Sami

Assist. Prof. Dr.

In Islamic book culture, the copyright record is where the authors sign their signatures at the end of the text. In contrast, the istinsah record is where the signature of the copyist (müstensih), who creates a new copy by reproducing the text, is affixed. On the other hand, the ferag or ketaba record is used to express a common term for both. In addition to providing information about the place and time of the composition of the finished text or the copy of the completed manuscript, ketaba records also bear individual traces of the author and the scribe, which opens the door to analysing ketaba records from a different perspective. For example, it is possible to make inferences and interpretations about the personal/social life of the author, the scribe, or the communication networks they were a part of from the prayer sentences they made for themselves or others. For instance, we can trace the scribe’s genealogical information such as father, grandfather, and great-grandfather, their relations, their nicknames, and sometimes even their occupations through the ketaba records; or we can trace the places and times of copy production through the ketaba records.The fact that some scribes or copyists describe the place or location they were in at the time as if they were sketching it and mentioning geographical and local characteristics is a virgin area for urban history researchers to extract new sources and meanings. A noteworthy element in the ketaba records is the phonetic harmony between the names of the cities and the prayer sentences. This indicates that the prayers were written as a religious ritual with aesthetic concerns. The content of the prayers included in the ketaba records is also an essential subject of analysis. These prayers generally pray to protect cities from disasters, epidemics and turmoil. For example, prayers such as “Protect the city of Istanbul from earthquakes and floods” or “Protect the city of Bursa from fire and famine” appear frequently. As can be seen, the prayer phrases can be closely related to the specific situation of that city.This is where the prayer mentioned above gives historiography a special meaning. Instead of making a general prayer for the city in which the author and the annotator have finished composing or copying a work of history, another meaning should be sought underneath the prayer for the city to be protected from fire, earthquake, or fitnahs. As witnesses of the period in which they lived, the scribes and the copyists bear the social memory of the city in the prayers they make for the cities in their ketaba records.Based on this fact, this article traces the prayers made by the scribes and the annotators for the cities they lived in in their ketaba records. It has been observed that prayers were made to protect the cities from seditions and social events. Prayers for protecting these cities or their inhabitants from disasters and calamities such as earthquakes and epidemics are noteworthy in the ketaba records recorded in Damascus, Istanbul, Edirne, Erzincan, and Amasya. Looking back at the relevant dates, it can be seen that the cities faced disasters that&nbsp;needed to be protected in the period close to the period in which the ketebe records were written. A similar situation applies to social events. In the ketebe records, the most crucial factor to be avoided from cities and their inhabitants was fitna. In the prayers for cities such as Edirne, Adana, Maraş, Zile, Bursa, Amasya and Erzincan, the fear of sedition is rampant. As in the section on disasters, we have returned to the relevant dates when the prayers were made and checked from different sources whether the events that were thought to be the basis for the prayers took place on the relevant dates. Thus, in a way, the concerns in the ketaba records have been verified. In this comparison, it has been observed that the events in historical sources can be traced through extra-textual elements and even through prayer sentences, which are some of them. For example, the projections of the Jalali rebellions and the Suhte uprisings can also be read in prayer sentences. During the Jalali uprisings, many authors and manuscript writers must have suffered from the uprisings in their cities or neighbouring cities as they prayed to keep the fitnah away from their cities.&nbsp;&nbsp;To summarise, the article proposes that the prayer sentences in the ketebe records not only wish well for the cities but also reflect the individual or social reflexes of the scribe and the annotators, carry traces of historical events and that the prayer, as mentioned above sentences can be used as a source in historiography in this respect. The aforementioned proposal of the article gains a precious meaning in the absence of historical documents to confirm these concerns for cities in prayer sentences. In this way, the events that nurture these anxieties and fears hidden in the prayers in the ketaba records, even if they are not included in historical sources, will indicate that similar experiences have taken place in those cities in the recent past. In doing so, the sources used in the article were identified after a severe screening, carefully read and classified according to the city and prayer topics, and the data were processed to reveal a new and original subject. Although the methodology and perspective used in the study will contribute to new and original results, there will likely be some shortcomings and unforeseen differences in interpretation because it is one of the first of its kind. In conclusion, Ketebe records provide important data for historians researching various fields such as urban, social, and cultural history. These records can be used to learn about the state of cities in the past, to analyse the political and social atmosphere at that time, and to investigate the cultural values of cities. While manuscripts are the carrier of knowledge as they are texts, the non-textual elements of the manuscript also mediate this transfer of knowledge; it has been observed that the non-textual aspects of the prayer sentences in the ketebe records can also become a direct or indirect source in historiography.

The Past of the City the Prayer of the Author/Scribe: On the Implications of Prayers for Cities in Ketaba Records

Mehmet

Prof. Dr.

Hacer

Res. Assist.

One of the most significant outcomes of administrative and fiscal changes in the Ottoman Empire during the 17th and 18th centuries was the inclusion of the local notables known as âyân into the provincial administrative system. This group gained power and wealth and became involved in various military and administrative roles in the provinces, becoming partners of the government from the 17th century onwards. During this period, prominent families such as the Karaosmanoğulları, Çapanoğulları, Caniklizâdeler, and Pazvandoğulları wielded extensive power, while numerous smaller-scale households also asserted authority within districts and sub-districts. Among these, the Hasançavuşzâdes dominated the sancak (sub-province) of Menteşe throughout the 18th century.This article presents the story of Hasançavuşzâde family’s four generations, spanning from the 1690s to the 1810s, focusing on their rise and fall within a sociopolitical context related to the crises faced by the empire and the political and fiscal solutions it generated in response. The family’s story offers instances of how âyân families arose and expanded their influence, contributing to the scholarly discussion about the dynamics between Ottoman provincial elites and the central authority, their regional duties, and their alliances locally and on an imperial scale.&nbsp;The family’s origins trace back to Hamzaoğlu Ahmed, a subaşı in the kaza (district) of Köyceğiz in the late 17th century, whose influence stemmed from his military and administrative roles, especially as a tax collector. His participation in imperial military campaigns also elevated his status. His son, Hasan Çavuş, fortified the family’s local prominence, becoming the mütesellim (deputy governor) of Menteşe in 1735-36. His collaboration with the muhassıls and governors of Aydın and Menteşe, especially in securing the region against bandits, significantly boosted his stature as a local notable.Hasan Çavuş’s son, Hacı Ahmed Ağa, epitomized the family’s most influential era. After his initial role as the serdar of district in the 1730s, he served as the mütesellim of Menteşe in 1745, maintaining a crucial position in the sub-province’s power balance until he died in 1787. Ahmed Ağa and then his son Ebubekir also undertook various tasks of kalyon (imperial ship) construction in the dock of Bodrum for the Ottoman Imperial Navy. During Ahmed’s tenure, the family’s territory expanded significantly, extending from Dalaman to Çine at the north part of the sancak. Despite being outlawed several times in the late 18th century, Ahmed Ağa’s strong ties with imperial elites and support from pasha-ranked patrons&nbsp;prevented his permanent downfall. Holding the title of kapıcıbaşı (imperial gatekeeper), Hacı Ahmed Ağa balanced compliance and resistance to Istanbul’s demands and played critical roles in defending Western Anatolia, particularly during the 1768-1774 Russo-Turkish wars.Ebubekir Ağa, the last influential member of his family in the 18th century, became the mütesellim of Menteşe following his father’s death amidst the challenging circumstances of the wars against Austria and Russia between 1787 and 1792. He expanded the family’s domain as far as Rhodes. However, towards the end of the century, the central government’s shift in approach to increase control over provincial administration and financial resources affected the family’s regional power. During the war, when attention was focused on the front and provincial oversight weakened, the notables, burdened by the central authority’s severe military and logistical demands, neglected the orders sent to them, taking advantage of the lax supervision, yet they undeniably suffered financially from this burden. In the post-war period, it was typical for such negligence to be punished with dismissal and confiscation. Like his father, Ebubekir Ağa faced detention after the war and lost his possessions, failing to devise strategies suitable for the new era and ultimately paying with his life at the onset of the Nizam-ı Cedid reforms.&nbsp;The family’s power was primarily built on military capacity, which also underpinned their administrative and fiscal responsibilities. Their ability to manage relations with imperial bureaucrats and local powers also allowed the family to extend power over a century. The Hasançavuşzâde family’s wealth is tied to the Menteşe region’s rural economy, marking them as the rural elite. Their assets mainly comprised vineyards, gardens, mansions, and farms across the sancak’s districts. Their limited number of hans, hamams, and storehouses indicated a rural rather than urban commercial infrastructure based on their location and quantity. Additionally, it is indirectly documented that the family engaged in small-scale commercial activities, including smuggling, leveraging their position in the Eastern Mediterranean and experience in shipbuilding.

An Ayan Family in the 18th Century: Hasançavuşzâdeler

Ayşegül

Assoc. Prof. Dr.

