that the founding of the TFSC would be announced. In addition, they expressed with certainty that the newly established Turkish administration would not be recognized by Britain. Another point that the study draws attention to was that because Ankara supported the TFSC, some MPs wanted the British government to “punish” Turkey. Moreover, one member of parliament wanted the British government to work for the suspension of Turkeys’ UN membership. However, British government officials stated that they did not support such a proposal.Some MPs expressed in the British parliament that Britain, which is one of the guarantor states in Cyprus, should take more initiative in seeking a resolution to the Cyprus problem. In response to this proposal, government officials pointed out the necessity to continue negotiations between the Turkish and Greek Cypriots for peace in Cyprus. British deputies expressed that there would be no results from long-standing inter-communal talks. They argued that the British government should follow a more active policy for peace in Cyprus. Government officials disagreed with these suggestions and stated that Britain could not act alone. Other guarantor states in Cyprus would have to agree together on a solution. Thus, the government did not take into consideration the active policy proposal for a solution to the Cyprus problem. Finally, another issue that came up after the announcement of the establishment of the TFSC was the situation of British citizens on the island. Some MPs proposed to open an official representative office within the boundaries of the TFSC for British citizens. However, British government officials opposed this proposal.&nbsp;As a result, MPs in the British parliament did not accept the announcement of the TFSC. Furthermore, there were deputies who said that the Turks should not be declared solely responsible for the Cyprus problem. However, this view did not cause any change in the policy of the British government and the TFSC was not recognized by the British government.

The Reaction of the British Parliament to the Establishment of the Turkish Federated State of Cyprus (1975)

THE PERCEPTION OF BISMARCK IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE: THE CASE SPECIFIC TO ABDULHAMID II

İsmail

At the end of the Second World War, a fast decolonization process started in the British Empire. This situation re-triggered the sovereignty debate in Cyprus. Repre-sentatives of the Greek Cypriots had been trying to make Cyprus a territory of Gree-ce for many years. Enosis, which meant the annexation of the island to Greece, was a strong feeling among Greek Cypriots. They also wanted to take advantage of the decolonization process. However, Great Britain did not favor the annexation of the island to Greece due to its interests in the Middle East. Great Britain favored making a more libertarian constitution on the island instead of enosis. The Greek Cypriots responded to this approach of the British government by declaring that they would never step back from the enosis.Enosis was not only prevented by Britain’s interests in the Middle East. Tur-kish Cypriots were also strongly opposed to enosis. Because Turks living on other islands, especially in Crete, had to leave their homeland due to Greek pressure, they were concerned the same outcome would happen on their own. That is why the Tur-kish Cypriots defended the continuation of the British rule on the island, or it should have been given to Turkey, which was the former owner of the island. On the other hand, Turkey was also against enosis because Turkey saw the enosis as an instrument of the expansionist politics of Greece. Despite the Turkish Cypriots’ and Turkey’s objections, Greek Cypriots insisted on demanding Enosis.The date of 18 October 1950 was a turning point for enosis because of Maka-rios III, whose original name was Mikhail Christodoulos Mouskos, was elected as archbishop. Makarios was ready to use all the facilities of the church for enosis. Eno-sis was a historical task, a national and religious issue for him. For that reason, he regarded leading the struggle for enosis as a great honor. According to Makarios, there were two ways to achieve enosis: diplomacy or armed struggle. He applied all the diplomatic methods he knew between 1950 and 1955. In this context, he organi-zed demonstrations in Athens and Nicosia; directed the public opinion, sought sup-port from the Greek lobby in the USA; and pressured the British administration.&nbsp;&nbsp;All the diplomatic initiatives of Makarios and Greece failed to persuade Bri-tain for enosis. Therefore, Greece applied to the United Nations to obtain the right of self-determination for Cyprus on August 16, 1954. However, the United Nations rejected Greece’s application. In the same period, besides diplomatic initiatives, an armed terrorist organization was established to carry out terrorist acts on the island, but this organization declined to take any action until the United Nations made its decision on Cyprus. The name of this&nbsp;organization was EOKA. It was founded under the leadership of retired Colonel Grivas and Makarios, and its aim was to carry out enosis through terrorist attacks.&nbsp;&nbsp;The establishment activities of EOKA began secretly in 1951, and had comp-leted all preparations by 1 April 1955. EOKA carried out all its activities on the is-land mostly through youth organizations such as PEON and OHEN. The Cyprus Church provided financial support to EOKA. Thanks to this financial support, the necessary weapons could be purchased. In order to become a member of EOKA, it was necessary to be Greek, a supporter of enosis and not be a communist. Therefore, EOKA was a pan-helenic fascist organization whose purpose was limited to enosis. Consequently, EOKA cannot be described as an organization that is fighting against colonialism to gain independency for its own folk because it wanted only enosis, not national independence. It was clear that EOKA’s motivation to resort to armed struggle against the British colonial administration was never independence.

