Ayman

Lecturer

İSLÂM ÜLKELERİ SEFERNAMESİNDE KAHİRE VE İSTANBUL'UN İMAJI

Asuman

Assist. Prof.

Mahmûd the sultan of the kingdom of Ghazna who is the son of Sebüktigin received a religious and political education traditionally from a young age and raised as a good statesman. Mahmûd of Ghazni, who was one of the exceptional statesmen of the Turkish-Islamic world with his administrative talent, politics and great victories, spent most of his life on the battlefields. He tried to throw all the great figures together in his palace and paid court to the poets and scholars. He also invited poets from neighboring countries to their countries. Although the fact that there were 400 poets in his palace in which official language is Persian is accepted exaggeration, it is significant to see that he highlights the importance of poetry and literature. Ebü’l-Hasen Alî b. Cûlûg Ferruhî-yi Sîstânî who is one of the first eulogists in Iranian literature in Islamic period was one of the poet laureates of Mahmûd of Ghazni after Mahmûd came to the throne and he lived in the period of Sultan Mahmûd and his two sons Muhammed and Mesud. The poet wrote ode to the king in the meeting heldy by Mahmûd Ghazni in religious days. Additionally, he joined Mahmûd of Ghazni’s all Indian expeditions and gave information about them in his odes. He wrote an ode with sixty-nine couplets in the form of an elegy and he wrote both his love for Sultan Mahmûd and his sorrow over his death by praising to him in this poem. The poet expresses his pain after the death of Sultan with his sincere feelings through his poetry. Although love, drunkenness, joy, and happiness are general themes in his poems, he also mentions his pains and sorrows in this poem. In fact, this ode is a story of both the concern for future after the death of Mahmûd Ghazni and all palace and city people who are in shock and lament. He mentions a grieving city with a clear, simple and fluent poetic language in a realistic way.&nbsp;

SULTAN MAHMÛD’UN SON YOLCULUĞUNA BİR AĞIT

Abdelkader

Writing, also called lettering, calligraphy or script, is the symbolization of speech by signs and forms. In other words, it is the lettering of words alphabetically. Calligraphy or script generally belongs to the language it represents, and holds its name. Hence, there is for example, Arabic, Ottoman, or Latin writing. Human beings in general, particularly Arabs and Muslims, have created types of writing or calligraphy in different fields throughout ages; such as various kinds of scripts produced by nations, the Ottoman writing used by Muslims for the writing of Quranic verses, and others. The Orthographic writing is more common and widely used, nearly in all that is written in the Arabic language, whereas the Ottoman writing is narrowly used and limited only to the writing of Quran and the science of Tajweed. It can be said that the activity of adjustment, also called form, is the use of some symbols that accompany the letters to determine their sounds. It is both a system for the formation of consonants to perform the intended meaning, and the “basis for correct reading”. In some cases, the lack of adjustment may change the meaning. The term ‘adjustment’ in the Ottoman writing and in Tajweed corresponds similarly to ‘form’ in Orthographic writing. However, adjustment is more signifying than form, because it contains other marks.There are numerous writings in the world, differing up to the fields and situations. Writings can be classified into six (6) types as follows: Ottoman writing, orthographic spelling, poetic writing, phonetic writing, Braille writing and Morse writing. All these kinds of writing have been used and still exist nowadays as means of human interaction and communication in different life fields. The Ottoman writing is the way used during the reign of the third Caliph Othman Bin Affan, may Allah be pleased with him, to write Quran. It is also called Ottoman calligraphy or script. This writing is concerned as a method which should be followed and approved, but not disregarded or violated. The word “Ottoman” here is used in reference to the Caliph Othman Bin Affan, specifically used in Arabic, and only in the&nbsp;writing of verses of the Holy Quran. It is meant by Quranic Mushafs the holy book Quran in various narrations, specifically Hafs reading from Assem and Warsh reading from Nafie. These two recitations are more published and spread in the world. Each of the two forms, orthographic spelling and Ottoman writing, are common in many situations, but different in some others, like adjustment. There are ten symbols in orthographic writing: the short vowels (fatha, damma, kasra), Tanwin (fathatan, dammatan, kesratan), Sukun, Shadda, alif of Medd and the small hamza that are placed above alif, waw, ya and also under the alif with Kasra. However, the adjustment in the Ottoman writing is so worthy that it contains thirty-two symbols. In addition to the ten symbols which exist in the orthographic writing, adjustment in the Ottoman writing contains twenty-two other signs. In our view, these thirtytwo marks of the Ottoman adjustment can be classified into the following eleven (11) categories: short vowels, long vowels, Tanwin, two Sukuns, small Hamza, junction adjustment, literal adjustment, word adjustment, point adjustment, lozenge adjustment, adjustment in form of zero, adjustment using color. In the three Arabic writings, orthographic, poetic or phonetic, only the first five categories (short vowels, Tanwin, two Sukuns, small Hamza, and Alif of Medd) are used. However, all the categories are used in the Ottoman writing, which is even characterized by using the last seven categories: junction adjustment, literal adjustment, word adjustment, point adjustment, lozenge adjustment, adjustment in form of zero, adjustment using color. This is done for an accurate reading and a perfect recitation of the Holy Quran, without mistakes.&nbsp;

KUR’AN-I KERİMLERİN OSMANLI TÜRKÇESİ YAZIMINA GÖRE DÜZENLENMESİ

@JOURNAL_BOX_FEATURED

Abdulkadir

Öğretim Görevlisi

Eyyüp

Zionism, which emerged when Leo Pinsker founded a Jewish nationalist organization called Chovove Zion (Lovers of Zion) and demanded the establishment of an independent state belonging to the Jews, turned into a universal system of thought under the leadership of Theodore Herzl (1860-1904). With Zionism’s maturation Jews began mass migration to Palestine starting in 1882. With these migrations, financed by various institutions, organizations, and individuals and called Aliyah, farms (Moshav) and colonies (Kibbutz) were established for Jews in Palestine on lands purchased through various means. The Aliyah affair’s, which lasted nearly a century, caused demographic and social problems. The establishment of the State of Israel in 1948 by the Zionists, who received the support of Europe and the United States, especially Britain, led to an increase in these problems. Although Sultan Abdülhamid II took measures to prevent the Aliyah’s, they were not sufficient. After the proclamation of Constitutional Monarchy II, there was an increase in the number of Aliyahs during the period when the Union and Progress Party and the Freedom and Entente Party were in the Ottoman government. Some intellectuals resorted to political, literary, and cultural means, especially the press, to fight Zionism and the Aliyah’s. The First World War and Arab Revolt in Hejaz under the leadership of Sharīf Ḥusain b. ʿAlī prepared the ground for the long-term establishment of a Jewish state rather than Arab independence. The withdrawal of the Ottoman Empire from Arab geography with the loss of war led the British and French to create many statelets in the region. Palestine, on the other hand, entered the British mandate without being subject to certain status. During this mandate, the British made great efforts to realize Zionist ideals. This led to bloody conflicts between Arabs and Jews and great resistance by Palestine’s people. Palestine’s elite families, notable intellectuals and patriotic youth played a major role in the formation and maturation of this resistance against Zionism, which continues to this day.During Ottoman rule and the British mandate, Palestinian Arab intellectuals struggled against the problems caused by Zionism in political, literary, and cultural fields and tried to prevent the Zionists from achieving their goals. One of these intellectuals was Najīb al-Hūrī Nassār (1865-1948), a Christian Arab intellectual. Born in Lebanon to an Orthodox family, Najīb converted to Protestantism with his family. Najīb received his primary education in the village where he was born. After attending high school in Sūq al-Gharb, he graduated from the Faculty of Pharmacy at the American University of Beirut. He began his professional life as a pharmacist’s journeyman and worked as a teacher, translator, and farmer. Najīb, who had the opportunity to closely examine the farms and colonies created as a result of Aliyah’s while he was farming, read about Zionism and predicted that Zionism could be a danger to the Ottoman Empire and especially Palestine. At the beginning of the twentieth century, Najīb wrote down his knowledge and experiences regarding Zionism and sent them to Beirut, Damascus, and Cairo newspapers. With the declaration of the Constitutional Monarchy II, he bought a printing house in Beirut and began publishing the al-Karmil newspaper. In addition to publishing al-Karmil, he fought against Zionism throughout his life, writing works such as al-Sihyawniyya, Muflah al-Ghassani, al-Zirā’at al-jāffa, Shumam al-’Arab, and al-Rajul. He also participated in political, literary, and cultural activities.On the one hand, Najīb wrote articles in al-Karmil about the danger of Zionism and invited the Palestinian press to unite and show resistance; on the other hand, he established societies and associations, visited villages, and raised awareness among the villagers about the dangers of land sales. Najīb established a committee to monitor the Aliyah’s and land sales, investigated any activity that he suspected of Zionism, and exposed in his newspaper the individuals he found selling land to Zionists. Najīb accused the notables of Palestine, the district governors, the Ottoman administration, and the British rulers of serving Zionism, and published in his newspaper the documents he considered as evidence of this. His harsh style and strong stance caused Zionists to feel uncomfortable, and religious and political leaders who supported Zionism considered it a religious obligation to attack Najīb through the press and the judiciary. This situation not only increased Najīb’s popularity, but also led young people and some Arab intellectuals to support him. Although Najīb supported the British for a while during the mandate years, the situation did not last long. The British appointment of Herbert Samuel, a Zionist supporter of Jewish origin, as the High Commissioner for Palestine (1920) completely destroyed Najīb’s trust in the British, and from then on, he became an opponent of both British and Zionism. Harshly criticizing the conflicts and problems in Palestine during the Mandate, Najīb held the British administrators and Arab political leaders responsible for the events. After 1935, Najīb began to lose hope in Arab politics and leadership, claiming that the Zionists would not only occupy Palestine but also take all the promised land. He accused Arab leaders, including the Emir of Jordan ‘Abdullāh b. Ḥusain, Haj Amīn al-Ḥusaynī, King Faisal, King Ghāzī and ‘Abdul ‘azīz b. Sa’ūd, of being passive and cowardly. In his writings in al-Karmil, which he had published for more than 30 years, he called on people to stop placing their hopes in political leaders and start mass resistance. His predictions and demands regarding&nbsp;Zionism were often seen as exaggerations. He was even referred to as a “madman” by some. However, nearly a hundred years of bloody conflicts, especially the 1948 Arab-Israeli War, and the unceasing massacres of the Zionists show that Najīb Nassār was correct in his predictions. Najīb, who tried to prevent the realization of Zionist ideals by engaging in political, literary, and cultural activities for nearly half a century, died shortly before the Nakba in 1948. His last wish was for the Palestinian people to organize a mass resistance against the occupiers, like the people of Syria, and he passed away in his house in Bīsān, which he had acquired by preventing its sale to the Jews.

Filistin’de Siyonizm’e Muhalif Hristiyan Bir Aydın: Necîb el-Hûrî Nassâr (1865-1948)

Ahmet

Assist. Prof. Dr.