Hasan

The Muridism and Prophet Schamyl in the Works of the 19th Century French Researchers: Depping and Dulaurier

Emel

Reception, Accommodation, and Farewell of the Sultan Abdülaziz in Britain

Kerim

The modern teacher training system in the Ottoman Empire was established during the Tanzimat Period. The first teacher school, Dârülmuallimîn-i Rüşdîye, was opened in Istanbul in 1848 to meet the teaching needs of the rüştiye schools (junior high school). Following this institution, teacher schools were established in the capital to train male and female teachers for various levels of education. The first teacher schools in the provinces began to open after 1875.&nbsp;At Dârülmuallimîn-i Rüşdîye, students were provided with a stipend of 30 kuruş when education commenced. Efforts by Ahmet Cevdet Efendi, appointed as the director in 1850, resulted in an increase of the stipend to 80 kuruş in 1851. It’s evident that Ahmet Cevdet Efendi aimed to save the students from traditional madrasah habits, attract successful youth to the school, and ensure they complete their education without financial concerns by increasing student stipends. The stipend program was also continued at Dârülmuallimîn-i Sıbyan (Teacher Training School for Sıbyan Schools), which was opened in 1868 to train qualified teachers for elementary education, and students at the school began to receive 30 kuruş stipends. The Regulations of General Education (Maarif-i Umumiye Nizamnamesi ) issued in 1869 introduced provisions linking stipends to a specific system. Under these regulations, it was decided to provide 80 kuruş stipends to rüştiye section students, 100 kuruş to idadi (first stage of secondary school) section students, and 120 kuruş to sultani (second stage of secondary school) section students within the teacher schools to be gathered under the Büyük Darülmuallimin. Graduates were required to teach for a minimum of five years in return for the stipends received. The same rule applied to graduates of Dârülmuallimât, which trained female teachers for elementary and rüştiye schools. Stipends of 30 kuruş were provided to 25 students in the sıbyan section and 60 kuruş to the same number of students in the rüştiye section. It was also decided that if graduates refused to continue their service after graduation, the stipends they received would be reclaimed.By 1888, the stipend system in teacher schools in Istanbul began to yield positive results, leading to increased interest in these schools. Consequently, the government decided to suspend stipends for existing students at Darülmuallimin-i Rüştiye from March and announced that new students who want to enroll will be accepted to the school, provided that they do not request a scholarship. This decision sparked one of the first student boycotts. Students protested the decision, stating that they would boycott the school if stipends were not reinstated, and they would directly address the issue to the Sultan, the highest authority. In response to the escalating situation, the government reinstated stipends for students.In 1891, a regulation was introduced for teacher schools in Istanbul, restructuring the stipend system. Initially, the number of muvazzaf (stipend recipients) students was increased to expand the number of students receiving stipends. For example, the number of active students, initially set at 100 in the Regulations of General Education, was increased to 140. With the new regulation, efforts were made to address the imbalance among student stipends. Stipends for rüştiye section students at Darülmuallimin were reduced from 80 to 75 kuruş, those for aliye section students were reduced from 100 to 80 kuruş, and those for ibtidai section students were increased from 30 to 50 kuruş. Mandatory service obligations remained for stipend recipients, and penalties were introduced for those who did not fulfill them, including deprivation of rights and privileges for the teaching staff and the obligation to repay stipends received during their education.Important aspects of the stipend system need to be clarified. Students at teacher schools were admitted in two categories: muvazzaf (stipend recipients) and gayr-i muvazzaf (nonstipend recipients). Over the years, decisions were made to alter the number of muvazzaf students at various levels. The Council of Education sometimes reduced stipend amounts to accommodate more students or shifted allocated stipend funds within Darülmuallimin branches. Consequently, there were fluctuations in the stipend amounts. For instance, in 1901, stipends for ibtidai students were reduced to 40 kuruş, rüştiye students to 60 kuruş, and aliye students to 80 kuruş to accommodate more students. Moreover, it’s noted that student stipends in Istanbul’s teacher schools were not provided throughout the year. Stipends were only given on days when education was conducted, and they were halted during holiday periods. Students on leave did not receive stipends for those days. However, students unable to attend due to illness continued to receive stipends upon providing evidence of their condition.The first teacher schools in the provinces began operating in 1875 in Bosnia, Crete and Konya. After 1880, with the appointment of education directors to the provinces, many darülmuallimins started to open. Unlike in Istanbul, there was no official decision regarding stipends for students in provincial schools. The government did not undertake such a financial burden. Provinces willing to provide stipends for their students did so from local education revenues. However, provinces unable to afford stipends faced challenges. They struggled to recruit students for darülmuallimins and could not retain enrolled students for long. Additionally, without stipends, there was no legal obligation to direct graduates to teaching positions, leading to ongoing shortages of teachers in these provinces. Hence, many documents reflect the efforts of these provinces to secure funding from the central government.During the Second Constitutional Period, efforts were made to convert provincial Darülmuallimins into boarding schools (leyli). All expenses of teacher schools were covered by allocations sent by the treasury. Stipends were discontinued for students in boarding schools as they received free education. However, stipends continued for non-boarding day&nbsp;schools (nehari). With the enactment of the new provincial law in 1913, granting provinces the right to allocate special budgets, all expenses of teacher schools were entrusted to provincial special administrations.

Scholarship Practices in Teacher Training Schools in the Ottoman Modernization Period

Fahriye

An Irish academic, diplomat, and politician Viscount James Bryce, was one of the prominent propagandists, who helped to create a serious public opinion on the Armenian Question and hostility towards Turks. Lord Bryce not only labeled the Armenian Question a life goal but also followed the process from the emergence of the Armenian Question with the Berlin Treaty of 1878 to the events of 1915. He gradually contributed to the formation of Armenian propaganda. Specializing in the field of law, Bryce worked as a lawyer in London for a while during his youth and then continued his academic career at Oxford University as a professor of Civil Law for many years. His first work, “The Holy Roman Empire”, published in 1864, is important for Bryce’s recognition in the field of history and for presenting his views on the conflicts between the Christian and Muslim worlds. Like many aristocrats living during the reign of Queen Victoria, 28-year-old Bryce appears to evaluate Eastern culture from an Orientalist perspective in this work.James Bryce started the 1870s with the abroad trips he dreamed of, and in 1876, he crossed Mount Ararat from Russia and visited, in his own words, “Armenia”. Bryce furthered his impressions during this trip and published his work “Transcaucasia and Ararat: Being Notes of a Vacation Tour in the Autumn of 1876”, which is the main reference source that will form the basis of his approach to issues related to the Ottoman Empire. Bryce, who believed in a racial hierarchy within the Ottoman Empire, stated that the Turks ruled all subjects with military oppression “by the force of the sword”, rejecting the principle of equality. He claimed that in such a system, “Muslim administrators who are far from civilization are met with hatred in the regions of Christians.” These discourses, strengthened by liberal political practices, formed the background of Bryce’s thoughts on the Armenian Question. Bryce, who began to put these views into action in the 1890s, published works in support of the Armenians with a much harsher rhetoric in 1915.Lord Bryce continued to communicate intensively with Armenians until the mid-1890s. He tried to create a perception in the British public that Armenians were oppressed under Ottoman rule. For example, in his article for the Christian Union, he found the uprisings of the Armenians both legitimate and believed that “No nation that is in the sympathy of the British and Americans, as Christians and lovers of freedom, can claim more rights than&nbsp;your nation (Armenia), which has endured misfortunes for centuries with such uninterrupted determination.” In 1893, Professor Bryce founded the Anglo-Armenian Association to “ensure the implementation of Article 61 of the Treaty of Berlin with the friends of Armenia”. In 1894, James Bryce took office as President of the Board of Trade in the new cabinet of liberal Lord Rosebery. During this government period, which would last for approximately 2 years, the Armenian riots at Sason became one of the most important agenda items of British foreign policy. While the armament of Armenians continued intensively, the idea that European powers, especially Britain, would intervene and support the Armenians was also effective in this organization. Claiming that “Sultan Abdülhamid II further provoked the chaos by refusing to publish and implement the reform laws”, Bryce launched the rebellions as the “Armenian Revolutionary Movement” at the British Parliament.&nbsp;&nbsp;As a result of his fame in diplomacy and the Armenian Question, Bryce served as the British Ambassador to America from 1907 to 1913. Bryce seemed to believe that America would play a critical role through its missionaries in the region. Bryce stated that Armenians educated in America “will give the expected struggle for the entire Armenian nation, together with their friends in Britain, without resorting to physical force”, and evaluated America’s support as “an encouragement to the justified moral reasons of the rebellion.” James Bryce returned to Britain upon his retirement and continued his politics in the House of Lords, receiving the title of Viscount. During this period, which coincided with the eve of the First World War, Germany published pamphlets and posters, aiming to legitimize its entry into the war and trying to influence important actors such as America. In response to these psychological warfare strategies, Bryce was invited to work for the Wellington House, also known as the Propaganda War Office. Britain, which started to search for a new policy after the Gallipoli defeat in the late spring of 1915, started to create new propaganda activities on the Armenians. Bryce has undoubtedly been the most important name in this regard since 1876. Bryce, who was reluctant to prepare the report on Germany, had no hesitation in working on the Armenians. Bryce, who started working as if he had been waiting for this moment for 40 years, collaborated with Arnold J. Toynbee, one of the young historians of the period, to present to the British Parliament and Sir Edward Grey, “The Treatment of Armenians in the Ottoman Empire 1915-1916”, popularly known as the Blue Book. This work was a breaking point in the Armenian Question. While the publication in question became the holy book of the theses about the Armenians’ denigration of the Turks, it also managed to provide the expected support from the British and American public opinion. Lord Bryce continued his propaganda activities in cooperation with Wellington House and the Armenian Bureau on Regent Street in London. Bryce was also disturbed by the national struggle of the Turks, and in many of his speeches in the parliament, he targeted the leader Mustafa Kemal, described the Turkish military units as a “gang” and claimed that they would “carry out a massacre” on the Armenians. The role and effectiveness of Lord James Bryce should not be ignored&nbsp;in the transformation of Armenian claims, which started with the Treaty of Berlin in 1878 and reached the level of propaganda after the deportation, into elements of political and psychological pressure even today.