EOKA: From Thought to Action

Instructor

TURKISH PRISONERS SENT TO INDIA BY THE BRITISH IN THE FIRST WORLD WAR

@JOURNAL_BOX_FEATURED

Hüseyin

This study’s purpose is to provide information about Ali Saib Bey, who was in service in various provincial offices in the Ottoman State for many years and was the author of the annex which constitutes the main subject of the article. On the other hand, another purpose of the study was to determine the issues and recommendations stated in the annex and reveal whether these recommendations were realized through archive documents.The civil service life of a public servant who served in the Ottoman provinces for many years will be examined in this study. Many issues such as his duties, assignments, and rewards taken by this officer in the provinces will be revealed in this section. In addition, the presentation of the annex that Ali Saib Bey wrote was also important in terms of showing what problems he had in Shkoder, which would come out shortly after the Ottoman Empire, and what recommendations were put forward to overcome these problems. The question of whether these recommendations were taken into consideration were examined through documents in the Presidential Ottoman Archives. It is thought that the findings obtained within the framework of this annex, which reveal the central-provincial relations and have not been studied before, will contribute to the history of this territory.The first step in the method followed during the study was to collect data about the civil service life of Ali Saib Efendi, the owner of the annex. Later, it was evaluated in accordance with the original partition by making content analysis of the annex. And then, the documents obtained as a result of the review carried out in the Presidential Ottoman Archive on the subjects mentioned in the annex were compared. The studies conducted on the related territory were utilized for the data related to Shkoder. In this respect, the main source of the study was the annex of Ali Saib Bey and the documents obtained in the Presidential Ottoman Archive.Ali Saib Bey, the son of a soldier father, started his career as a correspondence clerk in Malatya sanjak at a very young age and served in many parts of the country. Ali Saib Efendi, who came to Shkoder with his position as a provincial letter officer on February 1, 1909, also served as deputy governor of Shkoder during this duty. Ali Saib Bey, who briefly summarized his civil service life in this way, wrote an annex dated October 29, 1911 that formed the subject of this study. Initially, he transferred the geographical borders and population information of the province. In the section titled political and social situation and urgent needs of Shkoder, he emphasized the issue of Malesori, for which he was also assigned. One of the important determinations he made was that it was the most important problem of the people in this place to be in ignorance and misery. Also, the efforts of Austria and Italy to influence here are another issue that was mentioned in the annex. It was understood from the statements of Ali Saib Bey that they took the hearts of the people through the great investments they made in the region and that even some of the Muslims in the Malesori region left their religions for this reason. It was a remarkable determination that the people in Malesori and Shkoder took refuge in the patronage of Montenegro, which was their enemy. An important determination in this section was that the Ottoman ambassador in Çetine was acting as if he were supporting Montenegro. After this section, Ali Saib Bey gave information about the law that he defined as “not fit for civilization and humanity” under the title of Dukakin Law. The next title was education. In the annex stating that Shkoder was not at the desired level in education, it was worth noting that many of the teachers with insufficient salaries did not know Ottoman Turkish. The most important recommendation in this section was that an industrial school should be opened there. Under the title of Public Works, it mentioned that the situation of the roads was very bad and that it was necessary to do something as soon as possible. Another point mentioned in this section was that foreign engineers and conductors did not want to go to their places owing to various excuses. Under the public order title, it determined that the coast of Shkoder Lake, up to Boyana and Drac, was open to smuggling and that it was a necessity to set up observation towers in suitable places on the coast, and he emphasized the necessity of installing a telephone line between them. In the title on agriculture, he stated that agriculture was done in the old way due to the financial deficiencies of the people. Therefore, he emphasized that it was necessary to increase the capital of the agricultural bank there and to open the branch of the bank in some towns. Opening a sample field on which Ali Saib Bey was standing was one of the recommendations put into practice. Another important determination in this section is that Shkoder was very rich in terms of forest but it was not utilized properly. Under the heading of civil service, some significant opinions were given about administrative arrangements that needed to be made by giving the current administrative division of Shkoder. The most noteworthy of these was the proposal to assign the Muslims or Christians in Shkoder, who could speak the local language, as the head of the district. Under the heading of officers to be assigned to Shkoder, it was requested that the unqualified ones be taken from there and replaced by experienced officers, and that the salaries and liabilities of the officers who would work there should be made regularly. The most striking point in the headline of politics to be implemented in Shkoder was that almost all of the people across the province had an attitude towards the government and that the people of the territory should not behave violently as a result of their nature, but it would not also result in being too soft. The only thing to do was to meet in the middle. It was another recommendation that mobile doctors should be assigned there and that these doctors should constantly treat people who were sick in the villages and mountains and make the state propaganda. Finally, it was recommended that the loyalty of the people to the state should be provided through the Muslim and Christian opinion leaders and that the financial support should be provided to poor people as much as possible.The annex written by an officer who worked in different parts of the Ottoman Empire as the correspondence clerk of Shkoder was an important document in order to understand center-provincial relations. There were some recommendations by Ali Saib Bey that were realized as well as those that could not be realized due to financial difficulties. As a result, thinking about how to manage Shkoder better and how to handle the current problems, Ali Saib Bey explained these issues in detail. However, neither this annex nor the efforts of the Ottoman State yielded any results, and Shkoder came out of the hands of the Ottomans as a result of the Balkan Wars.

A Public Official in the Ottoman Province, Ali Saib Bey and His Annex on Shkoder Province