This article discusses life of Sedîddudîn Mahmud İbn Raḳîḳa, one of the important physicians, mechanical engineers and poets of the Artuqid-Ayyubid period, and his poems about healthy living, asceticism and old wisdom. Ibn Raḳîḳa started his scientific life as a student and disciple of&nbsp;&nbsp;the famous physician and philosopher of his time, Fahruddîn Abdüsselam el-Mârdînî. He worked under al-Mardînî for a long time and took medicine, philosophy and literature lessons from him. Ibn Raḳîḳa became a good physician at a young age, was very successful especially in performing eye surgeries. Because of this success, he was highly respected in the palaces of the Artuqid and Ayyubid emirs. In addition to his career in medicine, he was also involved in literature and poetry, wrote poems in various fields and compiled books of famous physicians in recez meter. Sources providing information about Ibn Raḳîḳa showed him among the most famous physicians of his period and also noted that he was a great poet. They especially drew attention to his skill in composing prose texts in the recez meter. However, unfortunately, most of his works and poems have not survived to the present day. In his work titled ʿUyûnu’lEnbâ fi Tabakâti’l- Atibbâ (History of Physicians), Ibn Ebî Uṣaybiʿâ recorded his 229 poetic couplets in different fields.In this study, we tried to shed light on Ibn Raḳîḳa’s poetry, philosophy-mysticism, philosophymysticism, old wisdom and his advice on medical life, based on his poems in the sources. His available poems on such subjects are of a nature that can explain his relevant opinions. In our study, we tried to briefly present the developments and changes in Arabic poetry and literature during the Abbasid period. We presented brief information about al-Şiʿru’t-Taʿlimî (didactic poetry), ascetic and old wisdom schools that developed in this period. In addition, we presented information about his life and the political and cultural environment where he lived. We included some of his poems on these subjects that survived to the present day, and their Turkish translations. We gave information about his literary and scientific personality. We analyzed his poems to reveal his ideas on healthy living, asceticism and old wisdom.&nbsp;In an ode about healthy living, Ibn Raḳîḳa summarized the basic conditions of healthy living and emphasized the importance of moderate eating. In this context, he noted that&nbsp;eating a lot of food and having a lot of sexual intercourse would lead to various diseases. He recommended against drinking water right after meals and advised drinking a small amount of water before bed and when hungry. He said that drinking too much water on an empty stomach is harmful. He noted that drinking water after having a snack would be better when very hungry. He underlined the importance of digesting food well for a healthy life. He noted that although food is essential for human life, consuming too much food is harmful to human body. He mentioned that cleansing the intestines once a year with laxatives has benefits for health. He stated that a sedentary life harms human health. He emphasized the importance of an active life for human health. In this context, he advised against getting engaged in too much activity right after eating and recommended starting activities after digesting the food. He advised against drinking alcohol and stated that drinking alcohol was foolish. He said that the most important condition for a healthy life is to curb desires of the flesh.&nbsp;On his poems about ascetic life, Ibn Raḳîḳa emphasized self-purification. He recommended his soul to constantly think about his own self and said that thinking about one’s self means thinking about Allah. He advised people to be patient noting that worldly life is boring and full of pain, but that it is temporary and mortal. He said that the real and eternal life is the afterlife. He encouraged people to achieve a peaceful and eternal afterlife. He advised people to do good deeds and follow the right path in order to gain eternal life. He said people must always remember Allah and those souls that remember Allah will find peace. He advised people to be thankful for the blessings God gives. He heralded that people who do such things will enter heaven, that they will experience the happiness of living with good people in heaven, and most importantly, that they will see Allah, who has no partners or equals. He expressed that he was surprised by people who were immersed in worldly pursuits and who had strong attachments to the mortal life in this world. He reminded people that in this mortal world, human beings are faced with great calamities at any moment which gradually destroy the lives of human beings and invited people to repentance. According to Ibn Raḳîḳa, life (time) is the greatest enemy known to man. He drew attention to the dangers of youth and said that young people that follow the path of truth, despite seeing desirous paths, will gain eternal happiness. He stated that graying hair is not a disease, but rather a sign of a person’s maturity and experience. He said that he was surprised that people do not learn from graying hair that indicate maturity and experience, and regret. He said that people should not place too much confidence in their property or position in society and reminded that many people who had a lot of property and power lost them eventually and called people to repent. He said that God’s forgiveness is abundant for people who repent.In his poems about old wisdom, Ibn Raḳîḳa encouraged people to learn knowledge and science. According to him, what makes people valuable in society is knowledge and science and not property and wealth. He said that property and wealth are temporary, but knowledge and science are permanent. He advised people who missed the training period to gain information&nbsp;by listening to scholars and knowledgeable people. Drawing attention to the difficult lives of people close to the sultans and rulers, he said that such people always live in fear and anxiety. Therefore, he wanted to say that a life spent in stress is a difficult life. He claimed that human beings can be liars, treacherous and manipulative by nature and that it is not correct to trust people. Therefore, he said that being too close to people would ultimately cause harm. He stated that one should not be deceived by an enemy’s fake smiles and noted that an enemy’s uncongeniality can be seen even from under a smiling face. He advised people living under oppression to migrate and to find new living spaces for themselves, regardless of the obstacles, for the sake of their dignity. He said that cruel people are forgiving when they are weak, and very cruel when they are strong. According to Ibn Raḳîḳa, a person who resists difficulties is a noble person. He stated that worldly life is not in a state of perpetuity, but in a state of constant motion, and that good days will follow bad days, and advised to resist difficulties and be patient. In his advice about good manners, he said that arguing with ignorant people would humiliate a person, and that ignorant people could do evil even while trying to do good. He recommended speaking concisely in society, and said that physicians gain respect in society because they speak concisely. He noted that one must pay attention to the word itself, not the person who said it and advised that correct information can be received from everyone.

Diyarbakırlı Sedîduddîn Mahmûd İbn Raḳîḳa’nın Hayatı ve Şairliği

Şarktaki Gezinti: Oryantalizmin Işığında Flaubert’in Doğusu

Ayşe

This study focuses on the work Do Qarn Sokut (Two Centuries of Silence) written by Abdolhossein Zarrinkoub in 1952, who left a significant mark on the intellectual and literary world of 20th-century Iran as a historian, literary figure, translator, and literary critic. Zarrinkoub, a second-generation historian whose intellectual mindset and histography developed under the influence of the archaism-based Iranian nationalism ideology, published most of his works during the peak of the Pahlavi government’s interest in nationalism in the early 1970s. His famous work Do Qarn Sokut deserves to be examined and considered because both its comprehensive and segmented aspects reveal its purpose of elevating and sanctifying ancient Iran and Iranians, embodying the Pahlavi-era historical writing project and official historiography.Despite being among the most discussed and debated books in Iranian history, Do Qarn Sokut is criticized for its weak scientific foundation. The book, written with an exaggerated nostalgia shaped by the sense of defeat, sorrow, longing, and defensive sentiment, lacks a solid scholarly foundation. Zarrinkub’s responses to critiques in the preface of the second edition, though claiming a commitment to correcting mistakes, suggest a persistent biased and ideological perspective in the first edition. In the preface of the second edition of Do Qarn Sokut, published five years later, Abdolhossein Zarrinkoub, in response to the criticisms directed at his work, acknowledged the validity and accuracy of the critiques. He expressed his belief in the necessity of pursuing truth and rectifying errors by attentively considering criticism rather than persistently insisting on mistaken viewpoints. During the intervening five years, Zarrinkoub emphasized that he had the opportunity to engage in a more profound examination of his subject matter, which led him to reassess and revise his initial contentions. In his earlier work, he admitted to adopting a perspective in which everything deemed good, beautiful, and correct was attributed to Iran (ancient Iran) and its people, while anything external to Iran was characterized as negative, unattractive, and devoid of value. Zarrinkoub acknowledged that he had written the book with youth exuberance, lacking the mature ability to objectively evaluate the causes of Iran’s defeat against Islam and the nuanced aspects of historical events. He characterized his earlier perspective as reflective of immaturity, bias and extremism. However, the author, who did not give up his derogatory attitudes and expressions&nbsp;toward Muslim Arabs - neither in the later editions of Do Qarn Sokut nor in his other works - underlined that even if they were Muslims, the Arabs were a wild-natured, aggressive and destructive community, devoid of the world of meaning, and he gave examples of this in many parts of his book. He tried to reveal the material and spiritual superiority of Iranians through comparisons.&nbsp;&nbsp;One of the most notable and widely debated aspects of the book is undoubtedly the title Zarrinkoub chose for it. The years covered in the book represent one of the most sensitive, tense, and turbulent periods in the history of Iran and Islam. Known in history as a time marked by the chaos and disorder caused by rebellions and movements erupting across nearly every region of Iran, it raises the question, which is also expressed by the author himself, why he opted for the title “Two Centuries of Silence” instead of a more accurate and appropriate term, such as “Two Centuries of Chaos and Disorder.” This choice has been a subject of ongoing curiosity and debate. In the relevant section of his book, the author attempts to clarify this matter, stating that by “Two Centuries of Silence,” he did not mean political or social silence and stagnation but was referring to the Persian language. He emphasizes that during this period, Persian was completely overshadowed by Arabic, almost fading into oblivion, and that the only language spoken was the language of the sword. However, this explanation has also been deemed inconsistent with historical realities, and the debate continues.It is possible to say that what Zarrinkoub said about the general characteristics of the pre-Islamic Arab society, which is called “Jahiliyyah”, the Period of Ignorance in Islamic literature, coincides with what he explained and narrated in the basic Islamic sources that he references extensively in the book, and that this is essentially the meaning of the concept of Ignorance in the minds and literature of Muslims. However, what makes his narrative different and remarkable is that his approach to the issue concerns ethnic and cultural racism rather than description. What is even more striking is that he extends this approach not only to Arabs but to other nations as well, as it is clearly evident from the derogatory remarks he makes about Turks in the later pages of his book. Despite the author’s possible intellectual shifts after writing the book, as we have demonstrated in this study, Zarrinkoub, who views the Muslim Arab conquest of Iran as an invasion, and argues that the events following the conquest were aimed at erasing the intellectual and historical heritage of these lands, particularly the Persian language and Iranian culture, from the historical stage, continues to maintain his excessively biased and dogmatic stance as seen in the first edition of his book. This suggests that, despite his claims of correcting his misunderstandings, there is little hope of reaching a logical analysis free from emotional bias for an objective reader.In this study, where the aforementioned book is analyzed using content analysis methodology, the reasons for Zarrinkub’s reactionary negative attitude toward Muslim Arabs and the Islam he pioneered, as well as the ideas he put forth in his book, are examined and analyzed. This study focuses not on whether the historical narrative in the book aligns with historical reality&nbsp;and truths, and thus whether it should be rejected or confirmed, but rather on the purpose (ideological, political, and social) for which and how it was shaped. It is concluded that the author, by highlighting the characteristics, abilities, and talents of his own culture, strives to prove its superiority over the opposing “other,” and through this endeavor, endeavors to establish an identity and memory by determining his and his opponent’s place in history. Additionally, his negative-reactionary attitude toward Muslim Arabs is mostly related to the weakening and loss of influence of the Iranian national identity during the first century of Islam. The excessive significance the author attaches to language and race in his critique of identity, culture, and historicity, and his judgment of historical-cultural heritage solely within the context of language and race, lead him to an incomplete and flawed analysis and evaluation.