James Bryce’s Role in the Armenian Question

Haşim

Lecturer

A Review of “Kiliseye Çevrilen Türk Eserleri: The Turkish Monuments Converted into Churches” by Mehmet Emin Yılmaz

Gültekin

Tuba

Since the Ottoman early traditional period, arithmetical books that could improve bookkeepers’ mathematics had already begun to be written. One of them is Pir Mahmud Sıdkı Edirnevi’s translation of Miftah-i Kunuz-i Arbab al-Kalam va Misbah-i Rumuz-i Ashab al-Rakam, which belongs to the 15th century and was written in Persian owing to the Persian effects on the financial foundation in 1505. The attention paid to arithmetic in Edirnevi’s Terceme-i Miftah-i Kunuz (Ilm-i Arkam-i Taksimat) is noticed in the chapters on root extraction, and it differs with approximation methods from other mathematical books in its century. Thus, our study mentions Edirnevi’s approximation methods on 3rd and 4th degree root extractions and intends to define this translation’s contribution to Turkish mathematic compilations. In this respect, our study aims to reveal the pioneer position of Edirnevi in the reception of numeric analysis subjects in Ottomans through the unique and complete manuscript of Terceme-i Miftah-i Kunuz (Ilm-i Arkam-i Taksimat). Also, in our study, both the historical and the mathematical analysis are followed in a methodological way. Our study consists of three main parts which are related firstly to the historical background, secondly to the introduction of the book and thirdly to the mathematical analysis of texts on the approximation of root extraction in this book, and it includes an evaluation of Edirnevi’s role in this context.&nbsp;In Mesopotamian mathematics, the fact that the exact and approximate results were separated obviously could be inferred from the particular terms that point out this separation. Also, since the formulas used for root extractions look like Greek mathematicians such as Archytas (BC 345) and Hero of Alexandria (AD. ~60), it is possible to say that Mesopotamian mathematics had a significant effect on Greek mathematics and represents the first steps of the history of numeric analysis. In the late medieval periods, it is outstanding that Chinese mathematicians made the solutions of the polynomials possible through the root extraction methods, and this method resembled what William Horner invented for algebraic equations in the 19th century.&nbsp;The tendency that provided mathematical improvement in the medieval Islamic world and the Ottomans was a numeric perspective that had been developed as an alternative to a geometric perspective. It should be considered that Newton’s and Descartes’ revolutional attempts in their books occurred thanks to this numeric perspective. Although the revolutional process did not occur in the East as the West achieved in the early modern period, the results of this perspective in the East is meaningful for mathematical precision. For instance, there was more than one way to find the square root in Khwarizmi’s (d. ~ 847) Hindî reckoning book. Then, Abu’l-Hasan al-Uqlidisi (d. 980) proposed different rules and found more precise results, but Abd al-Qahir al-Baghdadi’s (d. 1037) rules were begun to be followed as&nbsp;a conventional method (approximation) since his result of approximate cube root was more precise. Subsequently, Ibn al-Haytham (d. 1040) noted the irrational roots with justifications, and mathematicians after the 11th century attempted to find higher degree roots. The formulas that were applied by Nasir al-Din al-Tusi (d. 1274) and Nizam al-Din Nisaburi (d. 1328) were not different from the one that is known as the Ruffini-Horner method of the 19th century. The conventional method (approximation) was initially promoted by Samaw’al al-Maghribi (d.~1175) through nth degree root extraction to the base-60 numeral system (sexagesimal), then by Jamshid al-Kashi (d. 1429) to the base-10 numeral system (decimal). Thus, in Kashi’s book named Miftah al-Hisab, both predecessors’ methods were combined and extracting the approximate root was generalized in any degree. Through using Miftah al-Hisab, which is of East origin in Ottoman madrasahs and making commentaries and copies of the concise texts of Ibn al-Banna’s Talkhis Amal al-Hisab, which is of Andalus origin, the Ottomans became aware of many numeric analysis methods inheriting various mathematical traditions in different geographies.As mentioning root extraction methods in general reckoning books got usual in Ottomans, there were exact and approximate root extractions in high degree (fourth and fifth degree) in Ali al-Qushji’s (ö. 1474) or Ibn Hamza al-Maghribi’s (d. 1614) mathematical book. In addition, the Ottomans became familiar with these methods in not only integers but also fractional numbers through teaching Nisaburi’s mathematical textbook in madrasahs. Although the Ottomans had difficulties in applying these methods to the solution of highdegree equations, this subject was handled as a detached chapter in reckoning books with algebraic contents.Findings of our study indicate that Edirnevi’s translation, which is an arithmetical book in principle, is based on calculation with measures and common fractional numbers, proportion, false position method, shares of dept claims and root extractions. Since finding rational roots were mentioned quite detailed in this book, it is avoided to give examples of large numbers’ irrational roots. Thus, after the integer part of the root is obtained at once, the calculation of the approximate part of the root is left to be paid attention. Because of this, Edirnevi did not need the tables that he describes the steps of the finding rational roots. Edirnevi followed the method known as conventional approximation in the medieval Islamic world in finding the approximate cube root. However, he could not succeed in finding the fourth degree root exactly. Although he did not fail in extracting the integer part of the root, the approximate part of the root is not precise enough. That is a serious disadvantage of his book. On the contrary, the fact that this book addressed Ottoman bookkeepers is considered, these are pioneer and unique enterprises among the mathematical books written by bookkeepers. Despite the absence of chapters about algebra in this book, it could be a reference for algebra teaching thanks to the close relation between the root extraction methods and the solution of equations.&nbsp;In conclusion, thanks to Edirnevi’s efforts, the most important methods in numeric analysis were integrated with Turkish mathematics compilation at the beginning of the Ottomans’ 16th century. That is also a rare and inspiring fact among the bookkeepers’ texts. Therefore, the pros and cons of Edirnevi’s approaches are important components of the mathematical precision in the Ottomans’ numeric analysis methods.

A Brief History of Numeric Analysis and Pir Mahmud Sıdkı Edirnevi’s Arithmetic Book in this Context

Uğur

Günhan

This article examines a group of reference letters (mahzars) written for Seyfîzâde Ahmed Efendi, who was appointed as the first professor (müderris) of the madrasa complex founded by Kapuağası Gazanfer Agha in Istanbul in the early 1590s. The opening of the Gazanfer Agha Complex, the appointment of its first professor, the first lecture given by Ahmed Efendi in the presence of the prominent bureaucrat-scholars of the time and dozens of students, and the ceremonies and banquets organized on these occasions were among the events that made quite a stir in those years. All these events were meticulously recorded in a manzume by the court historiographer of the time, Seyyid Lokman, who wrote several works under the patronage of Gazanfer Agha. The reference letters we are dealing with here are found at the beginning of the second manuscript copy of Seyyid Lokman’s manzume (Esad Efendi 3376), which we have already identified and published. These letters are essentially texts written in the style of şehâdetnâme and, as we have endeavored to show in our article, they provide critical insights into the dynamics of occupational solidarity among Ottoman bureaucrat-scholars in the last quarter of the 16th century, as well as the familial and personal relationship networks that some scholars established with each other, details not available in other historical sources.Seyfîzâde Ahmed Efendi was the son of Seyfullah Efendi, a prominent scholar during the reigns of Murad III and Mehmed III. At an uncertain date (probably in the late 1580s), Ahmed Efendi was married with the daughter of Abdülmuhyi Pasha, one of the chancellors under Murad III. By the mid-1590s, Ahmed Efendi collected şehâdetnâmes from 19 high level ulama, known to both his father and himself, to testify to his scholarly qualifications before his appointment as the first müderris of Gazanfer Agha’s newly founded madrasa. The statement, “Ahmed Efendi, son of Seyfullâh Efendi, who is still a professor in the madrasa of Sultan Süleyman Han” (Esad Efendi 3376, fol. 1a) suggests that the letters in question were copied between 1595 and 1600.The letters appear to follow a certain order according to the official standing of their authors within the Ottoman ilmiye hierarchy, starting with the letters written by three chief jurisprudents (şeyhülislâms) and one chief military judge (kazasker). The remaining letters belong to Seyfîzâde’s teachers, classmates, and friends, revealing the scope of his professional, familial, and individual network of people. For example, in their letters, Molla Ahmed Efendi, Lütfî Beğzâde, Sinân Efendizâde, Râʿî Hasan Efendi, Kâfzâde Feyzî Efendi, Bahrî Hasan Efendi, and Selâmîzâde Mehmed Efendi, attest to knowing Ahmed Efendi personally and recognizing his scholarly prowess. All in all, these letters reveal a wide and intricate network that Ahmed Efendi and his father established with several prominent members of the Ottoman ulema in the last quarter of the 16th century.Some of these mahzars were written by scholars who knew Ahmed Efendi personally. Molla Ahmed Efendi, who was Ahmed Efendi's teacher at the Sultaniyye Madrasa, mentions that Ahmed Efendi was capable of understanding subtle meanings, that he learnt many disciplines, and that with these disciplines he became famous like İmru'l-Kays, one of the famous poets of the Jahiliyya period. Sinan Efendizâde, who taught Ahmed Efendi at one of the Sahn Madrasas, refers to his proficiency in both rational and transmitted sciences, his worthiness of the sultan’s favor, and the long years of service his father rendered as a preacher in Ayasofya Mosque. The information provided by Sinan Efendizâde and his reference letter are the longest and most detailed among the reference letters. Râ‘î Hasan Efendi, Kâfzâde, and Selâmîzâde, who studied together with Ahmed Efendi, also attest to his scholarly competence and claim to have personally observed it.Among these letters some were clearly used in the context of another appointment. Sinan Efendizâde, Ahmed Efendi's classmate, drew attention to this situation in his reference letter, stating that Ahmed Efendi collected signatures to obtain a certain position or title. The presence of the term ‘azl’ in some reference letters also supports this situation.&nbsp;The reference letters, which contain carefully chosen and eloquent expressions, demonstrate a meticulous attention to style, aiming to create a unity both in the praise of Ahmed Efendi, &nbsp;the description of the reference letter, and in addressing the recipient. It is important to note that in some of the letters, instead of the word mahzar, authors use expressions such as sahife, vesika, tomâr, varak, rıkk, ruk'a, defter, and cerîde. These expressions seem to have been employed both to indicate the large number of signatures and to add a more rhetorical level of meaning to the sentences in the mahzars.Overall, all these letters, indicative of dense and complex networks of personal connections, show that, by the late 16th century, the Ottoman ulema often acted together on various matters, with mutual interests at stake. In other words, these şehâdetnâme-style letters reveal the nature of the intricate networks of relations among the Ottoman scholars of the period, and as a literary genre, they are texts that should be analyzed in their own right. In this context, the main purpose of this study is to introduce the mahzar/şehâdetnâmes written for Seyfîzâde Ahmed Efendi and to provide a preliminary study of the life, scholarly career, and professional networks of an Ottoman scholar in the late 16th century. The mahzars we are dealing with have been overlooked until now, and thus have not yet been used in studies on the early modern Ottoman scholarly organization and ulema. In this respect, we would like to contribute to future studies on the occupational solidarity and personal/familial relationship networks among different groups in the early modern Ottoman world by presenting partial transcriptions of these important source texts as an appendix to the article.