Davud

The Ottoman Empire, which joined the First World War on the side of the Central Powers, had to fight actively on many fronts due to its strategic and geopolitical position. These fronts stretched from the Caucasus to Iraq, from the Suez Canal to the Dardanelles. In addition, Ottoman forces also operated in areas that were not actively involved in conflict, taking active or passive defensive measures. The Ottoman Empire’s Deputy Commander-In-Chief in Thrace carried out military operations in case of a military landing by the Allied forces and as such took various measures in the Black Sea, Marmara, western Anatolia and around Iskenderun.&nbsp;The Ottoman Empire’s Western Anatolian coasts being under the threat of the British and French Navy , and having the assistance of the Allied Forces to carry out air operations with aircraft carriers wherever they wanted, led to the deployment of aviation units by the Ottoman Commander-in-Chief in the relevant regions.The Ottoman Empire entered the First World War with six aircraft at the beginning of the war. After some time, the Ottoman Empire was in active at the front with 1500 personnel and 450 aircraft which were received from its ally Germany. At the beginning of the war, the Ottoman Deputy Commander-in-chief sent two aircraft to the Dardanelles and one plane to Izmir, taking into account the strategic and geopolitical situation of the Dardanelles and Izmir region. Over time, air troops were deployed in the region with aircraft from Germany and the amount of aircraft was increased.At the beginning of the First World War, measures were taken by sending planes around Çanakkale and Izmir, and in 1915, also to the Dardanelles Front battles began with the offensive of the Allied Forces. On March 18, 1915, the Allies did not succeed in their naval operation, followed by a landing on the Gallipoli peninsula on April 25, 1915. However, the Entente forces withdrew from the region at the beginning of 1916, failing to achieve any success as a result of the joint defence of the Turkish land, air and naval forces.After the victory of the Turkish forces in the Dardanelles, the Allied forces carried out operations until the end of the war in the western Anatolia region with the air and&nbsp;naval forces they had gathered in the islands . The Allied tactical operation was aimed at maintaining the control of the Straits and preventing entry and exit from there. Consequently, the region was constantly supervised by both sea and air elements due to its strategic importance. In addition, from time to time western Anatolian coasts, cities and ports were harassed and bombed by Allied naval and air elements.The activity of the Allied forces was marked by the formation of 1st and 6th divisions in and around Çanakkale, which included the Western Anatolia region, and 5th and 12th divisions around Izmir, in order to follow, explore, monitor and report the situation to the command levels as quickly as possible. The possibility and expectation that the Entente forces would make a landing over Gallipoli or Izmir after the battles of the Dardanelles made the formation of the air defense forces mandatory in addition to the precautionary measures of the Ottoman State. The aim was to secure the capital Istanbul with air troops from the relevant regions in the Dardanelles and to advance against the Allied Air Forces. It was also intended to preempt possible landings into the region with the air forces in Izmir.The Aegean Sea and the islands were monitored by the units and platoons established, and from time to time the allied bases there were bombed. Air battles took place with the aircraft of the Allied forces. From the point of view of the opposing forces, the strategic importance of the Ottoman territory led to Allied aircraft carrying out aerial attacks on Istanbul and Izmir from time to time. Although these aerial attacks did not affect the outcome of the war, they played their part in terms of psychological effects. The Allied elements demonstrated effectiveness, particularly by bombing strategic public institutions, air bases and warships.The headquarters of the British Air Force in the Mediterranean was assembled and directed at a command post in Malta. The air operations against Istanbul and Izmir were carried out by the air units based at Mondros, under the command of Colonel Gordon. After the battles of the Dardanelles, 34 French and British aircraft based on the islands in the Aegean Sea operated on Western Anatolia. French aircraft served in Bozcaada, and a Greek aircraft station that was under the supervision of the Greek Ministry of War, was located in Mondros. Meanwhile, a base between Thasoz and Lesbos served the Entente aircraft. All these squadrons were managed under the command of the commander at Mondros.Turkish coasts were blockaded from 1915. French naval forces were completely under the control of Beirut, Iskenderun, and the Antalya coasts. The French, assisting their naval forces, began to conduct aerial reconnaissance from the Egyptian ports and the small islands of Ruad and Meis between Cyprus and Syria. Upon the increase of enemy activities in the Aegean Sea and Izmir region, the 5th Airborne Division was assigned the task of reconnaissance and control against the Entente activities in the region. In this context, flights were made from the islands of Chios, Sisam, Rhodes, Lesbos and Kösten (Uzunada), and mobility in the region was monitored.&nbsp;From all academic studies carried out on behalf of the history of aviation thus far, it can be seen based on archival documents that no studies have been conducted on the topic of the air operations carried out in the western Anatolia region after the Gallipoli victory. Having remedied this with this study, aviation activities realized in the said region have now been examined in the light of archival documents.

Aviation Activities in Western Anatolia Following the Victory at Gallipoli (1915-1918)

@JOURNAL_BOX_MOSTREAD

Recent Period Turkish Studies - Yakın Dönem Türkiye Araştırmaları is the official publication of Istanbul University Institute of Ataturk’s Principles and Reforms. It is an open access, peer-reviewed,and regionally concentrated international journal  that targets audiences primarily in historically related regions in the neighbourhood of Turkiye; such as Balkans, Eastern Europe, Eastern Mediterrenean, Central Asia, and Middle East,   The journal has been published biannually  in June and December. It was founded in 2002.  As of 2024, the print version has been stopped. The journal has become an online-only publication.

The journal publishes original articles and studies from the disciplines of history, History of the Republic of Turkey, Atatürk’s Principles and History of Turkish Reforms, Ottoman History, sociology, literature, art history, law, political science and economics within the framework of Modern Turkish and World History. The objective of the journal is to contribute to science by publishing research articles and reviews in Turkish, English, German and French.

The journal publishes, research articles and reviews evaluating and criticizing the studied subjects and presenting new and remarkable opinions on the basis of a rich bibliography. Translations related to the field and texts of unpublished papers that were previously presented at a scientific congress; introductory letters about treatises, personalities and scientific activities about the Turkish National Struggle and Republic of Turkey are included in the journal as well.

All expenses of the journal are covered by the Istanbul University. Processing and publication are free of charge with the journal. There is no article processing charges or submission fees for any submitted or accepted articles.