Modern İran’da Milliyetçi Tarih Yazımına Bir Örnek: Do Karn Sükût

Birsel

Prof. Dr.

It is not known where and when Tughtigin, who took part in the struggle against the Crusaders, was born, but it is thought that he impressed the Seljuk Malik of Syria Tutush with his diligence and success while he was in the service of Tutush, and probably for this reason Tutush appointed him atabeg to his son Dukāk. Tughtigin, who took part in the Battle of Ray in 1095 on the side of Tutush, was captured in the battle and Tutush lost his life. However, through the prisoner exchange agreement with Barkyaruq, he was freed and returned from Isfahān to Damascus. He was welcomed with respect by the dignitaries, especially Dukāk, and regained his former reputation. After this, Tughtigin sided with Dukāk and tried to make him strong in Syria. When the Crusades started and the Crusaders headed toward Antioch, Tughtigin, who went with Dukāk to request the help of the ruler of the city, Yaghi Siyan, took part in the army of Kerboga, who came to expel the Crusaders from Antioch after the battle with the Crusaders in Albara (el-Bâre) in December 1097. After Antioch, Tughtigin did not intervene with Dukāk in the advance of the armies of the First Crusade toward Jerusalem. In 1101, 1102 and 1103, the atabeg was instrumental in the capture of Jableh, Rahbeh and Hims. With the death of Dukāk in 1104 and his successor Tutush soon after, he began his political formation and established the Atabegate of Damascus or the Tughtiginites.After a severe illness, Tugtegin, who took over the government independently, captured Baalbek and Raphanea in April 1105. He then participated in the Fatimid campaign to expel the Crusaders from the region and regain possession of Palestine. On 27 August, 1105, the battle with the Crusaders under the command of King Baldwin I of Jerusalem in Ramla ended in defeat, despite all the efforts of the Muslims. After this, he prioritized the fight against the Crusaders.This struggle, which was sometimes a war alliance, was extremely important considering the political situation of the region. Because from the moment the Crusaders arrived in the region, they had determined policies to be permanent, continuous, and successful, and they had endeavored to expand. It is noteworthy that the Crusaders, who were intensely active in Anatolia, Syria, and Palestine, insisted on Mosul, Aleppo, and Damascus, which had a strategic position. For this reason, Tughtigin tried to ensure the security of Damascus against the Crusaders, and as a result, he captured and destroyed the Al’âl Castle built by the Crusaders to be used as a base for attacks against Muslims and to follow the activities of Damascus. To demonstrate this sensitivity toward Muslim cities exposed to the Crusader danger, Tughtigin&nbsp;supported the Amīr of Tripoli, Fakhr al-Mulk ibn Ammār, during the Crusader siege of Tripoli.The atabeg, who organized expeditions to strategically important Tiberias in 1106 and 1108, signed a 10-year agreement with King Baldwin I of Jerusalem in 1108. With the comfort of this agreement, he participated in the expedition of Mosul Governor Mawdūd b. Altuntegin, who was assigned to fight the Crusaders by the Seljuk Sultan Muhammad Tapar, to Urfa (Edessa) in 1110. On 28 June 1113, he again acted with Mawdūd against the Crusaders in the Battle of Tiberias. However, he was accused of being personally responsible for Mawdūd’s assassination in Damascus on October 10 1113. Sultan Muhammad Tapar was also of the same opinion. Due to this and the influence of Ilghāzī, the ruler of Aleppo, Ilghāzī, collaborated with the Crusaders against the sultan, but later regretted it and continued his struggle against the Crusaders. His being forgiven by the sultan in 1116 strengthened his activities against the Crusaders, and he supported Aksunkur al-Bursukī, the ruler of Mosul, who endeavored to expel them from the region. Then he tried to prevent the Crusaders jointly with Ilghāzī.When the city of Tyre, which had been under Fatimid rule for 10 years, was besieged by the Crusaders on 15 February 1124 with Venetian support, Tughtigin could not remain indifferent to the help requested from him and tried to protect the city. Tyre, which had been previously subjected to Crusader attacks and sieges before, could hardly withstand this siege. Tughtigin realized the impossibility of defending the city under difficult conditions and sent envoys to the Crusaders, informing them that Tyre would be surrendered on the condition that those who wanted to stay in the city would be allowed to leave and go to other places. Upon the acceptance of this offer by the Crusaders, the city gates were opened on July 7, 1124, the people were allowed to leave. In this way, Tyre was out of the hands of the Muslims.After Tyre fell to the Crusaders, Tughtigin joined Aksunkur al-Bursukī’s army in 1125 and played a role in the capture of Kafartab in May 1125. However, he was heavily criticized for giving Banyas to the Batiniyya and was accused of giving them a foothold in Syria. The atabeg reacted to the fact that King Baldwin II of Jerusalem, who had been captured by the amīr of Belek, had been freed. After his arrival in Jerusalem, he began attacking around Damascus in January 1126. Crusader rulers usually took action against the Turkish-Islamic world to avenge their captivity and attacked important cities, especially Damascus and Aleppo. Tughtigin, who died in February 1128 in Damascus, was known as a wise, just, benevolent and generous amīr, and his merciful approach to his people and fair administration were praised. For this reason, his people were very saddened by his death, wept, and mourned for days. Tughtigin, who made great efforts to protect Damascus against the Crusaders, sometimes allied with the Crusaders, but he did so because he was afraid of losing Damascus or the Seljuks taking it from him. The alliance with the Crusaders was a situation that emerged according to the conditions of that period, and it is known that some other beys and amīrs also made such alliances. In addition, his sensitivity toward the possession and defense of Damascus was not only against.

Dımaşk Hâkimi Tuğtegin: Haçlılarla Mücadele, Savaş ve İttifak

Cahid

Assoc. Prof. Dr.

The basic parts of philosophy are physics, mathematics and metaphysics. Physics was used both for the general corpus of natural philosophy and as the name of the first work of this corpus. The subject of this article is Ibn Rushd’s commentaries on Aristotle’s Physics (Peri Akroasis), which is the first book in the corpus of natural philosophy. This work had a great impact both in the Christian Middle Ages and in Islamic philosophy. There are differences in the comments on the Physics because of the way it has been reinterpreted through translations and because of how it relates to certain metaphysical and theological issues. The greatest commentator of Aristotle (grand commentator) is undoubtedly Ibn Rushd. The various commentaries that Ibn Rushd wrote on this work influenced the world after him, especially the Latin world. This article discusses Ibn Rushd’s commentary method, his style in his commentaries on the Physics, and his short commentary (al-Jawāmī), which has remained in Arabic to this day. It has been stated that the Latin version of Ibn Rushd’s long commentary on the Physics (al-Sharh) and the Hebrew version of the middle commentary (al-Talkhîs) have survived to the present day. The short commentary (al-Jawāmī‘) consists of a brief summary of Aristotle’s texts, but Ibn Rushd creates a new text by changing the order of the text and ordering it in a different way. He approaches the text with a different interpretation and reading style and includes references to philosophers such as Alexander of Aphrodisias and Themistius on th e one hand, and alFarabi and Ibn Bâcce on the other hand, and includes them in the discussions. However, this attempt at inclusion is made by Ibn Rushd sometimes to clarify problems and sometimes to crit icize him for his inaccurate interpretations. Moreover, for Ibn Rushd, al-Jawāmī is an attempt to present Aristotelian peripateticism as a demonstrative discourse and elevate it to the level of mathematical/geometric precision from the level of argument, discussion, and criticism, which are among the most important features of Aristotle’s text. As he clearly states in the introduction to his Physics commentary, one of the characteristics of al-Jawāmī is to purify Aristotle’s text from argumentative discussions as well as to distance it from Platonic and Neo-Platonic traces. Ibn Rushd states that Aristotle’s reckoning with his predecessors is a writing style in traditional philosophy, but he does not need this and only aims to clearly reveal Aristotle’s main arguments.The commentaries written in the style of al-Talkhîs are an extension of the purposes in al-Jawāmī. However, in al-Talkhîs, it is observed that an attempt was made to remove any&nbsp;ambiguities in the expressions of the translators who translated Aristotle into Arabic. The expression “Talkhîs” indicates a short and concise expression, as well as purifying the text from things that may cause confusion in the text due to the effect of the historical process or terminological deficiencies. Al-Talkhîs is a text production that is no different from the text that is annotated and discussed in appearance, so the names of the ancient philosophers that Aristotle d iscussed or criticized are included, albeit briefly, and they are also dealt with. Nevertheless, the interpretations of Alexander of Aphrodisias and al-Farabi suffice, whereas Themistius and Ibn Bâcce are omitted, even if al-Talkhîs generally do not deviate from the interpretations given in al-Jawāmī. One thing that should be noted in this context is that some experts on Ibn Rushd consider al-Talkhis as a short commentary and al-Jawāmī as a middle commentary due to the misleading wording, but as stated above, the exact opposite is the case.&nbsp;&nbsp;The Long Commentary represents the pinnacle of Ibn Rushd’s project on Aristotle’s commentaries. These commentaries aim, firstly, to reveal the ideas implicit in Aristotle’s text, and secondly, to make clear the logical conclusions that necessarily emerge from the philosopher’s text. As a matter of fact, it is aimed to progress to the last of the results that can be obtained from Aristotle’s discourse. The Commentaries reflect Ibn Rushd’s creativity in bringing the implicit inferences in Aristotle’s texts from potential to actualization. From another perspective, al-Sharhs are an attempt to liberate people from the Hellenistic commentators and the ideas attributed to Aristotelianism in the tradition of the post-Islamic philosophy and theology, which could be interpreted as a deviation by Ibn Rushd, as well as presenting new interpretations contributed by the philosopher. From this point of view, al-Sharhs can be considered as the last form of Ibn Rushd’s project. Perhaps, thanks to these commentaries, Ibn Rushd had the opportunity to review some of the views he had previously put forward in al-Talkhis and al-Jawāmī, correct some of them, add to some of them, and surpass others. The form of the major commentaries belongs only to Ibn Rushd, and all previous philosophers used only the style of the middle commentary (al-Talkhîs). It is clear that Ibn Rushd adopted this style of commentary by making use of the commentators, and he clearly separated the words of the author and the comments of the commentator to avoid any confusion.Although al-Maqalāt is one of the well-known and widespread writing genres in the Islamic writing tradition, Ibn Rushd’s writings in this genre are also unique. These articles are aimed at particular issues in Aristotle’s logic and physics books, rather than the analysis an d presentation of a general philosophical problem. Therefore, it is appropriate to include them in the commentary classification of Ibn Rushd, apart from short, middle and long commentaries. It is seen that Ibn Rushd, who re-examined some of the issues contained in the middle and long commentaries in his articles, resorted to additions and revisions regarding the issue in the articles.Ibn Rushd re-emphasises the types of proofs such as reason proof (burhân-ı limmî), absolute proof (burhân-ı mutlak) and existence proof (burhân-ı innî), which are used in this&nbsp;discipline as well as in all sciences. Ibn Rushd reminds us that, unlike the absolute proof used in mathematics, the proof of existence and cause is more common in the discipline of nature. The methods used in the discipline of nature are description, division, persuasion, induction and representation. According to him, the use of representation and induction in rhetoric and argument is different from its use in the discipline of nature. In this context, one must know that Ibn Rushd’s classification of the proofs used in this discipline had a great impact on the development of medieval Christian philosophy, especially the Padua school, and the research method of natural science.