On the Professional and Personal Networks of a 16th-Century Ottoman Scholar: A Study Based on the Reference Letters Written for Seyfîzâde Ahmed Efendi, the First Professor of Gazanfer Agha’s Madrasa

Yusuf

Forest, Bandits, and State: Some Measures Taken against the Use of Forests as Illegal Activity Areas in the Ottoman Empire (16th-18th centuries)

Gaye

A Synthetic Approach in Maghribi and Ottoman Astronomical Traditions: The Example of an 18thCentury Ottoman Perpetual Calendar for the Latitude of Algiers

Amila

Otherness Within the Otherness: Discrimination of Muslim Female Prisoners in the Prison System of Habsburg Bosnia

Semih

Res. Assist. Dr.

French Foreign Policy and Financial Institutions in the Process of the Consolidation of Ottoman Foreign Debts

Murat

Democracy or Stability: The US Policy Towards Turkish Experiment in Democracy 1945-1980

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Vural

It is well known that many Iranian scholars and intellectuals traveled between Ajam and Rum towards the end of the 15th century, in order to secure wealthy and benevolent patrons. The reason for the mobility of scholars, which can be traced back to the reign of Murad the Second (1421-1451), was undoubtedly related to the changes occurred across the Islamic world. Of these changes, the conquest of Istanbul was the most important. Adding “the protector of Islam” to his extant titulatures with this conquest, Sultan Mehmed the Conqueror, proclaimed that he was the only representative of the Islamic world. The second reason was the decline of Timurid Empire after the demise of Shahrukh (d. 1447) who were the reputed patron of science and art like&nbsp;his father towards the second half of the 15th century. By exiling scholars and crafters from newly conquered lands to his capital Samarqand, Timur created a Renaissance era and bequeathed this cultural heritage to his successors. Timurid princes’ fights for the throne perpetuated in Iraq, Fars, Mazandaran, Mawara al-Nahr and Khurasan, and several handovers and plunders of Samarqand and Herat precipitated the exodus of Timurid scholars and craftsmen in order to secure wealthy patrons and safe places, after the demise of Shahrukh. This chaotic atmosphere pervaded in Iran and on the other hand Ottoman sultans’ patronage of science and art made the Ottoman lands a safe and inviting shelter for Iranian scholars and literary men. Based on the claims that they were the only representative of Islam, the Ottomans’ superiority over the Aqquyunlus who presented themselves as Timur’s licit heirs, led this competition to another phase. Reputed with his wealth, benevolence and power, Sultan Mehmed the Conqueror made his capital Istanbul a center of attraction for Iranian scholars and poets.&nbsp;His patronage of science and art had spread across Iran so much so that his palace was replete with Iranian scholars and encomiasts at the very beginning of his reign. Along with scholars and bureaucrats such as Şemseddin Fenârî, Molla Gürânî, Mevlana Şeyh Ebu İshak Tebrizî and Ali Kuşçu, encomiasts and man of letters such as Ma’âlî, Kâşifî, Hamidî, and Kabûlî presented their works to Sultan Mehmed and, made contributions to sultan’s imperial image from the viewpoint of Ajamness. It is also well known that Sultan Mehmed endeavored to take famous Iranian scholars under his patronage and, for this purpose he sends them enticing gifts.&nbsp;Benevolent and wealthy image of Sultan Mehmed the Conqueror and, his capital’s hallmark as a center for a multi-cultural junction, attracted another Ajam known as Riyâzî. He was less known among the Ajams in Sultan’s palace. Neither contemporary chroniclers nor collection of the biographies of poets mention him. Beside his Persian epistle, which he penned on the occasion of Sultan Mehmed’s conquest of Akçahisar and constitutes the subject of the present study, there are at least three copies of his Divan survived to this date. None of these primary sources provide any information concerning his migration from Ajam to Rum and his residence in Istanbul. According to his Divan, his full name was Mawlana Riyâzî-i Samarqandî. This specifies the fact that he was native of Timurids’ cultural center Samarqand. Most probably in order to escape the political chaos and seeking a new patron, he headed towards Istanbul, after the decline of the Timurid Empire in Iran and Mawara al-Nahr. In the patrimonial states of the 16th-century Islamic world, scholars and craftier were more depended on court patronage. Because of that sultans were the only resorts. When the scholars fell from the grace of their patron(s), they set on a journey seeking for welfare and patronage in another sultan’s court.&nbsp;Riyâzî’s venture was not different from the scholars and bureaucrats who lost their patronage and set out to secure a new one in 15th and 16th centuries Islamic world. Although it is not known how and when he managed, he might have come to Istanbul and secured Sultan Mehmed’s patronage prior to 1479. Beyond the Sultan Mehmed’s personal interest to attract many Iranians, this phenomenon should be supported with the role which sultan played himself. Eventually, patronizing Muslim scholars and craftsmen was an indispensable source of legitimacy for the sultan who had claims for superiority in the Islamic world.&nbsp;&nbsp;Although his contemporaries Ma’âlî and Kabûlî gave huge details on their journeys, observations on the palace and how they managed to secure Sultan’s patronage, neither in his Persian epistle presented to Sultan Mehmed nor in his Divan replete with poems of love and separation Riyâzî-i Samarqandî does not provide any information about himself and his personal experiences. In contrast to Ma’âlî, Kabûlî, and Hamidî, he has never presented a panegyric to his patron. The only information about his life in Istanbul was his disease, which he could not recuperate and finally died in 884/1479-80. Though he did not relate his observations on the palace and the Sultan, and how he behaved, accounts of other Ajam’s provide details about the perception of Ajamness in the Ottoman palace, which we can further elaborate on. Furthermore, it is well known that there was a competition of superiority between highly-educated Ajams and their rival Rumîs in Sultan Mehmed’s palace.Riyâzî-i Samarqandî penned his Persian epistle entitled with Risâle-i Tehniyet-i ‘Iyd ve Nevrûz Berây-ı Ebu’l-feth Sultan Mehmed or Tehniyet-i ‘Iyd ve Fethnâme-i Akçahisar in 1479 on the occasion of the conquest of Akçahisar in Albania and presented to the Sultan. The seal of Sultan Mehmed on the folios verifies that the epistle was accepted to the personal library of Sultan. The coincidence of Sultan Mehmed’s conquest of Akçahisar with Nawruz feast was a double occasion for Riyâzî to present himself to the Sultan. Unlike his fellows in this genre, he merely confined his epistle to create an imperial image for the Sultan with titles and titulatures, which he formulated for him. He furthermore explained the reason for giving these titles to the Sultan under each titulatures. It should also be specified that this Persian epistle penned and presented to the Sultan to proclaim Ottoman dynasty’s superiority over the other dynasties such as Aqquyunlu and Mamluk, and to show them how Ottomans were the only protectors of Islam.As a wealthy, powerful, benevolent and just sultan, Mehmed the Conqueror took many Iranian scholars, encomiasts, and craftsmen under his patronage. Thus, he commenced “Eastern Renaissance” which would last in his successor’s reign Bayezid the Second (1481-1512). Thanks to this cultural mobility, those who came from Ajam, penned and presented many epistles and panegyric to the Sultan. It should not be forgotten that Iranian shahnama-writers had major contributions for the creation of the imperial image of Sultan Mehmed, which would be imitated in Bayezid the Second’s reign as well. It can be concluded that like his Iranian contemporaries’ pieces, Riyâzî-i Samarqandî’s Persian epistle was also a contribution to create an imperial image for the Sultan from the viewpoint of an Ajam.

THE CONTRUBUTION OF AN IRANIAN LITERARY MAN TO THE IMPERIAL IMAGE OF THE MEHMED THE CONQUEROR: MAWLĀNĀ RIYĀZĪ-I SAMARQANDĪ

Arda

Assist. Prof.