ResearchBib

Scopus

Emerging Sources Citation Index (ESCI)

EBSCO

ERIH PLUS

İslâm Araştırmaları Merkezi (İSAM)

TR Dizin

DOAJ

SOBIAD

Gale Cengage

@METRIC_VOLUMES

@METRIC_ISSUES

@METRIC_ARTICLES

@METRIC_OPENACCESS

Recent Period Turkish Studies

RPTS

@INFO_TAB_ABOUT

Editor in Chief

Co Editor in Chief

Editorial Management Board Member

Book Review Editor

Editorial Assistant

Language Editor

Editorial Board Member

@INFO_TAB_BOARDS

Recent Period Turkish Studies – Yakın Dönem Türkiye Araştırmaları is a scientific, open-access and peer-reviewed journal published biannually (June &amp; December). The journal publishes original articles and studies from the disciplines of  history, History of the Republic of Turkey, Atatürk’s Principles and History of Turkish Reforms, Ottoman History, sociology, literature, art history, law, political science and economics within the framework of Modern Turkish and World History. Thus it serves as a bridge between the world of science and academicians at the national and international levels.The objective of the journal is to contribute to science by publishing research articles and reviews in Turkish, English, German and French.Recent Period Turkish Studies – Yakın Dönem Türkiye Araştırmaları has a scope that covers the disciplines of  history, History of the Republic of Turkey, Atatürk’s Principles and History of Turkish Reforms, Ottoman History, sociology, literature, art history, law, political science and economics within the framework of Modern Turkish and World History. The journal publishes, research articles and reviews evaluating and criticizing the studied subjects and presenting new and remarkable opinions on the basis of a rich bibliography. Translations related to the field and texts of unpublished papers that were previously presented at a scientific congress; introductory letters about treatises, personalities and scientific activities about the Turkish National Campaign and Republic of Turkey are included in the journal as well.

Aim & Scope

<ul type="disc"> <li>Web of Science – Emerging Sources Citation Index (ESCI)</li> <li>TÜBİTAK ULAKBİM TR Index</li> <li>DOAJ</li> <li>ERIH PLUS</li> <li>EBSCO Central &amp; Eastern European Academic Source</li> <li>Research Bible (ResearchBib)</li> <li>İslâm Araştırmaları Merkezi (İSAM)</li> <li>Sosyal Bilimler Atıf Dizini (SOBIAD)</li> <li>Scopus</li> <li>Gale Cengage</li></ul>

Indexing and Abstracting

The journal is committed to upholding the highest standards of publication ethics and pays regard to Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing published by the <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, the <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, the <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a>, and the <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> on <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a> The subjects covered in the manuscripts submitted to the Journal for publication must be in accordance with the aim and scope of the Journal. Only those manuscripts approved by every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Changing the name of an author (omission, addition or order) in papers submitted to the Journal requires written permission of all declared authors.Plagiarism, duplication, fraud authorship/denied authorship, research/data fabrication, salami slicing/salami publication, breaching of copyrights, prevailing conflict of interest are unethical behaviors. All manuscripts not in accordance with the accepted ethical standards will be removed from the publication. This also contains any possible malpractice discovered after the publication. Plagiarism Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. If plagiarism/self-plagiarism will be found authors will be informed. Editors may resubmit manuscript for similarity check at any peer-review or production stage if required. High similarity scores may lead to rejection of a manuscript before and even after acceptance. Depending on the type of article and the percentage of similarity score taken from each article, the overall similarity score is generally expected to be less than 15 or 20%. Double Blind Peer-Review After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by the editors-in-chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope. The editor provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles and hands over the papers matching the formal rules to at least two national/international referees for evaluation and gives green light for publication upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.

Policies

The journal is an open access journal and all content is freely available without charge to the user or his/her institution. Except for commercial purposes, users are allowed to read, download, copy, print, search, or link to the full texts of the articles in this journal without asking prior permission from the publisher or the author. This is in accordance with the <a href="https://www.budapestopenaccessinitiative.org/read" target="_blank">BOAI</a> definition of open access.The open access articles in the journal are licensed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.en" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) license.

All expenses of the journal are covered by the Istanbul University. Processing and publication are free of charge with the journal. There is no article processing charges or submission fees for any submitted or accepted articles.

Authors publishing with the journal retain the copyright to their work licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/" target="_blank">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/</a> ) and grant the Publisher non-exclusive commercial right to publish the work. CC BY-NC 4.0 license permits unrestricted, non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

Editor should consider publishing correction if minor errors that do not effect the results, interpretations and conclusions of the published paper are detected. Editor should consider retraction if major errors and/or misconduction that invalidate results and conclusions are detected.Editor should consider issuing an expression of concern if there is evidence of research or publication misconduct by the authors; there is evidence that the findings are not reliable and institutions of the authors do not investigate the case or the possible investigation seems to be unfair or nonconclusive. The guidelines of <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/flowcharts/complete-set-english" target="_blank">COPE</a> and <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/" target="_blank">ICJME</a> are taken into consideration regarding correction, retractions or expression of concern.RetractionJournal follows <a href="https://publicationethics.org/sites/default/files/retraction-guidelines-cope.pdf" target="_blank">COPE’s Retraction Guidelines</a> in case of retraction. The editor has the right to retract an article if: <ul><li>There is clear evidence that the findings are unreliable; either as a result of a major error (e.g. miscalculation or experimental error), or as a result of fabrication (e.g. of data) or falsification (e.g. image manipulation).</li><li>It contains plagiarised content. </li><li>It has been published elsewhere without proper attribution. </li><li>It contains material or data without authorisation for use.</li><li>There is copyright infringement or there is some other serious legal issue.</li><li>It reports unethical research. </li><li>There is evidence that the peer-review process is compromised or manipulated.</li><li>The author(s) failed to disclose a significant competing interest (also known as a conflict of interest) that, in the opinion of the editor, would have unduly influenced the interpretation of the work or the recommendations of the editors and peer reviewers.</li></ul>In case of retraction the following steps are followed:<ul><li>Retraction notice including article title is published in a subsequent issue of the journal. The retraction notice is paginated and listed in the table of contents. </li><li>A link is provided between the retraction notice and the original article in the electronic version. </li><li>The online article is preceded by a page containing the retraction notice; the reader can then proceed to the article itself.</li><li>The original article remains unchanged, except for a watermark on the .pdf on each page stating that it has been &#34;retracted”.</li></ul>Article Removal for Legal ReasonsIn the following circumstances, except the metadata (title and authors), the text of the article is removed and a page informing that the article has been removed for legal reasons replaces the article. <ul><li>The article is found to be defamatory or to infringe the legal rights of others, and retraction is not deemed to be an adequate solution.</li><li>The article has been, or is reasonably likely to be the subject of a court order.</li><li>There is a significant risk to public health. </li></ul>