İbn Rüşd’ün Aristoteles Fizik’ini Alımlayışı

Çetin

People’s use of animals for various needs dates back to ancient times. Although nutrition is the primary need, their scope of use has begun to expand over time. Animals have been used as an element of superiority in the struggles of people against each other. Animals, like most living things, have various emotions. One of these emotions is fear. Fear is one of the basic emotions that enable living things to survive. For this reason, this emotion is strongly felt by living beings. Over time, animals’ sense of fear has been turned into a weapon by humans. Human attempts to turn into weapons and the emotions of fear found in animals have been observed since ancient times. However, themost striking example of this was the siege of Beijing, whichthe Mongols conducted between 1211 and 1214. Information on these sieges can be found in various historical chronicles. However, this event is described in detail in the work written by Mongolian author Saghang Sechen in 1662. According to this work, the Mongols plundered many of the Jin Empire’s cities because of their wars with the Jin Empire in 1190. They then laid siege to Beijing, the city where Jin Emperor was located. While the Mongols were besieging Beijing, the Jin Emperor made a peace offer to Chinggis Khagan on the advice of his advisors. Therefore, Chinggis Khagan stated that he would lift the siege if 10,000 swallows and a thousand cats were given to him. The Jin Emperor accepted this request and gave him what he wanted. However, the Mongols tied cotton to the feet of the swallows and wrapped cotton around the tails of the cats. Then they set the flammable materials on fire. The animals, which were released due to their intense fear of fire, ran for their lives toward their nests in the city. Thus, they caused the wooden structures there to catch fire. After this incident, the city, whose defense power had been broken, surrendered. As a result, the Jin Emperor gave his daughter to Chinggis Khagan and established a friendship with him. This study we have conducted focuses on the confirmation of this event in Saghang Sechen’s work throughhistorical chronicles and their psychological aspects. The first point to be considered in this regard was the contradictory aspects of the information provided by Saghang Sechen with other accounts. The most important of these is that the author presents this attack as if it occurred&nbsp;in 1190. However, a Mongol expedition against the Jin Empire in 1190 cannot be confirmed by any accounts. Based on research on other accounts written more recently to the period in which the incident took place, the earliest date given for the Mongols’ first expedition to the Jin Empire is 1211. Therefore, 1190, as indicated by Saghang Sechen, was an extremelyearly date. For this reason, the date given here cannot be considered accurate. In addition, based on the information obtained from the accounts, it can be concluded that the Mongols attacked the city of Beijing during the reign of two different Jin Emperors. The first of these is Weishao. Upon his death in 1213, his nephew Xuanzong took over. It is not clear exactly during which emperor’s reign Chinggis Khagan carried out the attack in question. However, there are some clues in the information obtained from the accounts. The issue of Chinggis Khagan’s marriage to a princess from the Jin Empire dynasty played an important role in resolving the incident. However, the accounts we reference include different rumors about the emperor during which Chinggis Khagan had this marriage. Although Chinese accounts point to the time of Xuanzong, other accounts generally report that the incident occurred during the Weishao period. However, based on the 0information that the emperor gave away his daughter, we believe that this incident occurred during the reign of Weishao. Because there is information in Chinese accounts that Xuanzong gave away a princess, his cousin, to Chinggis Khagan. Therefore, it can be assumed that the incident occurred between 1211 and 1213 during Weishao’s reign. However, thefact that no account other than Saghang Sechen has provided information that birds and cats were used in this way during the siege of Beijing raises doubts about the reality of the incident. As a result, while scientific studies on emotions began in Europe at the end of the 19th century, it is important to mention that the Mongols systematically used animal emotions and turned them into weapons while describing an event that took place in the 13th century in a 17th-century account. This situation indicates the level of military development that the Mongols had at that time. Moreover, the above-mentioned Beijing siege is not the only example of this situation. A war tactic similar to that used by the Mongols during the siege of Beijing was also used during the siege of Bamian in 1221. During this siege, an arrow fired from the castle hit one of Chinggis Khagan’s grandsons, causinghis death. For this reason, the Mongols made great efforts to capture the city immediately to avenge the murder of the prince. As a result, the castle and city were captured. The accounts state that the Mongols slaughtered animals for no reason during this siege because of their anger toward the local people. However, it is not a logical explanation for a society that shapes its life according to animals to slaughter animals for no reason because of their anger toward humans. It is likely that during this siege, the Mongols set animals on fire to destroy the flammable buildings in the city. As can be seen from the examples above, the Mongols used the fear of fire in living creatures as a weapon in many sieges.&nbsp;

Tarihi ve Psikolojik Açıdan Çinggis Kagan Dönemi Moğol Kuşatmalarında Canlı Hayvanların Ateşe Verilmesi Vakıaları

İbrahim

Knowledge is only valid to the extent that it is accepted or employed by a culture or in the context of a language, which is what social constructivism believed in, especially among the poles of the structuralist trend such as Michel Foucault, Richard Roete, Terry Eagleton, Stanley Fish, Eve Sedgwick, and Paul Lauter. Structuralism is similar to Kantian philosophy, which is based on reason and reason. Based on this, structuralism relies in its critical judgments on the internal relationships inherent in texts, which explains their departure from linguistics to interpret literary experiences. Structuralism, “like Kant’s philosophy, searches for the comprehensive, timeless foundation on which the manifestations of experience are based, and confirms the existence of a basic system on which all external manifestations of history are based. This system precedes human systems, such that these systems are based on it temporally and spatially; that is, this system is a priori in a sense similar to what we find with Kant. One of the most important problems with structural criticism is that it was not founded on a cognitive theory subject to philosophical scrutiny; rather, it was based on opinions and speculations that were tied to individual statements and were not based on a theory.” Solid knowledge, and structuralism represented a transitional stage between criticism of modernity and criticism of postmodernity, and was followed by deconstruction, in which Yale University critics played a major role in its emergence and presence in global criticism as a critical trend whose pioneers sought to make it go beyond modern criticism; as deconstruction was present as one of the most important trends of postmodern criticism that focused on the reader after previous critical trends&nbsp;focused on the text such as structuralism and stylistics, as deconstruction was linked to reading texts and how they produce meanings and the contradictory connotations they carry, which is consistent with the deconstructionist statements that wanted to elevate the reader’s authority and make him deconstruct the text to reach a different reading each time, and deconstruction appeared as a result of the long struggle between the constant and the variable, or doubt and certainty; “The continuous movement of philosophical thought between the axes of certainty and doubt, between the desperate attempt by realists to find a fixed structural center, assuming its prior existence, on which the pillars of existence are based, which philosophers call essence, existence, being, consciousness, truth, God, and man, and between doubt about the existence of this fixed center in the first place, this continuous oscillation is what creates the conflicting duality of the tangible and the intangible, of truth and illusion, of the outside and the inside, of the subject and the self, a duality that represents the basic entrance and the only explanation for the disparity between critical and linguistic schools, regarding the function of literature, the nature of meaning, and the function of language; that is, the endless contradictions in the empiricism of Locke and Hobbes, which ultimately lead to doubt in Hume and Nietzsche, are repeated to the same extent, oscillation, and with the same dynamism in Anglo-American criticism and theories of language.&nbsp;Deconstruction, as one of the most important movements of postmodern criticism, has shifted the focus towards the reader after previous critical approaches such as structuralism and stylistics focused on the text. The deconstruction movement is closely related to the reading of texts, how they produce meanings, and the contradictory connotations they carry. This is in line with the proposals of the deconstruction movement that aim to raise the authority of the reader, and allow him to deconstruct the text to reach a different reading each time. The deconstruction movement arose as a result of the long-standing conflict between the constant and the variable, or doubt and certainty. Postmodernism contributed to changing the direction of criticism from focusing on the text, which led to the emergence of structuralism, stylistics, and semantics, to focusing on the reader, which led to the emergence of the deconstruction movement. The deconstruction movement restored the importance of the reader and destabilized the centers on which previous intellectual methods were built. The deconstruction movement is based on philosophical foundations that reject traditional dualities and nihilistic philosophy. One of the most important ideas in deconstruction is that every text carries different interpretations and accepts contradictory interpretations that cancel each other out. Therefore, the text must be deconstructed until its expressive fabric collapses. The text does not speak about its external reference or about itself, but rather our reading experience is what tells us about the text. The text can also be read beyond its traditional meaning, because its interpretation is primarily linked to the reader’s qualifications. The goal is not to reach the truth of what the text says, but rather to provide enjoyment to the reader. One of the most important problems of structural criticism is that it was not based on a cognitive theory that is subject to philosophical scrutiny. Rather,&nbsp;it relied on opinions and speculations derived from individual statements and did not rely on a solid cognitive theory. Structuralism represented a transitional stage between modernist and postmodernist criticism, followed by deconstruction, in which Yale University critics played a major role in its emergence and presence in global criticism as a critical trend that sought to go beyond modernist criticism. Deconstruction emerged as one of the most important trends of postmodern criticism that focused on the reader after previous critical trends that focused on the text, such as structuralism and stylistics. Deconstruction was linked to reading texts and how they produce meanings and carry contradictory connotations. This coherence is consistent with the principles of deconstruction, which aim to raise the reader’s authority and make him deconstruct the text to reach a different interpretation each time. The goal of critical reading has become the production of multiple concepts of the text that do not subject it to a final or complete form. Critical reading has become a productive reading; if the static image of the literary text that accompanies the concept of structure is replaced by an open, dynamic image expressed by concepts such as movement and practice, postmodern criticism has also undermined the claim that the text was created from nothing; the text has become a fabric of previous texts, reproducing and transforming them according to different semantic systems subject to the conditions of writing and the intention of communication.Deconstruction is based on philosophical foundations that reject traditional dualities and nihilistic philosophy. One of the most important ideas of deconstruction is that every text carries different interpretations and accepts contradictory interpretations that cancel each other out. Therefore, the text must be demolished until its expressive fabric collapses. Moreover, the text does not speak about its external reference, nor does it speak about itself; rather, our reading practices speak about it. Moreover, the text can be read beyond its modest meaning, because the interpretation of the text is primarily linked to the reader’s qualifications, and the goal is not to reach the truth of what the text says, but to achieve pleasure for the reader. The endless contradictions in empiricism in Locke and Hume, which ultimately lead to doubt in Hume and Nietzsche, are repeated with the same intensity, fluctuations, and dynamism in Anglo-American criticism and language theories. The postmodern era has contributed to changing the focus of criticism from the text, which produced structuralism, stylistics, and semiotics, to the reader who produced deconstruction, which restored the reader’s importance and undermined the centralities on which previous intellectual frameworks were based. The focus shifted to the concept of deconstruction, its formative principles, and the most important concepts it works on, as well as the position of other intellectual trends on its intellectual expressions and cognitive procedures.Deconstruction has emerged as one of the most important trends of postmodern criticism that focused on the reader after previous critical trends that focused on the text, such as structuralism and stylistics. Deconstruction has been linked to reading texts and how they&nbsp;produce meanings and carry contradictory connotations. This coherence is in line with the principles of deconstruction that aim to raise the reader’s authority and make him deconstruct the text to reach a different interpretation each time. Deconstruction emerged as a result of the long struggle between the constant and the variable, or between doubt and certainty.&nbsp;Deconstruction denied the difference between speech and writing; Since both are based within words in a specific grammatical system, writing carries meanings and expresses ideas to a degree that allows breaking the centrality of speech at the expense of writing.