The efforts for founding an Israeli state in Palestine, which gained momentum with the Balfour Declaration issued in the end of World War I, constituted one of the most important problems causing instability in the Middle East during the interwar period. In this process, when Jewish immigration to Palestine increased and Arabs and Jews began to have serious conflicts in the region, Turkey did not get involved in the developments in Palestine. The conflicts became bitterer following World War II when the victorious USA began to back up the efforts for the establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine. The ambitions of Western countries and the Jews for Palestine became the prominent issue for Arab countries after World War II. Arab nationalists gathered around anti-Westernism and the Palestine issue.&nbsp;&nbsp;Unlike its passive position in the interwar period, Turkey began to take more active involvement in the Palestine issue after the war. Turkey’s increasing interest in the issue following 1945 was due to its convergence with Arab nations, rather than religious or nationalist considerations. Turkey was left alone against the Soviet Union by Western nations. With no alternative but to create stronger bonds with the states in the region against the Soviet threat, Turkey approached its Arab neighbours and realized that the Palestine issue was the first item on their agenda. When the Palestine issue was brought to UN, Turkey supported Arab nations due to its sense of solidarity with Arab nations and its concern that a Jewish state to be founded in the area might cause instability. Turkey’s support to Arab nations for the Palestine issue would come to an end with the improvements in Turkey’s relations with Western nations and the outbreak of the First Arab-Israeli War.As a result of its strategic alliance with Western nations against the Soviet Union threat, Turkey felt the need for acting in concert with its allies in the international area. Meanwhile, it became clear to Turkey during the First Arab-Israeli War that military alliance with Israel would be more beneficial than with Arabs. At this stage, the UN decided to set up a Conciliation Commission for resolution of the Palestine issue. Acting uniformly with Western nations in the Conciliation Commission and carrying out missions together with the USA and France, Turkey made it clear that it would no longer take an approach supporting Arab theses in the Palestine issue.The UN Conciliation Commission for Palestine was important in that it was the first multilateral attempt for resolution and Turkey’s first critical alliance with Western nations following World War II. Turkey was included in the conciliation commission with the USA and France due to its support for Arab countries in the conflict, but it did not maintain its support in the works of the commission. Commission membership increased Turkey’s diplomatic contact with Israel, and as a result&nbsp;of these interactions Turkey’s concerns over Israel disappeared and led Turkey to become the first Muslim country to recognize Israel.&nbsp;The Conciliation Commission was set up with great expectations and strong international support. At the time the Commission made serious efforts for resolution of the problem, the disagreement between the two parties was new and so there were suitable grounds for resolution. However, the biggest disadvantage of the Commission was its Western identity which caused lack of trust with Arab nations. France, a member of the Commission that aimed to provide suitable conditions for lasting peace following the First Arab-Israeli War, was known for its colonial past among Arab nations. Turkey’s membership was also met with mistrust due to memories from the Ottoman Empire period and the Hatay issue, which was seen as a conspiracy set against Arab countries by Turkey and Western nations. The USA was the only nation with no colonial past from the point of view of Arab nations. However, the USA’s strong support for the founding of a Jewish state in Palestine following World War II was known by the Arab public. For these reasons, the Commission’s neutrality was questioned by Arab nations.&nbsp;Between the Commission’s most active years of 1949 and 1952, Arab nations were devoid of strong governments that could sign a peace treaty with Israel, as they were struggling with political and military depression caused by the First Arab-Israeli War. Israel, on the other hand, had seen the weaknesses of Arab troops during the War, and aimed to extend and strengthen its boundaries through further conflicts rather than make peace with Arab nations. The works of the Conciliation Commission failed as they were trying to reconcile those with no power for making peace and those with no intention of doing so. After the Paris Conference of 1951, the Commission acknowledged that it would be unable to reach its aim of ensuring a peace accord, and decided to focus on the resolution of the problems of Arab refugees. However, it failed to gain effective results in its smaller targets because the parties of the Arab-Israeli conflict adopted more uncompromising attitudes as the Cold War began to influence the Palestine issue. During the course of the work of the Commission after 1952, the relations between some of the Arab nations that were expected to be made better through the joint efforts of the members, namely Turkey, the USA, and France, became even worse. With Arab nations being supported by the Soviet Union, and Israel by the USA in the international area, the parties of the conflict began to manifest their uncompromising attitudes more comfortably, which put the Conciliation Commission in a situation where it could no longer function.&nbsp;The Conciliation Commission was an unsuccessful experience on the part of Turkey. Turkish foreign policy pursued until the 1960s did more harm than good on&nbsp;the works of the Conciliation Commission. During the 1950s, Turkey formed closer economic and political relationships with Israel, while its relations with important Arab nations such as Egypt and Syria deteriorated. Such direct conflicts between Western and Arab nations as the Suez Crisis did not only worsen the relations between Western and Arab nations in the Conciliation Commission, but also caused Turkey to lose its role of mediator. With Cold War and the Soviet Union becoming more influential over Middle East, Turkey’s policies on Arab nations, especially Egypt and Syria, became stricter. When Turkey and Syria were on the brink of war in 1957, the two nations had no chance of cooperation and resolution under the Conciliation Commission. Egypt and Syria also sharpened their irreconcilable attitudes against Turkey both in terms of regional policies and of international relations with the support they received from the Soviet Union. Because Egypt perceived a Muslim state’s contribution to the resolution of the Palestine issue as interference in the internal affairs of Arab nations at a time when it saw itself as the protector of Arab nations, it did not support Turkey’s efforts for conciliation. The Conciliation Commission for Palestine was imbedded in history as another UN initiative that failed to provide solutions to international relations under the existing structure of the UN.

PALESTINE CONCILIATION COMMISSION AND TURKEY

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Gökhan

Known as the Neo-Babylonian Chronicles, the cuneiform texts were compiled (copied) by Babylonian scribes and mostly concern the historical events of both the recent and distant past. Recorded concisely and chronologically, they detail events starting from the Babylonian king Nabunassar era in 747-734 BC and continue to the period just after the capture of Babylonia by the Persians in 539 BC. In this study, the records concerning the illnesses and disabilities of the Mesopotamian and Elamite kings in these chronicles will be discussed. We will attempt to determine the historical importance of these medical problems of the kings with regards to the medical history of Mesopotamia. Some assessments will be made concerning the relations between these records and the political, religious, and traditional aspects of Babylonian historiography. Additionally, other pieces of information in other chronicles such as Esarhaddon, Weidner, and Chronicle of Early Kings will be referred to when needed. Although numerous Babylonian and Assyrian kings are mentioned concerning political events in the Neo-Babylonian Chronicles, the only king whose illness is mentioned is the Neo-Assyrian king Esarhaddon (681- 669 BC). The king fell ill during one of his campaigns and subsequently died. There is not much detailed information about the king’s illness in the relevant chronicles. Similarly, the chronicles do not mention the illnesses of the Babylonian kings in much detail. While the Neo-Babylonian king Nabunassar (747-734 BC) died after becoming sick in his palace, another Babylonian king Nabonidus (555-539 BC) was also ill but recovered. In brief, it is observed that the medical backgrounds of some of the numerous Babylonian and Assyrian kings are mentioned in the Neo-Babylonian Chronicles and that these references are only superficial. However, it is very clear that the illnesses and disabilities of the Neo-Elamite kings, who reigned during the 1st millennium BC, are mentioned in more detail by the chronicle scribes. What is the reason behind the fact that no detailed information is given about the illnesses of the Assyrian and Babylonian kings, while the health situations and deaths of their contemporary Neo-Elamite kings include more details? There might be more than one answer to this question. One answer might be that the scribes could not find sufficient information in the ancient sources about these issues while compiling the chronicles. In addition, statements indicating that the demise of the kings did not result from an illness and particularly that some of them “died in the palaces” are either proof of&nbsp;the fact that there is not sufficient information about the cause of death of these kings or it is possible that these individuals were accepted as “well-remembered figures” in Babylonian history. However, another answer (and one which is the main focus of the study) should be sought in the relation between the medical knowledge and tradition of Babylonian historiography, in which political and religious ideologies are dominant. It is possible to find pieces of information about the health problems of kings such as Esarhaddon and Nabonidus in other cuneiform sources such as the royal inscriptions and correspondence. However, only in the chronicles is it possible to encounter details about the illnesses of the Elamite kings. The records of the death of two Neo-Elamite kings following a stroke and/or paralysis can be considered as an example of the reflection of a pro-Babylonian attitude towards historiography. It is certain that the scribe or scribes, who mentioned these pieces of information, are eager to leave no stone unturned about information and the details concerning the disabilities or deaths of the Elamite kings. It should be considered that a conscious preference in deciding which pieces of information to be recorded might be related to the world views of the scribes, the relevance of the kings, the form of the illnesses to be mentioned, divine background, and the political/ideological aspects of historiographical tradition. Similarly, this relation is conspicuous in the health problems of the Sargon of Akkad and Isin king Erra-imitti written in the records of the Chronicles of the Early Kings and Weidner as well.It is possible that some of the details concerning the illnesses of the kings might contain fabrications, exaggerations, or personal comments. However, even if these details are supported by information from other cuneiform sources or even if it is medically possible, it doesn’t change the possible views asserted in the study about the intentions behind adding them to the chronicles. Sometimes concise and sometimes relatively longer, the information provided by the chronicle writers about the illnesses of the Assyrian, Babylonian, and Elamite kings, and even about the Isin king Erra-imitti contribute to our knowledge about the medical history of ancient Mesopotamia. Independent from the individuals, since these medical cases (such as stroke, paralysis, fever, insomnia, and respiratory problems) are common in royal correspondence and literary texts and particularly in medical texts, they have no particular privilege. However, these medical details in the chronicles are important with regards to Babylonian historiography. It is observed in the chronicles that only the health problems of the kings are detailed with interest. However, some kings like the Neo-Babylonian King Nabonidus (who recovered after the illness), or kings who died without getting sick, are also discussed. Particularly in the latter case, it was also relevant that some of the scribes did not have knowledge about the causes of deaths of the kings. Additionally, it was recorded that some of the kings (like the Babylonian king Nabunassar) died in the palaces, even without getting sick. The Babylonian scribes were probably informed about the details of the illness of the Neo-Assyrian king Esarhaddon; however, they did not mention it. In fact, Esarhaddon was a Neo-Assyrian king, who was trying to revive the city of Babylonia and return it to its old magnificent days after his father, Sennacherib, wrathfully devastated the city. It can be considered that these kings were not remembered with ill feelings by later generations. However, this interpretation can involve problems, since it is a result of an overall general view about the whole life of the individual. It is also possible that they were punished with illnesses resulting in death by the gods due to their misconduct in any period of their kingdom or in any issue that might annoy (!) the gods.Therefore, all of these examples have great importance since they reflect the dominant understanding concerning the ancient Mesopotamian historiography: a religious belief that the illness is a divine punishment arising from the faults of an individual. The common trait of almost all of the kings, about whom the chronicles give detailed information concerning their illnesses, is that they were all remembered negatively with regards to the history of Babylonia. It is possible that there was an attempt to create a perception that the patron deity of the city of Babylon Marduk (Bel) punished these kings who were in the wrong. Illnesses and deaths related with these situations were remarkable events since they demonstrated the proof of the relation between the crime and the punishment. Thus, the motives behind the intention to abstain from recording the known or fabricated medical causes of deaths of some kings should not be examined, to a large extent, in the epistemological concerns. These motives should be investigated in the relations between historiography and its political, religious, and traditional aspects. For example, mentioning the insomnia problems of Sargon of Akkad doesn’t have a medical or historical importance in itself. This record reaches significance when there is an attempt to establish relations between the current ideologies and compilation of literary narratives, whose “reality is suspicious”, that are dated to the 1st millennium BC. It might also be mentioned that, sometimes while narrating, the role and influence of these relations are behind the inclusion of the themes and contents, which are thought to arouse curiosity and interest, with a high potential of speculation.