To guarantee that all papers published in the journal are maintained and permanently accessible, articles are stored in Dergipark which serves as a  national archival web site and at the same time permits LOCKSS to  collect, preserve, and serve the content.Additionally, authors are encouraged to self-archive the final PDF version of their articles in open electronic archives with  that conform to standards of Open Archives Initiative (<a href="https://www.openarchives.org/" target="_blank">https://www.openarchives.org/</a>). Authors should provide a link from the deposited version to the URL of IUPress journal website.

Recent Period Turkish Studies- Yakın Dönem Türkiye Araştırmaları is committed to upholding the highest standards of publication ethics and pays regard to Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing published by the <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, the <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, the <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a>, and the <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> on <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a>All submissions must be original, unpublished (including as full text in conference proceedings), and not under the review of any other publication synchronously. Authors must ensure that submitted work is original. They must certify that the manuscript has not previously been published elsewhere or is not currently being considered for publication elsewhere, in any language. Applicable copyright laws and conventions must be followed. Copyright material (e.g. tables, figures or extensive quotations) must be reproduced only with appropriate permission and acknowledgement. Any work or words of other authors, contributors, or sources must be appropriately credited and referenced.Each manuscript is reviewed by one of the editors and at least two referees under double-blind peer review process. Plagiarism, duplication, fraud authorship/denied authorship, research/data fabrication, salami slicing/salami publication, breaching of copyrights, prevailing conflict of interest are unnethical behaviors.All manuscripts not in accordance with the accepted ethical standards will be removed from the publication. This also contains any possible malpractice discovered after the publication. In accordance with the code of conduct we will report any cases of suspected plagiarism or duplicate publishing.

Ethics

Recent Period Turkish Studies- Yakın Dönem Türkiye Araştırmaları adheres to the highest standards in research ethics and follows the principles of international research ethics as defined below. The authors are responsible for the compliance of the manuscripts with the ethical rules.<ul><li>Principles of integrity, quality and transparency should be sustained in designing the research, reviewing the design and conducting the research.</li><li>The research team and participants should be fully informed about the aim, methods, possible uses and requirements of the research and risks of participation in research.</li><li>The confidentiality of the information provided by the research participants and the confidentiality of the respondents should be ensured. The research should be designed to protect the autonomy and dignity of the participants.</li><li>Research participants should participate in the research voluntarily, not under any coercion.</li><li>Any possible harm to participants must be avoided. The research should be planned in such a way that the participants are not at risk.</li><li>The independence of research must be clear; and any conflict of interest or must be disclosed.</li><li>In experimental studies with human subjects, written informed consent of the participants who decide to participate in the research must be obtained. In the case of children and those under wardship or with confirmed insanity, legal custodian’s assent must be obtained.</li><li>If the study is to be carried out in any institution or organization, approval must be obtained from this institution or organization.</li><li>In studies with human subject, it must be noted in the method’s section of the manuscript that the informed consent of the participants and ethics committee approval from the institution where the study has been conducted have been obtained.</li></ul>

It is authors’ responsibility to ensure that the article is in accordance with scientific and ethical standards and rules. And authors must ensure that submitted work is original. They must certify that the manuscript has not previously been published elsewhere or is not currently being considered for publication elsewhere, in any language. Applicable copyright laws and conventions must be followed. Copyright material (e.g. tables, figures or extensive quotations) must be reproduced only with appropriate permission and acknowledgement. Any work or words of other authors, contributors, or sources must be appropriately credited and referenced.All the authors of a submitted manuscript must have direct scientific and academic contribution to the manuscript. The author(s) of the original research articles is defined as a person who is significantly involved in “conceptualization and design of the study”, “collecting the data”, “analyzing the data”, “writing the manuscript”, “reviewing the manuscript with a critical perspective” and “planning/conducting the study of the manuscript and/or revising it”. Fund raising, data collection or supervision of the research group are not sufficient roles to be accepted as an author. The author(s) must meet all these criteria described above. The order of names in the author list of an article must be a co-decision and it must be indicated in the <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/0DA91259FA4F4088A8E8E118F732E651" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form.</a> The individuals who do not meet the authorship criteria but contributed to the study must take place in the acknowledgement section. Individuals providing technical support, assisting writing, providing a general support, providing material or financial support are examples to be indicated in acknowledgement section.All authors must disclose all issues concerning financial relationship, conflict of interest, and competing interest that may potentially influence the results of the research or scientific judgment.When an author discovers a significant error or inaccuracy in his/her own published paper, it is the author’s obligation to promptly cooperate with the Editor-in-Chief to provide retractions or corrections of mistakes.