Postmodern Eleştiri: Bir Model Olarak Yapısöküm

İsa

The Ottoman period was a period in which important works were written in the field of language and eloquence, as in other fields. İsmail Galanbawī, one of the scholars of the period, was born in 1143 in the Gelenbe township of Kırkağaç district of Manisa. Maṣdar/infinitive, al-hāṣıl bi al-maṣdar/total meaning revealed by infinitive, and the meaning they express are discussed in areas such as Arabic language, rhetoric, theology, and fiqh. The subject has many dimensions on the linguistic axis, especially semantics and philosophy of language.Galanbawī, who stands out for his works in the fields of mathematics and logic, also wrote many works on language and rhetoric. His work called “Risālah fī al-Maṣdar” is one such work. The issue of maṣdar and al-hāṣıl bi al-maṣdar were also discussed by many scholars before Galanbawī. It has been stated that the examination of the meanings of the infinitive from these different perspectives is based on Sadrusheria. He distinguished the meanings of verbs and proposed a new verb theory regarding the existence aspects of the meaning.In this research, Galanbawī’s life, works, and scientific personality are first touched upon. Subsequently, discussions about the maṣdar and al-hāṣıl bi al-maṣdar and the background to the issue are included. Finally, Galanbawī’s thoughts about maṣdar are included in this work, and a critical edition of his work “Risālah fī al-Maṣdar” is given. In verifying the treatise, the “Authorized Publication Guide” published by the Center for Islamic Research (ISAM) was taken as the basis. Available manuscript copies of the treatise are indicated in footnotes with different nicknames. Any manuscript copy is not taken as the “original copy”. The published text was verified by comparing three different copies to obtain the most accurate text. The name of the treatise is not mentioned in the introduction or elsewhere. The work was recorded in library catalogs with names such as “Risālatu maṣdar”, “Risālatu al-maṣdar”, “Risālah fī al-maṣdar” and “Risāla-i maṣdar”.There is no doubt about the Risālah fī al-maṣdar’s belonging to Galanbawī. The information in the ẓahriyya and ketebe records of the copies confirms that the treatise under consideration belongs to Galanbawī. The author’s line could not be reached in the three copies of the treatise. Three manuscript copies of this work have been found, two in the Süleymaniye Library and one in the Konya Manuscripts Regional Directorate. Minhuvāt, corrections, and records in&nbsp;the original copies are provided in the footnote. Because there is no harmony between the copies, abbreviations and nicknames are written clearly. The sources that Galanbawī used or referred to while writing his work were touched upon. İbn al-Ḥājib’s al-Kāfiye, Molla Jāmī’s al-Favâ’idu’ḍ-ḍıyā’iyye, ‘Abd al-ġafūr Lārī’s Ḥāşiyetu’l-Favâ’idi’ḍ-ḍıyā’iyye Sadrusheria’s at-Tavḍīḥ, Taftāzānī’s al-Muṭavval and at-Talvīḥ, Hasan Çelebi’s Ḥāşiyetu al-Muṭavval, Molla Fenārī’s Ḥāşiye ‘alā al-Muṭavval and ‘Ayn al-’a‘yān are some of them.In this treatise, the views of language, rhetoric, and theology scholars regarding the maṣdar and al-hāṣıl bi al-maṣdar are included, and these views are analyzed. The attribution of infinitives and their meanings constitute the basic issue of the treatise. In this treatise, it is discussed whether the unknown infinitive is possible in terms of meaning and attribution. According to Galanbawī, when a verb is turned into an infinitive and the attribution is made, it becomes the subject of the word/expression and can be qualified. Thus, the delegation meaning of the infinitive, which expresses a situation, is revealed. However, infinitives such as possibility, existence (wucūd), and non-existence (‘adam) that do not have existence in the outside world.The issue of whether the infinitive form or the verb is essential has been discussed by linguists from Basra and Kufa. Linguists from Basra followed Ḫalīl b. ’Aḥmad’s opinion and accepted the infinitive as the source of meaning. In other words, according to the Basra people, the verb derives from the infinitive. According to Kufa’s people, the source of involvement is the verb, and the infinitive form is derived from the verb. Although Galanbawī does not state it clearly, he leans toward the thought of the people of Basra who accept that the infinitive is essential. Galanbawī divided the “al-hāṣıl bi al-maṣdar” into two parts: lexical and terminological. Moreover, he used logical data and dialectical investigation methods extensively in his work. Therefore, he included different views on some issues he discussed, along with his evidence, without making any preference. This situation has sometimes made it difficult to determine which idea the author is close to. It can be seen that there are three separate problems in the background of Galanbawī’s discussion of the infinitive issue: ta‘ḳīd (complexity), the definition of the agent, and human actions/will.Some authors did not accept the existence of the meaning of “unknown infinitive”. They considered the meaning of unknown masdar as “machūl hāṣıl bi al-maṣdar”. There is a difference in opinion among those who accept its existence whether it is real or a metaphor. Galanbawī largely follows Lārī’s line although he does not state it clearly. Galanbawī did not make a clear distinction between maṣdar and al-hāṣıl bi al-maṣdar. He stated that what is generally meant by the maṣdar is al-hāṣıl bi al-maṣdar, and he used this concept to include the maṣdar as well. Galanbawī stated that the linguists’ statement that “the infinitive of a transitive verb can be the infinitive of a known or unknown verb” should not be understood literally. Galanbawī does not agree with the idea of “Qiyām covers only what exists both in the mind and the outside world. The unknown infinitive has no existence in the mind”. In his explanation, the unknown infinitive also exists in the mind, just like the known infinitive. Galanbawī asserted that the&nbsp;phrase “verb-like” in İbn al-Ḥājib’s definition of agent also includes the infinitive. He stated that the problem would be eliminated if the statement in question was understood as “similar to the action in terms of effect”. In this context, the unknown infinitive is also included in the imputation relationship.Galanbawī included different views on the subject of known and unknown infinitives and their evidence. He conveyed these views mostly without making any choice. However, he criticized the views that completely ignore the unknown infinitive, as in ‘İṣām ad-dīn alİsferāyīnī. Although Galanbawī does not agree that the unknown has an infinitive, he allows the unknown infinitive to be allowed under certain conditions of meaning and imputation. Considering the different works he compiled, Galanbawī was influenced by Kazabādī regarding the infinitive. In addition, he influenced scholars such as Karaağācī, Kırkağācī, Mustafa Şevket and Abdülhamīd Harpūtī.

Gelenbevî’nin (ö.1205/1791) “Risâle fi’l-Masdar” Adlı Eserinin Tahkikli Neşri ve Dil Felsefesi Açısından Değerlendirilmesi

İsmail

Res. Assist. Dr.

Initial studies on the linguistic characteristics of the Qur’ān emerged in the 2nd/8th century. Interpretive evaluations of Abdullah B. Ibn Abbās (d. 68/687-688), who highlighted pre-Islamic poetry, laid the groundwork for these studies. With the acceleration of scholarly activities, these evaluations revealed a development predominantly characterized by linguistic studies. In this context, the first works discussing the semantic dimensions of metaphorical words in the Qur’ān were penned. However, toward the end of the 3rd/9th century, due to increasing disagreements among Muslims regarding prophecy, the Qur’ān, and miracles, discussions began to arise about how the Qur’ān constituted a linguistic miracle and how it confounded the Arabs. From the 3rd and 9th centuries onwards, studies focusing on unique and inimitable aspects of the Qur’ān intensified. During this period, some scholars argued that the inability to produce a linguistic counterpart to the Qur’ān (al-sarfa) was due to divine intervention. Conversely, other scholars have posited that the extraordinary syntax of the Qur’ān and its advanced rhetorical details (syntax theory-nazariyya al-nazm) render it unparalleled. Both views were defended based on different arguments. Nonetheless, the perspective that the Qur’ān was inimitable and unparalleled because of its extraordinary syntax and advanced rhetoric found greater support.After the 3rd/9th century, increasing studies on the i‘jāz (inimitability) of the Qur’ān intensified in the 4th/10th century. In the 5th/11th century, the works of ‘Abd al-Qāhir alJurjānī (d. 471/1078-1079) on rhetoric and poetry criticism reached their zenith. Al-Jurjānī, a scholar of literature and rhetoric from the 5th/11th century, specialized in linguistics, i‘jāz, tafi, and rhetoric. In the early years of his life, he focused on the Arabic language, producing both commentaries and original works. In the later years of his life, he turned toward rhetoric, concentrating on whether there was a superiority in words spoken in the same language. In this research journey aimed at explaining how the Qur’ān, as a linguistic miracle, confounded the Arabs based on scientific foundations, he particularly focused on rhetoric and poetry criticism. He endeavored to construct a systematic and original discipline of rhetoric by examining rhetorical topics, which had not been thoroughly studied until his time, within the framework of poetry criticism and linguistics. This effort required extensive knowledge accumulation and was prominently featured both theoretically and practically in his works Asrār al-balāgha and Dalāʾil al-i‘jāz. These works, which hold great importance in terms of poetry criticism,&nbsp;i‘jāz, and rhetoric, contributed to the formation of rhetorical science in Arabic. These works, which influenced subsequent rhetoric studies, reflect al-Jurjānī’s ability to interpret, evaluate, and identify the true meaning of texts.According to the data at our disposal, there is no definitive information regarding the dates of the writing of the works Asrār and Dalāʾil. This situation creates significant uncertainty for researchers aiming to illuminate the historical context and writing process of such works. The absence of any historical record regarding when al-Jurjānī wrote these two significant works is the fundamental reason for this uncertainty. This lack of historical information has raised many important questions in the academic field. In particular, the following questions stand out: “Which discipline did al-Jurjānī initially focus on at the beginning of his career?” Was it i‘jāz or rhetoric? Which of his works did al-Jurjānī complete first?” Additionally, there is curiosity about whether al-Jurjānī aimed to transform rhetoric or i‘jāz into an original and systematic discipline. Within the framework of these questions, researchers have made various guesses based on indirect and implicit information. These guesses, made through content analysis of the works, linguistic and stylistic features, references, and the relationship with al-Jurjānī’s other works, provide important clues for understanding the historical context. However, these guesses, while always being part of efforts to fill gaps in the literature, are not always definitive and verifiable. Therefore, to reach more concrete and definite information about the order and motivation behind al-Jurjānī’s writing of his works, new sources need to be discovered, and existing data need to be examined more deeply.The present study is prepared to contribute to the resolution of the question, “Which was written first: Asrār or Dalāʾil?” To avoid repetition, a different approach from previous studies on the subject is adopted. This study is based on information from the oldest manuscripts of Dalāʾil. Indirect or implicit information has been avoided as much as possible. Documents reflecting al-Jurjānī’s intellectual journey have been taken as the basis, and in this context, the explanations of a scholar named Abu Zayd al-Jurjānī (d. 6th/12th century), who lived in the city of Jurjān and provided significant information about al-Jurjānī’s efforts to solve the issues of rhetoric and i‘jāz, have been utilized. These explanations help us better understand al-Jurjānī’s intellectual efforts and, consequently, clarify the order in which Asrār and Dalāʾil were written.For a correct and complete understanding of Abu Zayd’s explanations, the chronological order of al-Jurjānī’s works is examined in detail. In this context, the intellectual journey of al-Jurjānī and the order of his works’ writing are determined. The researchers’ views on the writing dates of Asrār and Dalāʾil have been meticulously examined, and different approaches in the literature on this subject have been presented. In the next stage of the study, the significant explanations on Abu Zayd have been included, and based on these explanations, the writing date of the work Dalāʾil has been determined. In this process, the question “Which was written first: Asrār or Dalāʾil?” has formed the focus of the research. The tazavvuq method was&nbsp;employed in this study to give words their correct meanings and to obtain details of Abu Zayd’s explanations. This methodological approach has provided us with a broader understanding of deeply examining the esthetic and semantic layers of the texts. Additionally, to holistically evaluate the obtained data, the descriptive method, a qualitative research method, was adopted.This study is a pioneering work in its field and aims primarily to determine al-Jurjānī’s intellectual journey and to outline his grand rhetoric/i‘jāz project, which he could not complete. The works of al-Jurjānī and the commentaries on these works hold great importance in the tradition of Islamic rhetoric, and this study aims to significantly enrich knowledge accumulation in this field.