IDEOLOGICAL READINGS THROUGH THE MEDICAL RECORDS: ILLNESSES IN THE NEO-BABYLONIAN CHRONICLES AND BABYLONIAN HISTORIOGRAPHY

Ebru

Prof.

The Last Penetration of The Crusader Armies into the Seljuḳ Territory of Anatolia: Emperor Friedrich Barbarossa’s Crusade (1089-1190)In the 12th century, Anatolia witnessed the great struggles between the Crusaders and the Turks, and the Crusaders penetrated into Seljuḳ territory for the last time during the Third Crusade (1189–1192). By conquering Jerusalem in 1187, the Egyptian-Syrian ruler, Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn, put an end to the Crusaders’ domination in Jerusalem, which lasted 88 years. It was at this point that German Emperor Friedrich Barbarossa, who had accompanied his uncle Conrad III, King of Germany during the Second Crusade, once again agreed to participate in the Crusade—this time as a 70-year-old ruler. He formed an immense army with the goal of capturing Jerusalem from Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn. While the English and French kings traveled by sea to the Holy Land with their forces, Friedrich tried to reach the East through Anatolia. This paper discusses the march of the German Crusaders under the command of Friedrich Barbarossa in Anatolia, and the Seljuk-Crusader relations in this period.&nbsp;Emperor Friedrich, who started to prepare for the expedition after accepting the cross, sent ambassadors to Hungarian King Bela III, Byzantine Emperor Isaakios Angelos II, and Seljuk Sultan Ḳilidj Arslan II to ask for permission to pass through their countries. In response, Emperor Isaakios said that the Crusaders would be allowed to enter the territory of the empire if they promised not to take any action against the Byzantine State. When this stipulation was accepted by Friedrich, the Byzantine emperor agreed to provide guidance and suitable markets to the Crusaders during the transition from Anatolia. After that, Emperor Isaakios took the necessary measures in accordance with the agreement reached; however, Barbarossa’s contact with the enemies of Byzantine Serbs and Seljuks increased Isaakios’s concerns. Faced with such danger, Isaakios found it appropriate to contact Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn for the interest of his country. According to Ibn al-Asir, when Isaakios learned of the German emperor’s movement, he sent an envoy to Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn and promised that he would prevent Friedrich from passing through the Byzantine land.After the year-long preparations, Friedrich finally moved from Regensburg to the East in May 1189. His enormously large and well- organized army seemed almost invincible. Barbarossa passed Hungary, where he was welcomed by King Bela, and by crossing the Danube near Belgrade, he entered the Byzantine territory in 1189. The Crusader army was said to have 50,000 horsemen and 100,000 infantrymen. Meanwhile, the Serbs and Bulgarians’ attempt to form an alliance with the German emperor destressed the Byzantines.Because of the events in the Balkans, the relations between the two sides became so bad that Friedrich even contemplated attacking Istanbul. Eventually, Friedrich, who intended to arrive in Palestine after spending the winter months in Adrianople, went to Gallipoli in March 1190, and by crossing through the Dardanelles into Anatolia, he entered the path that Alexander the Great had followed about 15 centuries prior. After crossing the Granikos Stream and the Angelokomites River, the Crusaders followed a Byzantine military road between Miletopolis and today’s Balikesir (Akhyraous), and they moved southward through Balikesir-Ala Shehir before heading toward Seljuḳ territory after the Byzantine border town of Laodiceia (Denizli). The German emperor thought that he would easily pass from Anatolia, in accordance with the old friendship and the agreements between Ḳilidj Arslan II and him. In the last two years, he sent ambassadors to the sultan several times, and he stated that his intention was to go to Jerusalem. When the German army was in Adrianople, Sultan Ḳilidj Arslan and his son Malik Shah’s envoys had gone to Friedrich and promised to help him. Meanwhile, the Anatolian Seljuk State had lost its political unity. Sultan Ḳilidj Arslan did not actually have power. The feuds for the throne had begun among the Maliks soon after he allocated the country between his 11 sons in 1187. Because of these circumstances, the Turks were not in a position to openly fight against this enormous army, but they also did not want to let them pass through Anatolia. As a result, they followed the German Crusader army and harassed them. In the meantime, the Turkmens, who acted on their own at the borders, also pursued the Crusaders along the road from Denizli. The Turkmens initially retreated to the mountains and grazed large herds of animals (around 5,000) along the Germans’ way and therefore condemned the horses of the Crusaders to starvation. Then they suddenly attacked the Crusaders, who were devastated by fatigue and starvation. As&nbsp;a result of these attacks in the mountains and passages in the Uluborlu region, the Germans suffered great losses. While the attacks of the Turkmens continued along the way, the Germans were forced to carry out a series of fierce battles (from April 28 to May 18). The Turks also continued their activities around the Crusader camp at nights, shouting and shooting arrows until the morning, causing the Germans sleepless and troubled nights. In the meantime, under the rain of arrows that pierced the tents, the Crusaders were sometimes killed while they were asleep. For this reason, most of the Crusaders were unable to remove their armor at night for weeks. This situation created an exasperating impact on them. Also, the water resources along the way of the Crusader army were rendered unusable, all kinds of foodstuffs were destroyed, cities were evacuated, and the people hid in the forests and mountains.As a result of the war tactics applied by the Turks, the German army, which was miserable because of both the lack of food and water and the constant Turkish attacks, suffered heavy losses. They set Aḳshehir on fire and marched toward Iconium (Konya). After a fierce battle, Emperor Friedrich finally managed to enter Iconium by force on May 18th. However, after leaving Iconium, Friedrich drowned while crossing the Saleph River (Silifke /Salūḳiya). As a result of this, the German army disbanded (June 10, 1190), and only a small part of the army, led by his son Friedrich VI of Swabia, reached Acre.

THE LAST PENETRATION OF THE CRUSADER ARMIES INTO THE SELJUḲ TERRITORY OF ANATOLIA: EMPEROR FRIEDRICH BARBAROSSA’S CRUSADE (1089-1190)

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Turkish Journal of History (Turk J Hist) is an international, scientific, open access periodical published in accordance with independent, unbiased, and double-blinded peer-review principles. This is a scholarly, international, peer-reviewed and open-access journal published three times a year in February, June and October.
The publication languages of the journal are Turkish and English. Turkish Journal of History (Turk J Hist) aims to contribute to the literature by publishing manuscripts at the highest scientific level on all fields of history. The journal publishes original articles and translations.
Turkish Journal of History (Turk J Hist) aims to contribute to the literature by publishing manuscripts at the highest scientific level on all fields of history.
Turkish Journal of History (Turk J Hist) publishes research articles and translations on national, regional and world history. The journal also includes book reviews and critiques.

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Turkish Journal of History (Turk J Hist) aims to contribute to the literature by publishing manuscripts at the highest scientific level on all fields of history. Turkish Journal of History (Turk J Hist) publishes research articles and translations on national, regional and world history. The journal also includes book reviews and critiques.

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SCOPUSWeb of Science Emerging Sources Citation Index (ESCI)TÜBİTAK ULAKBİM TR Index EBSCO Historical AbstractsEBSCO Historical Abstracts with Full TextDOAJERIH PLUSSOBİAD<a href="https://go.gale.com/ps/dispAdvSearch.do?userGroupName=anon~84c5a0c7&amp;prodId=AONE" target="_blank">Gale Cengage</a>

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The journal is committed to upholding the highest standards of publication ethics and pays regard to Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing published by the <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, the <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, the <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a>, and the <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> on <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a> The subjects covered in the manuscripts submitted to the Journal for publication must be in accordance with the aim and scope of the Journal. Only those manuscripts approved by every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Changing the name of an author (omission, addition or order) in papers submitted to the Journal requires written permission of all declared authors.Plagiarism, duplication, fraud authorship/denied authorship, research/data fabrication, salami slicing/salami publication, breaching of copyrights, prevailing conflict of interest are unethical behaviors. All manuscripts not in accordance with the accepted ethical standards will be removed from the publication. This also contains any possible malpractice discovered after the publication. Plagiarism Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. If plagiarism/self-plagiarism will be found authors will be informed. Editors may resubmit manuscript for similarity check at any peer-review or production stage if required. High similarity scores may lead to rejection of a manuscript before and even after acceptance. Depending on the type of article and the percentage of similarity score taken from each article, the overall similarity score is generally expected to be less than 15 or 20%. Double Blind Peer-Review After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by the editors-in-chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope. The editor provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles and hands over the papers matching the formal rules to at least two national/international referees for evaluation and gives green light for publication upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.*The journal does not include the works of authors who do not belong to any university in the academic field and students who continue their graduate education.*Two years following the publication of an author's first article in the journal, that author's second piece is published.

Policies

The journal is an open access journal and all content is freely available without charge to the user or his/her institution. Except for commercial purposes, users are allowed to read, download, copy, print, search, or link to the full texts of the articles in this journal without asking prior permission from the publisher or the author. This is in accordance with the <a href="https://www.budapestopenaccessinitiative.org/read" target="_blank">BOAI</a> definition of open access.The open access articles in the journal are licensed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.en" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) license.