Editor evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, sexual orientation, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors. Editor provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles for publication and ensures that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential before publishing.Editor is responsible for the content and overall quality of the publication and must publish errata pages or make corrections when needed.Editor does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers. Only editor has the full authority to assign a reviewer and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal.Reviewers’ judgments must be objective. Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the Editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the Editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. Unless the authors and editor permit, the reviews of referees cannot be published or disclosed. The anonymity of the referees is important. In particular situations, the editor may share the review of one reviewer with other reviewers to clarify a particular point.

Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by editor-in-chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope.The editor hands over the papers matching the formal rules to at least two national/international referees for double-blind peer review evaluation and gives green light for publication upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.

Peer Review

Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors. He/She provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles for publication and ensures that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential before publishing.Editor-in-Chief is responsible for the contents and overall quality of the publication. He/She must publish errata pages or make corrections when needed.Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers. Only he has the full authority to assign a reviewer and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the journal.Reviewers must have no conflict of interest with respect to the research, the authors and/or the research funders. Their judgments must be objective.Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees must be ensured. In particular situations, the editor may share the review of one reviewer with other reviewers to clarify a particular point.

Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by Editor-in-Chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope. Editor-inChief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors and ensures a fair double-blind peer review of the selected manuscripts.The selected manuscripts are sent to at least two national/international external referees for evaluation and publication decision is given by Editor-in-Chief upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the journal.Reviewers’ judgments must be objective. Reviewers’ comments on the following aspects are expected while conducting the review.- Does the manuscript contain new and significant information?- Does the abstract clearly and accurately describe the content of the manuscript?- Is the problem significant and concisely stated? - Are the methods described comprehensively? - Are the interpretations and consclusions justified by the results?- Is adequate references made to other Works in the field?- Is the language acceptable?Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees is important.

All correspondence will be sent to the first-named author unless otherwise specified. Article is to be submitted online via <a href="https://dergipark.org.tr/login" target="_blank">https://dergipark.org.tr/login</a> that can be accessed at <a href="http://rpts.istanbul.edu.tr" target="_blank">http://rpts.istanbul.edu.tr</a>. It must be accompanied by a title page specifying the article category (i.e. research article, review etc.) and including information about the essay (see the Submission Checklist), and a cover letter. Articles should be prepared in Microsoft Word 2003 and upper versions. In addition, Copyright Agreement Form that has to be signed by all authors must be submitted. The <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/5F6D4670B67C4790A572D04B335EB2C3" target="_blank">Cover Page</a> and <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/5027B8C00BB74DE99856B11550661D9D" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a> must be completed in full. 1. Studies should be in A4 paper standards: having 4 cm margin from left and 2.5 cm margins from right, bottom and top, Times New Roman font style in 12 font size, line spacing of 1.5 and “justify align” format. If there are footnotes, they must remain within these limits and be written in 10 font size. Before and after paragraphs, 6 point space should be left. 2. The headings of sections and subsections of the article should be in 14 font size. Before and after headings, 6 point space should be left. 3. Headings and subheadings should not be in the last line of a page; in such a case they should be on the next page. The first line of a paragraph should not be the last line of a page and the last line of a paragraph should not be the first line of page. 4. Abbreviations, table, figure and symbol list, preface, abstract, references list, appendix and explanations of tables and captions of figures should be written in 1 line spacing. 5. The author/authors’ names and information should not be included in the text of the article, and all information about the author/authors should be indicated on the Cover Page that will be uploaded to the system along with the Full Text and Copyright Form. The Cover Page should include the title of the article, the author or authors’ affiliations and titles, the addresses where they can be reached, mobile, business and fax numbers, ORCID and e-mail addresses.6. Before the introduction part, there should be an abstract of 100-200 words both in Turkish and in English. An extended abstract in English between 600-800 words, summarizing the scope, the purpose, the results of the study and the methodology used is to be included following the abstracts. Underneath the abstracts, 5 keywords that inform the reader about the content of the study should be specified in Turkish and in English. 7. The article should contain mainly these components: Title, abstract and keywords in the language of the article; English title, abstract and keywords; extended abstract in English, main sections of article, references and tables and figures. 8. Tables, graphs and figures can be given with a number and a defining title if and only if it is necessary to follow the idea of the article. Otherwise, data that can be given in the text, such as demographic characteristics, should not be expressed in separate tables. 9. All responsibility for the articles/writings published in the journal and the opinions expressed belong to the authors; Istanbul University Institute of Ataturk’s Principles and Revolution History does not assume any responsibility. 10. In line with the editorial board and referee reports, authors may be asked to make some corrections on the text.