Hangisi Önce Yazıldı: Esrârü’l-belâga mı yoksa Delâilü’li‘câz mı? İki Eserin Yazım Tarihinin Tespiti Üzerine Bir İnceleme

Language is a natural means of communication between people. Each language has its own rules and develops within the framework of these rules. In order for a language to be accepted as a language, it must have grammatical rules. Arabic is recognized as a language that has the essential features of a language. As a matter of fact, Arabic is not just a language made up of sounds, but a language with its own grammatical rules. Arabic is a language with a set of rules that include two main principles classified as grammar and morphology. While grammar contains basic grammatical rules, morphology is defined as a science that examines the morphological structure of words.One of the language scholars who devoted his life to teaching Arabic was Ahmad Hadī Maqsūdī a Russian Turk. Maqsūdī wrote works in the fields of both grammar and morphology in order to teach Arabic, and he himself used these works as a teaching material in his classes. Maqsūdī, known as an educator, writer, pedagog, newspaper owner, a well-known Tatar nationalist and scholar, was born in 1868 in the village of Tashsu, now known as the town of Biektau in Kazan, the capital of Tatarstan. He began his education in the village by learning Persian and Arabic from his father. On January 15, 1906, Yildiz was published with its first issue. On June 28, 1941, he died of lung disease contracted during interrogations and exile.&nbsp;As a language scholar, Maqsūdī published works consisting of lecture notes for teaching his own language, including Russian, French and Arabic, and developed new methods for language education. He claimed that he could teach spoken language skills in a very short period of time through his works and his own methods. Maqsūdī, who taught languages with his own unique methods, argued that students who were taught in a certain systematic way could effectively and permanently learn a foreign language they wanted to learn in a short period of time such as a year, and said that the educational methods, curricula and syllabi of schools should be redesigned in this direction, Maqsūdī’s contribution to Arabic is quite numerous in terms of teaching the language.Maqsūdī came to prominence primarily as a teacher, with the textbooks he prepared and the teaching methods he developed in these books. Maqsūdī, who devoted his life to education, is also recorded as the person who opened the first branch of the national library in Kazan. Regarding the quality of the old-style schools, Maqsūdī stated that there were many deficiencies in these schools, and that both humanities and religious sciences were not taught in a certain&nbsp;order and to a sufficient degree. Maqsūdī points out that students studying in madrasahs cannot understand an Arabic book despite four years of uninterrupted Arabic education and argues that madrasahs provide a very unqualified education in Arabic, and writes that a student who is educated in line with an innovative method and systematically can learn any foreign language he wants in a short period of about a year, and for this to happen, schools and curricula should be redesigned and improved. Maqsūdī, who devoted almost all of his life to knowledge and educating his students, gave language education to his students in terms of reading and writing, grammatical structure and speaking. He wrote original works on foreign languages using his own unique methods that he developed to use in these trainings, as well as valuable works in the fields of Arabic grammar, spoken and written education.Maqsūdī’s greatest contribution to Arabic education is his Istiftāh on the science of morphology, which deals with the morphology of Arabic with his unique methods. The author began this work with an introduction. He started from the very basic level of letters, gestures, and words and provided definitions and examples of these words. After discussing the topics necessary to gain the ability to read using the Arabic alphabet, terms related to morphology are included. The author presented the topics in a systematic manner and ordered them in a way that facilitates learning in stages. In addition, the fact that he includes all the conjugations, babs and mushtak with plenty of examples has made this work a very valuable and comprehensive work among the existing morphology works. This work, which is valuable in terms of its richness of content, is also a valuable work that differs in terms of the author’s style of explaining the subjects and the examples he gives.Unlike other studies on morphology, this research is important in terms of providing all the principles of morphology. As a matter of fact, it is not possible to find all the topics in a single work in a full-fledged manner in published works on morphology. In this work, it is possible to find almost all the topics of mor phology and even some of the rules of grammar, which are related to the rules of morphology, together.According to Maqsūdi’s own statement, the infinitive forms of short verbs are given fortyeight in the work, unlike other morphology works. As a matter of fact, while it is possible to reach all of these infinitive forms only by examining more than one morphology work, Maqsūdi gave all infinitive forms together with their examples in his work. Again, in his own words, under the title of long verb phrases, he has given fourteen of the infinitive phrases of the mezīd verb.Another important contribution of the work in terms of Arabic education is the rich examples and conjugations related to the rules of morphology. For example, he has given examples of all the verb types known as aksām-u sab’a in many works of morphology in all siga, and he has given the exact conjugations of the verbs that are different from the conjugations of the examples he has given until the point where they are similar. In addition, he has given all the babs in the work and, unlike other morphology works, he has given the purposes and meanings&nbsp;of all the babs one by one and mentioned the benefits of the babs in detail.&nbsp;Maqsūdī’s contribution to Arabic and Arabic education, along with all his works on Arabic, especially his Istiftāh, is quite significant. It is of great importance to carry out studies on all other works of Maqsūdī, about whom there is only one postgraduate study and a transcription of his work Istiftāh and a work in which detailed information about the author is given, and to find the manuscripts of all his works and to bring them to the world of science.

Maksûdî ve İstiftâh İsimli Eserinin Arapça Açısından Önemi

Kalthoum

Sait

The birth of modern Arabic theater dates back to 1848 in Syria, within the confines of the Ottoman Empire. However, due to the pursuit of better circumstances and a more tolerant political environment, theatrical endeavors found fertile ground in Egypt, attracting premier playwrights and actors. Notably, actresses, predominantly of Jewish and Christian descent, were now afforded opportunities to appear on stage. Egypt’s formal modern introduction to theater occurred during Napoleon’s incursion into the region. Within Napoleon’s retinue, artists staged French-language plays, primarily aimed at entertaining French officers.A closer examination of theater in North Africa reveals a prevalence of European works in Tunisia before its independence, mainly showcased through translations and adaptations.The official inception of cinema in Algeria dates back to the 1920s. Before the outbreak of World War I, Algerian theater had two main forms: Karagöz shadow puppetry and Faslun Mudhik, a comedy originating in Egypt.Scholars investigating the origins and evolution of Sudanese theater argue that the art form manifested following Sudan’s interaction with the Egyptian, Syrian, Lebanese, and British cultures.In 1880, interest in theater burgeoned in Sudan, with a performance of a segment from Makamatu’l-Harîrî by Muhammed el-Cidâvî and his two students during school activities. One argument posits that the Sudanese encountered theater in 1899 through the production of a theater show known as “Et-Tâtû,” which depicted the defeat of the Mahdist forces by the British in the Battle of Kerreri in 1898.&nbsp;Schools have played a pivotal role in fostering the development of theater in Sudan. The nascent seeds of theater were sown within school premises, with institutions hosting and fostering the earliest theatrical endeavors until they reached broader audiences.Gordon Memorial College, presently known as the University of Khartoum, has been instrumental in sustaining theatrical activities since 1913. Students at Gordon College staged their inaugural plays in 1913 independently; they had set up theater outside the walls of the college with proceeds directed toward social and national causes such as the construction of schools and shelters.After these years, the epicenter of school theater activities shifted to Ma‘hadu Bahti’rRidâ, where Sudanese and foreign educators spearheaded theatrical efforts. These teachers were in close contact with theater during their education abroad and showed interest in theater particularly those with exposure to theater during their studies abroad, notably in England.The theater activities of the ‘Ma‘hadu Bahti’er-Ridâ’da have made significant progress thanks to knowledgeable instructors. These teachers not only engaged in original writing, translation and acting but also introduced students to the history of theater, its pioneers and prominent playwrights. While the primary goal of this school is to train elementary school teachers, graduates have greatly contributed to the promotion of theater across various regions of Sudan.In addition to Sudanese schools, some foreign schools, such as Medâresu’l-İrsâliyyât/ Missionary Schools and Medâresu’l-Bi’seti’t-Ta’lîmiyyeti’l-Mısriyye showed an interest in theater and did not remain indifferent. Although the number of missionary schools was limited, they contributed to the spread of theater.The dedication of Medârisu’l-Bi‘seti’t-Ta‘lîmiyyeti’l-Mısriyye to theater was profound, particularly in its focus on comedy. Renowned figures among its faculty included important names such as Emîn el-Henîdî (1925-1986), Muhammed Ahmed el-Mısrî (1924-2003) and Sa’îd Hişmet (1920-2013).Theater found its way into Sudan through individuals and groups migrating from Syria and Egypt, particularly those relocating for trade or governmental duties in the early 20th century. Theater activities in Sudan and abroad&nbsp;&nbsp;The theater had transitioned to Sudan through Syria and Egypt through some individuals and groups. In the early 20th century, those who intended Egypt, Lebanon, and Syria for commercial purposes or to participate in state affairs. They had established their own lives in cities such as Khartoum, Umudurman, Khartoum Bahri, ‘Utbura and Port Sudan.The Egyptians and Syrians mainly presented their theatrical plays in the Kosti Liuiso Theater in Greece (as-Surur / al-İnshirah). In the theater of the Airda karathane, he organized theater performances for foreign bureaucrats in Khartoum, merchants, and tourists to enjoy a pleasant time.During this period, there was a surge in significant artistic and cultural activities facilitated by clubs and associations established by foreign communities. Theater performances organized by these groups were prevalent throughout the clubs. Plays were conducted in various languages according to the nationalities of the participants, making them exclusive to members of these communities. Sudanese, except some members of Gordon College, failed to participate in or attend these performances.During the era in question, the Syrian group consistently staged diverse theatrical productions,&nbsp;whereas their Egyptian counterparts displayed a discerning preference for emphasizing artistic and literary values. As a result, the bureaucrats did not find the Egyptian groups compelling enough to warrant scrutiny and oversight. The meticulous examination of Egyptian group performances by British authorities constrained their activities and hindered their longevity. Consequently, many members of these groups either abandoned their theater activities or departed from Sudan altogether.Until 1935, theater groups established and operating in Egypt engaged in theater tours across both the Eastern and Western Arab world, activities which notably did not extend to Sudan due to British prohibition. However, Hristo Papalixis, a wealthy Christian of Greek descent, successfully secured permission from the British to invite a theater group from Egypt to Sudan. Subsequently, in collaboration with Egyptian actor Hasan el-Bârûdî, he formed a troupe with the intent of presenting theatrical performances in Sudan. The orchestra under the leadership of Hasan el-Bârûdî was also supported by an accompanying orchestra.Sudanese comedic theater bore the imprint of Egyptian comedic theater, and they established their own unique lives in cities such as Khartoum, Ummdurman, Khartoum Bahrî, ‘Utbura, and Port Sudan.Sudanese comedy theater was influenced by Egyptian comedy theater. Sudanese comedy theater leaders were educated in Egyptian schools opened in Sudan. During this period, they were influenced by teachers who showed an interest in theater, especially the plays of Necîb er-Reyhânî, and turned to comedy theater. From around 1950, comedic theaters in Sudan were influenced by leading figures of Egyptian comedic theater, such as Emîn el-Hinîdî (1925-1986), Muhammed Ahmed el-Mısrî (Ö:2003) and Sa’îd Hişmet (1920-2013), who were also teaching in Egyptian schools in Sudan, both in the schools they worked in and in comedy theaters at Mesrahu Dâri’s-Sekâfe in Khartoum.After foreign and Egyptian theater groups visited Sudan, particularly following the three comedy plays staged by Firkatu Hasan el-Bârûdî, notable developments in theatrical development started. Although initially met with skepticism by Sudanese audiences accustomed to serious sociocultural theater, the performances of this group significantly contributed to paving the way for the acceptance of this genre of theater.In summary, the evolution of modern Arabic theater has reflected a dynamic interplay between cultural exchange, educational institutions, and regional influences, shaping vibrant theatrical traditions in Syria, Egypt, North Africa, and Sudan.&nbsp;