All expenses of the journal are covered by the Istanbul University. Processing and publication are free of charge with the journal. There is no article processing charges or submission fees for any submitted or accepted articles.

Authors publishing with the journal retain the copyright to their work licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/" target="_blank">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/</a> ) and grant the Publisher non-exclusive commercial right to publish the work. CC BY-NC 4.0 license permits unrestricted, non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

Editor should consider publishing correction if minor errors that do not effect the results, interpretations and conclusions of the published paper are detected. Editor should consider retraction if major errors and/or misconduction that invalidate results and conclusions are detected.Editor should consider issuing an expression of concern if there is evidence of research or publication misconduct by the authors; there is evidence that the findings are not reliable and institutions of the authors do not investigate the case or the possible investigation seems to be unfair or nonconclusive. The guidelines of <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/flowcharts/complete-set-english" target="_blank">COPE</a> and <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/" target="_blank">ICJME</a> are taken into consideration regarding correction, retractions or expression of concern.

To guarantee that all papers published in the journal are maintained and permanently accessible, articles are stored in Dergipark which serves as a  national archival web site and at the same time permits LOCKSS to  collect, preserve, and serve the content.Additionally, authors are encouraged to self-archive the final PDF version of their articles in open electronic archives with  that conform to standards of Open Archives Initiative (<a href="https://www.openarchives.org/" target="_blank">https://www.openarchives.org/</a>). Authors should provide a link from the deposited version to the URL of IUPress journal website.

Turkish Journal of History is committed to upholding the highest standards of publication ethics and pays regard to Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing published by the <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, the <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, the <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a>, and the <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> on <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-bestpractice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-bestpractice-scholarly-publishing</a>All submissions must be original, unpublished (including as full text in conference proceedings), and not under the review of any other publication synchronously. Each manuscript is reviewed by one of the editors and at least two referees under double-blind peer review process. Plagiarism, duplication, fraud authorship/denied authorship, research/data fabrication, salami slicing/salami publication, breaching of copyrights, prevailing conflict of interest are unnethical behaviors. All manuscripts not in accordance with the accepted ethical standards will be removed from the publication. This also contains any possible malpractice discovered after the publication. In accordance with the code of conduct we will report any cases of suspected plagiarism or duplicate publishing.

Ethics

Turkish Journal of History adheres to the highest standards in research ethics and follows the principles of international research ethics as defined below. The authors are responsible for the compliance of the manuscripts with the ethical rules.<li>Principles of integrity, quality and ransparency should be sustained in designing the research, reviewing the design and conducting the research.</li><li>The research team and participants should be fully informed about the aim, methods, possible uses and requirements of the research and risks of participation in research.</li><li>The confidentiality of the information provided by the research participants and the confidentiality of the respondents should be ensured. The research should be designed to protect the autonomy and dignity of the participants.</li><li>Research participants should participate in the research voluntarily, not under any coercion.</li><li>Any possible harm to participants must be avoided. The research should be planned in such a way that the participants are not at risk.</li><li>The independence of research must be clear; and any conflict of interest or must be disclosed.</li><li>In experimental studies with human subjects, written informed consent of the participants who decide to participate in the research must be obtained. In the case of children and those under wardship or with confirmed insanity, legal custodian’s assent must be obtained.</li><li>If the study is to be carried out in any institution or organization, approval must be obtained from this institution or organization.</li><li>In studies with human subject, it must be noted in the method’s section of the manuscript that the informed consent of the participants and ethics committee approval from the institution where the study has been conducted have been obtained.</li>

It is authors’ responsibility to ensure that the article is in accordance with scientific and ethical standards and rules. And authors must ensure that submitted work is original. They must certify that the manuscript has not previously been published elsewhere or is not currently being considered for publication elsewhere, in any language. Applicable copyright laws and conventions must be followed. Copyright material (e.g. tables, figures or extensive quotations) must be reproduced only with appropriate permission and acknowledgement. Any work or words of other authors, contributors, or sources must be appropriately credited and referenced. All the authors of a submitted manuscript must have direct scientific and academic contribution to the manuscript. The author(s) of the original research articles is defined as a person who is significantly involved in “conceptualization and design of the study”, “collecting the data”, “analyzing the data”, “writing the manuscript”, “reviewing the manuscript with a critical perspective” and “planning/ conducting the study of the manuscript and/or revising it”. Fund raising, data collection or supervision of the research group are not sufficient roles to be accepted as an author. The author(s) must meet all these criteria described above. The order of names in the author list of an article must be a co-decision and it must be indicated in the <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/23902FFD8AED477FACB35089D3B27DD8" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form.</a> The individuals who do not meet the authorship criteria but contributed to the study must take place in the acknowledgement section. Individuals providing technical support, assisting writing, providing a general support, providing material or financial support are examples to be indicated in acknowledgement section. All authors must disclose all issues concerning financial relationship, conflict of interest, and competing interest that may potentially influence the results of the research or scientific judgment. When an author discovers a significant error or inaccuracy in his/her own published paper, it is the author’s obligation to promptly cooperate with the Editor-in-Chief to provide retractions or corrections of mistakes.

Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, sexual orientation, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors. He/She provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles for publication and ensures that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential before publishing.Editor-in-Chief is responsible for the contents and overall quality of the publication. He/She must publish errata pages or make corrections when needed.Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers. Only he has the full authority to assign a reviewer and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal.Reviewers must have no conflict of interest with respect to the research, the authors and/or the research funders. Their judgments must be objective.Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees must be ensured. In particular situations, the editor may share the review of one reviewer with other reviewers to clarify a particular point.

Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by editor-in-chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope.The editor hands over the papers matching the formal rules to at least two national/international referees for double-blind peer review evaluation and gives green light for publication upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.

Peer Review

Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, sexual orientation, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors. He/She provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles for publication and ensures that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential before publishing. Editor-in-Chief is responsible for the contents and overall quality of the publication. He/She must publish errata pages or make corrections when needed. Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers. Only he has the full authority to assign a reviewer and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal. Reviewers must have no conflict of interest with respect to the research, the authors and/or the research funders. Their judgments must be objective. Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side. A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process. The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees must be ensured. In particular situations, the editor may share the review of one reviewer with other reviewers to clarify a particular point.

Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by Editor-in-Chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope. Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors and ensures a fair double-blind peer review of the selected manuscripts.The selected manuscripts are sent to at least two national/international external referees for evaluation and publication decision is given by Editor-in-Chief upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal.Reviewers’ judgments must be objective. Reviewers’ comments on the following aspects are expected while conducting the review.- Does the manuscript contain new and significant information?- Does the abstract clearly and accurately describe the content of the manuscript?- Is the problem significant and concisely stated?- Are the methods described comprehensively?- Are the interpretations and consclusions justified by the results?- Is adequate references made to other Works in the field?- Is the language acceptable?Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees is important.

Language Articles in Turkish and English are published. Submitted manuscript must include an abstract both in the article language and in English.Manuscript Organization and Submission Manuscripts can only be submitted through the journal’s DergiPark submission system, available at <a href="https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/iutarih" target="_blank">https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/iutarih</a> manuscripts submitted via any other medium will not be evaluated. Manuscripts submitted to the journal will first go through a technical evaluation process where the editorial office staff will ensure that the manuscript has been prepared and submitted in accordance with the journal’s guidelines. Submissions that do not conform to the journal’s guidelines will be returned to the submitting author with technical correction requests. All manuscripts submitted to the Turkish Journal of History must be written in Times New Roman font style in 10 font size using MS Word or MS Word compatible program, and must be in A4 size. Authors are required to submit the following: • <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/23902FFD8AED477FACB35089D3B27DD8" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a> • <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/2042B071CBF64926AE8330D517106754" target="_blank">Title Page</a> A separate title page should be submitted with all submissions and this page should include: • The full title of the manuscript as well as a short title (running head) of no more than 50 characters, • Name(s), affiliations, and highest academic degree(s) and ORCID ID(s) of the author(s),• Grant information and detailed information on the other sources of support, • Name, address, telephone (including the mobile phone number) and fax numbers, and email address of the corresponding author, • Acknowledgment of the individuals who contributed to the preparation of the manuscript but who do not fulfill the authorship criteria. Abstract: Research articles should contain an 80-100 words abstract in Turkish and English. The abstract should be prepared without any subheadings. Keywords: Each submission must be accompanied by a minimum of three to a maximum of six keywords for subject indexing at the end of the abstract. The keywords should be listed in full without abbreviations. Manuscript Types Research Articles: This is the most important type of article since it provides new information based on original research. The main text of original articles should be structured in accordance with the context of the article. Translations: This type of manuscript should be submitted with a file that contains the original text with its full bibliographic information. A formal consent letter from the author of the original text is also required.Tables Tables should be included in the main document, presented after the reference list, and they should be numbered consecutively in the order they are referred to within the main text. A descriptive title must be placed above the tables. Abbreviations used in the tables should be defined below the tables by footnotes (even if they are defined within the main text). Tables should be created using the “insert table” command of the word processing software and they should be arranged clearly to provide easy reading. Data presented in the tables should not be a repetition of the data presented within the main text but should be supporting the main text. Figures and Figure Legends Figures, graphics, and photographs should be submitted as separate files (in TIFF or JPEG format) through the submission system. The files should not be embedded in a Word document or the main document. When there are figure subunits, the subunits should not be merged to form a single image. Each subunit should be submitted separately through the submission system. Images should not be labeled (a, b, c, etc.) to indicate figure subunits. Thick and thin arrows, arrowheads, stars, asterisks, and similar marks can be used on the images to support figure legends. Like the rest of the submission, the figures too should be blind. Any information within the images that may indicate an individual or institution should be blinded. The minimum resolution of each submitted figure should be 300 DPI. To prevent delays in the evaluation process, all submitted figures should be clear in resolution and large in size (minimum dimensions: 100 × 100 mm). Figure legends should be listed at the end of the main document. All acronyms and abbreviations used in the manuscript should be defined at first use, both in the abstract and in the main text. The abbreviation should be provided in parentheses following the definition. All references, tables, and figures should be referred to within the main text, and they should be numbered consecutively in the order they are referred to within the main text. Limitations, drawbacks, and the shortcomings of original articles should be mentioned in the Discussion section before the conclusion paragraph. Revisions When submitting a revised version of a paper, changes made according to the reviewers’ comments should be highlighted in the revised document. Revised manuscripts must be submitted within 30 days from the date of the decision letter. If the revised version of the manuscript is not submitted within the allocated time, the revision option may be canceled. If the submitting author(s) believe that additional time is required, they should request this extension before the initial 30-day period is over. Accepted manuscripts are copy-edited for grammar, punctuation, and format. Once the publication process of a manuscript is completed, it is published online on the journal’s webpage as an ahead-of- print publication before it is included in its scheduled issue. A PDF proof of the accepted manuscript is sent to the corresponding author and their publication approval is requested within 2 days of their receipt of the proof.