Author Guidelines

Citations (Reference, Cross Reference)In the article, quotations from other sources are either quoted exactly or summarized or interpreted by the author’s own words, provided that the essence is not changed. In both cases, the cited source (including text, table, figure etc.) must be referenced. The following principles are applied in this regard:a. Information taken exactly from the source (quotation) is shown in double quotes (“.....”). Quotations made by the author by changing the format, not the essence of the information in the source, are shown without double quotes. In both types of citations, reference is made to the relevant source and each citation is given a consecutive number in the form of footnotes on the bottom of the page.b. In the article, the whole of the information quoted from the source can be given, but for example, only certain parts of the information in the form of sentences, paragraphs or pages can also be given. In this case, the omitted places are indicated with three dots (…) to show that certain words, various sentences, paragraphs and pages are omitted in the sentences.c. If the information in other sources is quoted verbatim, inaccuracies such as letters, sentences, dates, places, etc. in the sources are also repeated, including punctuation marks and translation errors. If the author of the article wants to give correction of inaccuracies in the source text, then the correct information is indicated in a parenthesis immediately after the incorrect information.d. Exact quotations from the sources are given within the text of the article, if they are not longer than one sentence. In longer quotations, at least double-spaced space is left between the first and last lines of the quotation and the text of the article, so that the quotation and the text are distinguished. For such citations, a smaller font size than the font used in the article text is used.Rules about Reference FootnotesIn the reference footnotes, if a reference is made to the relevant source for the first time, the full bibliography of the work (author’s name, surname, name of the work, translator/editor/compiler information, if any, place of publication, publisher and date) should be given. Namely:Salahi Ramazan Sonyel, Türk Kurtuluş Savaşı ve Dış Politika I, Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayınları, Ankara, 1973, s. 10.Erol Güngör, Kültür Değişmesi ve Milliyetçilik, 2. Baskı, Ötüken Yayınları, İstanbul, 1984, s. 24.If a second or more reference is made to the same source in reference footnotes, the above information is abbreviated accordingly:Erol Güngör, Kültür Değişmesi …, s. 35.Reference to the author’s article/book chapter in the edited book:First reference:Hüseyin Bağcı, “Demokrat Parti’nin Ortadoğu Politikası”, Türk Dış Politikasının Analizi, der. Faruk Söylemezoğlu, Der Yayınları, İstanbul, 1994, s. 93-94.Next references:Hüseyin Bağcı, “Demokrat Parti’nin Ortadoğu Politikası”, s. 98.Reference to the article in the periodical:First reference:Fahrettin Kırzıoğlu, “Mustafa Kemal Paşa-Erzurum İlişkileri (1919-1920)”, Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Dergisi, VII/20, 1991, s. 223-266.Mustafa Budak, “Ermeni Meselesi Açısından Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi’nin Önemi”, Yakın Dönem Türkiye Araştırmaları Dergisi, C. 17, S. 34, 2018, s. 209.Next references:Fahrettin Kırzıoğlu, “Mustafa Kemal Paşa-Erzurum İlişkileri (1919-1920)”, s. 225.Articles and news in newspapers should be displayed as follows:“Hükümet-i Osmaniyye’nin Sulh Konferansına Teklifâtını Hâvi Muhtıra”, İkdam, 3 Mart 1335 (1919), s. 1.“DP Kongresi Saat 10’da Açıldı”, Vakit, 15 Ekim 1955, s. 1-2.“İnönü ve Gülek’in Menderes’e Geçmiş Olsun Telgrafları”, Ulus, 19 Şubat 1959, s. 1-2.Reference to archival documents:Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Cumhurbaşkanlığı Devlet Arşivleri Başkanlığı Osmanlı Arşivi (BOA), Bab-ı Âlî Evrak Odası (BEO), 3733/236781 (Sadaret’ten Harbiye Nezareti’ne gönderilen 1 Teşrîn-i Sânî 1326 [14 Kasım 1910] tarihli tezkire).Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Cumhurbaşkanlığı Devlet Arşivleri Başkanlığı Cumhuriyet Arşivi (BCA), 030-01-37/222-1 (6-7 Eylül olaylarında zarar görenlere maddi destekler hakkında).The names of the same archives and fonds should be written with their codes in the second and subsequent citations:BOA, BEO, 3733/236781.Reference to the electronic/internet source:TBMM, Süreli Yayınlar, III. Menderes Hükümeti, (Çevrimiçi), <a href="http://www.tbmm.gov.tr">www.tbmm.gov.tr</a>, 8 Aralık 2013.Ayhan Kamel, “İkinci Dünya Savaşı’nın Bitiminden Günümüze Kadar Türk-Rus İlişkileri”, (Çevrimiçi), <a href="http://www.dispolitika.org.tr">www.dispolitika.org.tr</a>, 7 Aralık 2013.John N. Berry, “Educate Library Leaders”, Library Journal, February 15, 1998 (Çevrimiçi), http//www.epnet.com/ehost, 3 Nisan 2019.BibliographyIn the bibliography, books and articles should be shown as follows:Satan, Ali: Türk ve İngiliz Belgelerinde Halifeliğin Kaldırılması, Yazıgen Yayıncılık, İstanbul, 2017.Türkmen, Zekeriya: “Mustafa Kemal Paşa ve Yıldırım Orduları Grup Komutanlığı”, Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Dergisi, C. XVI, S. 47, Temmuz 2000, s. 395-419.Appendix/AppendicesThe appendix section of the article contains text-related pictures, tables, forms, lists of survey questions, copies of important documents, photographs, maps, etc. For such a single material, only one annex is included, and for more than one material, if deemed necessary, multiple annexes are included. If the appendices are to be distinguished from each other, they shall be numbered consecutively as “Appendix-1”, “Appendix-2”, and so on. It is recommended that each number be followed by a title indicating the content of the each appendix. A title describing the contents of the appendix is recommended to be put next to each number.If the information in the appendix is conveyed from other sources, references to these sources must be indicated in the footnote.