Yabancı Toplulukların Sudan Tiyatrosunun Ortaya Çıkışı ve Gelişimindeki Yeri

Kâmuran

Until today, many works have been written about the great Sufi Jalāl al-Dīn Muḥammad Rūmī (d. 672/1273). Among these, “Risâla-i Sipahsâlâr der-Menâkib-i Hazret-i Khudâvendigâr” is the first and most important of the Masnavis written by Sultan Walad (d. 712/1312), as it is a first-hand source, apart from his famous work called Waladnâme. The author of the work, Majduddin Fereydoun bin Ahmed Sipehsalar, according to his statement, served Rumi for forty years and was the first person, other than Sultan Walad, to write an independent work in this field, touching on the subject of Rumi’s life, teachings and caliphs. Another feature of this work is that some of the information it provides is not mentioned in Rumi’s works or the works of his son Sultan Walad. In this sentence, Fereydoun bin Ahmed is the first to mention Rumi’s birth date without specifying the month.&nbsp;&nbsp;The author, about whom there is very little information in the sources, was the son of one of the Anatolian Seljuk commanders named Ahmed. He atten ded the conversation meetings of Sultanü’l-ulemâ Bahaeddin Veiled at an early age, and after the death of his father, he obtained the title of sipehsâlâr, but after a while he left this position and joined Melana. It has been reported that he was a disciple.This work consists of an introduction and three sections. The first part of the work is devoted to Rumi’s father, Sultanol-Ulama Bahaeddin Walad. In this section, important issues such as Bahaeddin Walad’s lineage dating back to the first caliph Abu Bakr, the historical events of his time and turmoil among scholars and his coming to Anatolia due to leaving Balkh are discussed.The second part which is devoted to Rumi is the longest section of the treatise. In this section, Rumi’s life is discussed from different angles, his worship and asceticism are mentioned, and why he performs sema and recites poetry are explained.The last chapter is devoted to Rumi’s conversation companions, disciples, and caliphs. Information about the lives, lifestyles, spiritual positions, and ranks of personalities such as Burhanuddin Tirmizi, Shams-i Tabriz, Salah al-Din Zarkub, and Husameddin Chelebi has been given.The Sipehsalar Treatise, the first example of the hagiography genre in the Rumi tradition, has been the source of many works written in this field and other fields. The most prominent of these works, again in the same field, is the work called “Manaqeb al-Arefin”, written by Eflaki on the orders of Ulu Arif Chelebi, Rumi’s grandson.While writing the treatise, Majduddin Fereydoun bin Ahmed used Bahaeddin Walad’s Maarif, Attar’s Tazkirat al-Awliya, Sultan Walad’s Waladname, Rumi’s Masnavi, Divan-i Shams-i Tabrizi and Fihi Ma Fihi as sources. He probably also benefited from what he heard.Apart from these works, Fereydoun bin A hmed quotes the poems of poets such as Saadi Shiraz, Kamal al-Din Isfahani, Awhad al-Din Kerman, Nizami Ganjavi, and Al-Mutanabbi and completes his work with these poems, which on the one hand make the treatise rich in literary literature. He forgave and on the other hand, strengthened and supported the issue.According to what is described in the Sipahsalar treatise, Ruknuddin, the sultan of the period, was Rumi’s disciple and spiritual son. Rumi calls him his son. One day, a Pir (murshid) named Buzagu comes to Konya and in a short time, his fame spreads that he has extraordinary qualities. Hearing this, the sultan comes into the presence of the Pir. During his speech, Pir addresses Sultan Ruknuddin as his son. When the Sultan investigates Pir’s situation, he learns that the stories are not true and regrets visiting him. However, these things were delivered to Rumi the next day. Rumi is saddened by this incident and says, “It is easy, if another father and the Sheikh (phylarch) appear for him, we will choose another son.” In this work, the murder of the Sultan by the Mongols is associated with Rumi’s suffering. However, according to historical sources, this incident was likely a result of the provocation of Emir Parvane. Emir Parvane who had established a strong authority, now begins to see the sultan as an obstacle to his power. For this reason, he convinces the Mongols that Sultan Ruknuddin will unite with the Egyptian Sultan Baybars and attack them and that he wants to kill himself because he wants to prevent this. Therefore, the Mongols lured him to Aksaray and killed him there under, the pretext that an important decision regarding Ilkhan would be discussed and Sultan Ruknuddin would have to come.Sultan Ruknuddin arrives at Rumi upon the invitation of the Mongols and asks him permission to accept their invitation. This situation occurs in the context of declaring the Sultan’s respect for and loyalty to Rumi and the importance he attaches to his advice.His Majesty Khudâvendigâr did not find it appropriate for the Sultan to leave. However, because the Sultan had to, he set out for Kayseri. A few later, the Sultan is martyred. In feeling this, His Holiness Khudâvendigâr sings a ghazal for this event.Another poem whose cause is mentioned is the earthquakes that are rumored to have occurred during Rumi’s death. According to Sipahsalar, there were four consecutive earthquakes in Konya for forty days before Rumi’s death. Both the lower class and the people’s elderly, devastated by what happened, came to Rumi and asked why the incident was and asked him to pray for it to be eliminated. Rumi consoles them and says, “Don’t worry because the land&nbsp;is hungry and wants a fatty morsel. It will soon get its wish, and thus you will be saved from this disaster.” However, although such natural events concern all people in the place where they occur, Sultan Walad did not give even the slightest information about the earthquake in the Sipahsalar treatise, and this event was described only by Eflaki and in different narrations due to the death of Sultan Walad and his son, Ulu Arif Chelebi. This makes this situation suspicious. It would be more accurate to look for the reason for this situation in the value Islam gives to scholars and knowledge.

Sipehsâlâr Risâlesinde Bulunan Mevlânâ’ya Ait Şiirlerin Değerlendirilmesi

Mahmut

The culture of consultation among the Circassians has brought solidarity and the development of a will to live together into Circassian geography. This has enabled the Circassians, who overcome many difficulties when they are together, to pass on their culture to future generations. The Circassians, who know very well what it means to be stateless in the Anatolian countries where they have just arrived as a result of the many disasters and social ruptures they have experienced, have continued their existence as a part of the Turkish nation by making important contributions to the Republic of Turkey, of which they are a founding element, until today.&nbsp;When we look at the research on the Muslims, we note that no systematic study. This is due to the fact that Circassians are scattered both in their ancestral homelands and in the places to which they have migrated, and it is impossible to establish structures that could constitute an institutional identity. Despite all these limitations, it can be seen that interdisciplinary studies exist on many aspects of the Circassians, especially their language and culture.&nbsp;Although there have been delays in cultural works, it can be said that the corpus presented in the 1990s, especially through the publication of magazines, has increased awareness of some Circassian customs and traditions that have almost disappeared. In Kardan’s study, it is stated that a significant part of Circassian customs is respect and related practices. The most important of these are standing up to greet the elderly and making way for younger ones. The same study also noted that Circassian women play a leading role in the transmission of culture. For example, Circassian women are not in the same environment as their husbands when their elders are present and address their fathers as “my elders.” Brides do not communicate with their fathers-in-law as much as possible, and they only speak briefly in the presence of their elders. Young girls, on the other hand, live very freely and have free space within Circassian customs until they marry. Kalkan’s research also mentions that young girls take part in cultural ceremonies and do not come empty-handed. In particular, young girls attend the ceremonies with a roll called “ueday,” which is made of unleavened dough and embroidered with the stamp of the girl’s family. The practices associated with this treat have also formed a separate culture for the Muslims.Considering the current state of literature, it is important to reveal the culture of the Circassians, especially through women. For this purpose, to reveal the status, place and importance of women in the folk culture of the Circassians, an in-depth interview was conducted&nbsp;to benefit from the experience of a person who has spent his whole life in the Circassian culture through a semi-structured interview form.In Circassian folk culture, each individual assumes different duties for the survival of the culture. Circassian women, who play the role of carrying the culture, are also assigned certain duties from the moment they reach adulthood. These duties constantly change according to the woman’s role in the family.To understand these duties and their cultural projections, the place of women in Circassian folk culture, which was discussed in the literature review, was analyzed in the following parts of the research using the in-depth interview method. The results of the interviews and statements of KK-1, born in 1942, whose experiences were used as a source, were analyzed in the category codes that emerged because of the analysis. In addition, the data obtained through the questions directed at the source person were evaluated by comparing them with the information in the literature.As part of the research, a semi-structured interview form was presented to each participant for whom in-depth interviews were conducted. The form consisted of 14 pre-prepared questions to be asked separately; after these questions were combined according to the participants’ statements during the interview, the interview was completed by asking all the questions under 8 headings. Through the interviews, a lot of data were collected and analyzed under the following headings “Circassian women’s role and duties in the family”, “Circassian women’s role in the transmission of culture”, “Circassian women’s attitudes toward elders and minors”, “Attitudes toward Circassian women”, “Circassian women’s most valued things”, “Circassian women’s address to their husbands”, “Circassian women’s birth, wedding, and funeral duties”, “Circassian women’s situation in old age”.In light of the data obtained in the research, it is understood that the older woman in the house is primarily responsible for cooking and sharing her daily chores; single girls are interested in dowry in the context of marriage preparation, and brides are busy with child care, cleaning, and serving the elderly.Research indicates that there are internal balances in the transmission of culture among Circassian women. Cultural elements are passed from women to children, and culture is spread through women.Circassians consider age the most important factor in this regard. On the basis of this ranking, it can be concluded that it is possible to establish a ranking of mother-in-law, daughterin-law, and daughter of the house in terms of respect for women in the family. It can also be said that the father-in-law, the eldest man in the household, is respected by the women in the household. As a concrete indicator of this respect, Circassian daughters-in-law generally do not speak or even make sound in the presence of their fathers-in-law.Maltreatment of women is not accepted in the Circassian society. Violations of women’s rights, which are rare, are settled within households without becoming a public issue.An examination of the qualities valued by Circassian women shows that virtues are prioritized above all else, with skills related to daily chores also holding importance.It is worth noting that Circassian women are quite distant from their husbands in society. Accordingly, Circassian women do not sit in the same room with their husbands in the presence of elders, do not appear in public spaces, and do not address their husbands by name.Circassian women, whose reputation grows with age, take on a more pioneering role, passing on their knowledge to the next generation. With this pioneering role, they became important bearers of culture, with the duties they performed on ceremonial days that were considered special to the society. Circassian women, who take on important and symbolic tasks such as naming children, which in many societies are performed by men, are considered to be one of the most important building blocks of Circassian society. On the other hand, based on the data expressed by the participants and analyzed by comparison with the literature, it was found that modern life has caused an erosion of Circassian folk culture and changes in the culturally acquired roles of Circassian women.