Author Guidelines

While citing publications, preference should be given to the latest, most up-to-date publications. Authors are responsible for the accuracy of references. References should be prepared according the detailed information and examples provided below. In-text references should be stated in superscripts and numbered starting from 1 as footnotes. Footnotes should be written in Times New Roman style, type size 9 with one space. All footnotes should be end with a full stop. While stating references in footnotes, the title of books and journals should be in italic whereas the title of articles should be plain text font in quotation marks. In the footnotes, the author name and source must be given exactly in the first place, then only the author’s surname and abbreviation ibid should be written. When citing different publications of the same author, last name of the author and the abbreviated title of the book or the article should be provided after the first citation of the second work. In books with multiple authors, all authors must be written in the first citation and only the surnames of the authors should be given in the following citations of the same book. While citing an article, book section or an encyclopedia item, start and end pages should be provided.Examples: Books with a Single Author: Mübahat S. Kütükoğlu, Menteşe Sancağı 1830 (Nüfus ve Toplum Yapısı), TTK Yay., Ankara 2010, p. 115.For following citations: Kütükoğlu, ibid., p. 123 or Kütükoğlu, p. 123. Different publications of the same author: Arzu Terzi, Hazine-i Hassa Nezareti, TTK Yay., Ankara 2000, p. 98 (Terzi, Hazine-i Hassa). If the same book will be cited again, the abbreviated title of it should be provided in the parenthesis as shown in the example. To indicate the volume of the book, only the volume should be written in Roman numerals. Hoca Sa‘deddin Efendi, Tâcü’t-tevârîh, I, İstanbul 1279, 25. Tayyâr-zâde Atâ, Osmanlı Saray Tarihi Târîh-i Enderûn, haz. Mehmet Arslan, Kitabevi, III, İstanbul 2010, 138. Book Translations: Philippe du Fresne-Canaye, Fresne-Canaye Seyahatnamesi 1573, tran. Teoman Tunçdoğan, İstanbul 2009, p. 51.Encyclopedia items: Feridun M. Emecen, “Başmukataa Kalemi”, DİA, V, 135. Books with multiple authors: Robert Anhegger-Halil İnalcık, Kānūnnāme-i Sultānī Ber Mūceb-i ‛Örf-i ‛Osmānī, II. Mehmed ve II. Bayezid Devirlerine Ait Yasaknāme ve Kānūnnāmeler, TTK Yay., Ankara 2000, p. 25. For following citations of the same book: Anhegger-İnalcık, ibid, p. 36. Editor(s) or compiler(s) as authors: Osmanlı Uygarlığı, eds. Halil İnalcık-Günsel Renda, Kültür Bakanlığı Yay., I-II, Ankara 2009. Book section: Terzi, Arzu, “II. Abdülhamid’in Emlakı ve Irak Petrolleri”, Sultan II. Abdülhamid ve Dönemi, ed. Coşkun Yılmaz, İstanbul 2014, s. 181-188. Journal Article: Mübahat S. Kütükoğlu, “Osmanlıdan Günümüze Yer Adları”, Belleten, LXXVI/275 (2012), p.149. Bekir Kütükoğlu, “Ahmed Cevdet Paşa, Ma‘rûzât”, Güney-Doğu Avrupa Araştırmaları Dergisi, issue 10-11, İstanbul 1983, p. 251. Mücteba İlgürel, “Şer‘iyye Sicillerinin Toplu Kataloğuna Doğru”, Tarih Dergisi, issue 28-29 (1975), p. 164. Journal article with multiple authors: Kayhan Orbay-Hatice Oruç, “Sultan II. Murad’ın Edirne Câmi‘-i Şerîf ve Dârü’l-hadîs Vakfı (1592- 1607)”, Tarih Dergisi, issue 56 (2012/2), İstanbul 2013, p. 10. For the following citations of the same book: Orbay-Oruç, ibid, p. 15. Journal Translations: Géza Dávid, “XVI. Yüzyılda Osmanlı-Habsburg Mücadelesinin Bir Kaynağı Olarak Mühimme Defterleri”, tran. Özgür Kolçak, Tarih Dergisi, issue 53 (2011/1), İstanbul 2012, pp. 295-349. Articles of the authors with the same surname: Mübahat S. Kütükoğlu, “Osmanlıdan Günümüze Yer Adları”, Belleten, LXXVI/275 (2012), 149. Bekir Kütükoğlu, “Ahmed Cevdet Paşa, Ma‘rûzât”, Güney-Doğu Avrupa Araştırmaları Dergisi, issue 10-11, İstanbul 1983, p. 251. For the following citations of the same authors: M. S. Kütükoğlu, ibid, p. 160 or B. Kütükoğlu, ibid, p. 250. Thesis: Sinem Serin, Yıldız Çini/Porselen Fabrikası, İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Tarih Anabilim Dalı Osmanlı Müesseseleri ve Medeniyeti Tarihi Bilim Dalı, Unpublished Master Thesis, İstanbul 2009, p. 146.Archive Documents: In the footnotes; the name of the archive, the title of the classification, file and the document number should be stated respectively. Abbreviated classifications of the archives may be written in the footnote, however the full title of the classification should be given in the bibliography. • BOA, Maliyeden Müdevver Defterler (MAD), nr. 9146, s. 200. • BOA, Mühimme Defteri, nr. 120, s. 103, h. 250.Bibliography All sources that are cited in the footnotes should be stated in alphabetically by the surnames of the authors under Bibliography heading. Mübahat S. Kütükoğlu, Menteşe Sancağı 1830 (Nüfus ve Toplum Yapısı), TTK Yay., Ankara 2010. Hoca Sa‘deddin Efendi, Tâcü’t-tevârîh, I-II, İstanbul 1279-80. Translated texts: Fresne-Canaye, Philippe du, Fresne-Canaye Seyahatnamesi 1573, tran. Teoman Tunçdoğan, İstanbul 2009. *The edition number of the book should be indicated as superscript. Terzi, Arzu, Sultan Abdülhamid’in Mirası, Petrol ve Arazi, Timaş Yayınları, İstanbul 20142. Thesis: Sinem Serin, Yıldız Çini/Porselen Fabrikası, İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Tarih Anabilim Dalı Osmanlı Müesseseleri ve Medeniyeti Tarihi Bilim Dalı, Unpublished Master Thesis, İstanbul 2009, p. 146. Archive Documents: Archive classifications that are stated in footnotes should be written in full in bibliography, abbreviations should be stated in parenthesis. When references are used from different archives, these archives should be classified. Since the document numbers of the archives are stated in the footnotes, only the document classifications should be stated in bibliography section. • Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi (BOA) • Cevdet Bahriye Evrakı (C.BH.) • Şura-yı Devlet (ŞD.) • Deniz Tarihi Arşivi (DTA) • Bahriye Nezareti (BN.)

Ensure that the following items are present:<ul><li>Confirm that the category of the manuscript is specifed.</li><li>Confirm that “the paper is not under consideration for publication in another journal”.</li><li>Confirm that disclosure of any commercial or financial involvement is provided.</li><li>Confirm that last control for fluent English was done.</li><li>Confirm that journal policies detailed in Information for Authors have been reviewed.</li><li>Confirm that the references cited in the text and listed in the references section are in with Chicago Manual of Style.</li></ul>● <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/23902FFD8AED477FACB35089D3B27DD8" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a>● Permission of previous published material if used in the present manuscript● <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/DA78A786D02C4904947053E76EE62450" target="_blank">Title page</a><ul><li>The category of the manuscript</li><li>The title of the manuscript both in the language of the article and in English</li><li>All authors’ names and affiliations (institution, faculty/department, city, country), e-mail addresses</li><li>Corresponding author’s email address, full postal address, and phone number</li><li>ORCIDs of all authors.</li><li>Grant support (if exists)</li><li>Conflict of interest (if exists)</li><li>Acknowledgement (if exists)</li></ul>● Main Manuscript Document<ul><li>Important: Please avoid mentioning the the author (s) names in the manuscript</li><li>The title of the manuscript both in the language of the article and in English</li><li>Abstract (80-100 words)</li><li>Key words: 3-6 words</li><li>Extended Abstract (800-1000 words) in English for the articles which are not in English</li><li>Body text sections</li><li>References</li><li>All tables, illustrations (figures) (including title, explanation, captions)</li></ul>

<div><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/23902FFD8AED477FACB35089D3B27DD8" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/7A2F0FC168C64E8F99ABD2AB598E6363" target="_blank">Title Page</a></div>

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Editor(s)	Gültekin Yıldız
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