<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/ABBFA2BDDD2C43E88F6C9575E40F6CDC" target="_blank">Title Page</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/0DA91259FA4F4088A8E8E118F732E651" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/FFA980E737EA432B8AD4235E301677F0" target="_blank">Author Form</a>

Ensure that the following items are present:● Cover letter to the editorü  The category of the manuscriptü  Confirming that “the paper is not under consideration for publication in another journal”.ü  Including disclosure of any commercial or financial involvement.ü  Confirming that last control for fluent English was done.ü  Confirming that journal policies detailed in Information for Authors have been reviewed.ü Confirming that the references cited in the text and listed in the references section are in line with notes and bibliography system.<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/0DA91259FA4F4088A8E8E118F732E651" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/FFA980E737EA432B8AD4235E301677F0" target="_blank">Author Form</a>Permission of previous published material if used in the present manuscript<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/3CA9A768A43843E38B57F329D7244835" target="_blank">Title page</a>ü  The category of the manuscriptü  The title of the manuscript both in Turkish and in Englishü  All authors’ names and affiliations (institution, faculty/department, city, country),ü  e-mail addressesü  Corresponding author’s email address, full postal address, telephone and fax numberü  ORCIDs of all authors.● Main Manuscript Documentü  The title of the manuscript both in Turkish in Englishü  Abstracts (100-200 words) both in the language of article and in Englishü  Key words: 5 words both in the language of article and in Englishü  Extended Abstract (600-800 words) in English for the articles which are not in Englishü  Acknowledgement (if exists)ü  Referencesü  Acknowledgements, grant supports, conflicts of interest should be indicatedü  All tables, illustrations (figures) (including title, description, footnotes)

Editor-in-ChiefName: Prof. Dr. Mustafa BUDAK E-mail: mustafa.budak@istanbul.edu.tr Phone: (0212) 440 00 00 (Dahili: 11950) Address: İstanbul Üniversitesi Atatürk İlkeleri ve İnkılap Tarihi Enstitüsü, Süleymaniye Mah. Besim Ömer Paşa Cad. No: 19 Kat: 4 Fatih - İstanbulEditorName: Asst. Prof. Dr. Hayrünisa ALP E-mail: hyralp@istanbul.edu.tr Phone: (0212) 440 00 00 (Dahili: 11956) Address: İstanbul Üniversitesi Atatürk İlkeleri ve İnkılap Tarihi Enstitüsü, Süleymaniye Mah. Besim Ömer Paşa Cad. No: 19 Kat: 4 Fatih - İstanbulEditorName: Asst. Prof. Dr. Yakup AHBAB E-mail: yakupahbab@hotmail.com Phone: (0212) 440 00 00 (Dahili: 10627) Address: İstanbul Üniversitesi Atatürk İlkeleri ve İnkılap Tarihi Enstitüsü, Süleymaniye Mah. Besim Ömer Paşa Cad. No: 19 Kat: 4 Fatih - İstanbulJournal ContactName: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Önder KOCATÜRK E-mail: onder.kocaturk@istanbul.edu.tr Phone: 1) 05362689505 2) 02163189780 3) 0212440 00 00 (Dahili: 10443) Address: İstanbul Üniversitesi Atatürk İlkeleri ve İnkılap Tarihi Enstitüsü, Süleymaniye Mah. Besim Ömer Paşa Cad. No: 19 Kat: 4 Fatih - İstanbulJournal ContactName: Res. Assist. Duygu SAYGIN E-mail: duygu.saygin@istanbul.edu.tr Phone: (0212) 440 00 00 (Dahili: 10437) Address: İstanbul Üniversitesi Atatürk İlkeleri ve İnkılap Tarihi Enstitüsü, Süleymaniye Mah. Besim Ömer Paşa Cad. No: 19 Kat: 4 Fatih - İstanbulJournal ContactName: Res. Assist. Umut DERE E-mail: umutdere@istanbul.edu.tr Phone: (0212) 440 00 00 (Dahili: 11955) Address: İstanbul Üniversitesi Atatürk İlkeleri ve İnkılap Tarihi Enstitüsü, Süleymaniye Mah. Besim Ömer Paşa Cad. No: 19 Kat: 4 Fatih - İstanbul

Issue Type	Regular
Editor(s)	Mustafa Budak
Cover (PDF)
Full Text (PDF)
Front Pages (PDF)

Recent Period Turkish Studies

RPTS

ISSUE 44, 2023

The Convention of Saint Germain-en-Laye dated September 10, 1919 on the Abolition of Slavery in Africa and its Ratification by Türkiye in the Treaty of Lausanne

The Greek-Italian Threat During the Inter-War Period and the Tensions in the Aegean (1924-1926)

Atatürk’s Foreign Policy Victory: Evaluation of Hatay’s Annexation to Türkiye through the Turkish Diplomatic Archive Documents of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (1936–1939)

The First Victory of Maritime Law in the Young Republic: The Lotus Case and its International Repercussions

Contemporary Civilization Debates, Islamic Modernism and Mehmet Akif in the Turkish Press from the Second Constitutional Era to the Republic

The Perception of Mustafa Kemal Pasha-Enver Pasha Conflict in the French Public Opinion during the National Struggle Period

A Methodological Opposition to the Proclamation of the Republic: The İstikbal Newspaper Published in Trabzon

The Blue Anatolian Ideal as a Theory of Territorial Nationalism

The Theme of Banditry in Kemal Tahir’s Novels “Yorgun Savaşçı” and “Rahmet Yolları Kesti” (1919-1939)

The Attempts at Establishing a "Revolution Museum" During the Time of Atatürk

Reading the Music Revolution through the “The Song of the Nations” Film (1930) and “The Nightingale of Türkiye” (1931) Vocal Contests

The Reflection of the 1939-40 Soviet-Finnish Winter War on Yeni Sabah, Cumhuriyet and Tan Newspapers and Evaluations on the Ideological Positions of These Newspapers

Civil Administration Arrangements in the Democrat Party Period from the Populist Politics Perspective

A Book on Prince Sabahatin and His Political Vievs

An Alternative Perspective on the Events of September 6-7

Atatürk and The Assassination

The Book that present new and Important Contributions to the Literatüre on the Early Republican Period, Modernisation and Nation Building Process

INFORMATION

SHARE