Kadın Gözünden Çerkes Halk Kültürüne Bakış: Bir Mülakatın Sonuçları

Muhammed

The Syrian dialect is a dialect affected by foreign words in foreign languages. The Turkish language was the most influential language in the Syrian dialect by virtue of the geographical location of Syria adjacent to the country of Anatolia, which formed a human reservoir for the Turks, and by virtue of the friction that formed between the Arabs in general and the Syrians in particular on the one hand and the Turks on the other. Another aspect of the Ottoman era, which has lasted for more than four hundred years.Therefore, many Turkish words entered the Syrian dialect, which are still used to this day, and with the timid studies that dealt with foreign words or those concerned with dialects, many Turkish words remained in the Syrian dialect without documentation or rooting and without correcting what was incorrectly mentioned in their origin. Hence, this study aims to shed light on Turkish words that have not been established or whose origin is not settled in the Syrian dialect by tracing them in the sources in which they were mentioned and in the tongues of the public, where the “Comparative Encyclopedia of Aleppo” by its writer, Khair al-Din al-Asadi, constituted a basic source of scientific material. Especially with regard to the words that were mentioned before, and what is on people’s tongues today is a basic subject for words that were not mentioned before, and no opinion was mentioned about them before. The study was divided into an introduction, conclusion, and two main sections in which the words were arranged in alphabetical order, with each word being mentioned as the Syrians pronounce it. According to them, the meaning of Turkish origin and its meaning in Turkish&nbsp;dictionaries were mentioned, and the opinions of dictionaries and Arabic sources regarding the pronunciation were mentioned, if any.This study showed that a dialect is a group of linguistic characteristics that belong to a special environment and are shared by all members of this environment. The dialect environment is a broader and more comprehensive environment that includes several dialects. Each of these dialects has its own characteristics, but they all share a set of linguistic phenomena that facilitate communication. The individuals in these environments interact with each other.The Syrian dialect contains a mixture of foreign vocabulary from several languages, and the relationship between the Syrian dialect and the Turkish language is influenced by historical, geographical, and religious factors.There are a large number of Turkish words whose origin has not been mentioned in the Syrian dialect before, and there are words that were recorded for the first time even though their Turkish origin is clear. For example, but not limited to: The word “Aye Adam” is a Turkish expression meaning a good man, and it is used in the northern regions of Aleppo to this day.The study also reached the root of the word “dabkeh,” which is common among Syrians and means group dance, an origin that was not known before, despite the efforts of the author of the language’s text.Similar to this is the word “dosha”, which Ahmed Reda said was from “dawka”, and the word “tab”, which is widely used among them to mean “fallen”, and other words.&nbsp;In addition, it resolves the difference in the origin of some words that some Arabic dictionaries consider Persian, including, but not limited to, the word “Tasuma”, which the study showed to be of Turkish origin, and others.Rooting words such as “Jalq”, “Dib”, and “Majiq” and expressing an opinion on them.

Arapça’nın Suriye Lehçesindeki Daha Önce Kökeni Belirlenmeyen Türkçe Kelimeler

Muhammet

A novel is a type of prose longer than a story that mirrors the real life of an individual and can make emotional states such as joy and sadness, as well as the occupations experienced by society, suitable for the reader’s imagination. The novel, which is constantly changing and developing, has been in use since the seventeenth century. It is a way of narrating human suffering, trauma, joy and emotional states or the invasions experienced by society in accordance with the individual’s imagination.This genre, the first examples of which were written in the West during the 17th century, has its counterpart in Arabic literature. Literary works of this genre were written in almost every region of Arab geography. Although the development of the novel in the Arab world has been hampered by political obstacles, it can still offer unique examples in every genre.In this study, we will examine two works of Ayman al-ʿAtūm, who wrote two novels in the genre of prison literature, a literary genre called prison literature, in which prisoners in prisons write their prison diaries, the events they go through, and the tortures they experience. The general theme of works written in this genre is freedom, exhaustion, despair, and resistance. Almost all societies have written works that can be considered as examples of prison literature. Because the prison environment affects people deeply, the written works are realistic, sympathetic, and emotional.In the West, Boethius’ “Consolatio”, Dante’s “La Divina Commedia”, Miguel de Cervantes’ “Don Kihote”, and in Arabic literature, Sunu’llah Ibrahim’s “Sharaf”, Munif’s “Şarku’lMutevassıt”, Majid Suleyman’s “Tuyûru’l-atme”, Mustafa Khalifa’s “Kavgaa” are works of this kind. In our language, Orhan Kemal’s “72nd Ward” and the works of Nazim Hikmet, Sabahattin Ali, and many other writers can be cited as examples.The author Ayman al-ʿAtūm is Jordanian. He was educated in Jordan, where he earned a master’s degree and a doctorate in Arabic. He was imprisoned as a political prisoner. In addition to his prose works about his prison diaries, he also wrote poetry. He represents Islamist identity in his works. He clearly demonstrated this by quoting verses from the Qur’an in his works. The author, who wrote his first novel in 2012, has since written 17 novels. He determined the titles of his novels by quoting verses from the Qur’an.The two works “Yā Sāhibeyi’s-Sijn and Yesmeūna Hasīsehā” will be discussed thematically. These novels have their own unique style in terms of both fiction and content. Both the titles of the novels and their internal titles are quoted from Qur’anic verses. The novel ‘Yā Sāhibeyi’sSijn’ was published in Beirut in 2012. In his novels, he observes the harmony between time and space and uses a poetic style that is filtered through the human soul. He wrote about the troubles he encountered during his eight months in prison. His first literary work was the novel Yā Sāhibeyi’s-Sijn, in which he wrote his prison diaries. It can also be considered a prison diary. The language of the novel is characterized by the harmony of time and place and a poetic language filtered through the world of the human psyche. The novel was banned by the Jordanian Department of Publications and Publishing because of its content, and sparked controversy upon its release due to the spread of its fame in the Jordanian political and cultural milieu and the openness of social media.&nbsp;&nbsp;There is no chronological order in the narration of events. His detailed description of the events can impact the reader. Despite these detailed descriptions, the reader cannot understand whether the doctor is a member of the Ikhwan or not. In terms of fiction, sometimes he is and sometimes he is not. This arouses a curiosity in the reader.The main event of this novel revolves around his imprisonment for a poem he rewrote during a poetry night. Then he describes the conditions of the three prisons he was thrown into and the harassment and suffering he encountered there. He also discusses the psychological conditions of the people he met, helping readers to understand what human beings experience. After being released from prison, he took a long time to adapt to life outside. After his release from prison, he wrote his works.The author states that what he describes in “Yesmeūna Hasīsehā” corresponds to only one-tenth of what he experienced in real life. For example, she stated that the prisoners had the same utensils for eating, drinking, and meeting their needs. This situation, which causes internal reckoning among prisoners, has a profound effect on the reader. In addition, the attempts to force the prisoners to accept the crimes they did not commit through various tortures express&nbsp;the resistance of the prisoners. In terms of narrative structure, “Yesmeūna Hasīsehā” is written in the genre of memoir, in which the protagonist’s life events are recounted between 1980-1997. There is no chronology in the narrative. These events coul d have been corroborated by living witnesses and chronologically arranged. Although the style of the novel is appreciated by the reader, the descriptions can become tedious at times. Although these descriptions are tedious, they are enough to leave an impact on the reader’s psyche. Over the course of 365 pages.In his novels, to which the author added his mastery of poetry, he dealt with topics such as the days he spent behind prison walls, persecutions, torture, friendships, science, ideas, patriotism, and family. He also informs the reader about Islam through quotations. It is intended to encourage the reader to obtain more information about the Qur’an by researching the curiosity that will arise in them through verse quotations.Since the writing of the author’s novels coincided with a time period known as the Arab Spring, he wanted to convey his own views to the reader. With the style he chose in his works, he wanted to emphasize the effectiveness of a civil resistance movement, no matter how much political authorities try to intimidate it.The themes in his novel are freedom, resistance, and decay. He characterizes freedom this way; “-yes, freedom is what one dies for. Freedom is not savored from any food or event. Freedom is life.”&nbsp;After all, he says to the Resistance; “when souls leave their bodies, they leave behind a desolate and worthless home. All value is for the soul, and the soul is not from these oppressors, it is in the hands of the Merciful, blessed is the one who had that soul, blessed is the one who had that soul. It was not pawned to some mercenary executioners.”

Eymen el-ʿAtum’un Hapishane Romanları Üzerine Tematik Bir İnceleme

Murat

Byzantine Empire had to be cautious and to take action in order to maintain its dominance at sea. As a result, the Battle of Dhāt al-Ṣawārī took place between the Byzantine Empire and the naval forces of the Islamic Caliphate. The battle, which is called Dhāt al-Ṣawārī (ṣawārī: ship masts) due to the large number of ship masts, is also mentioned in Arabic sources as Zu’sṣavārī, Ghazwat al-Ṣawārī. During the reign of caliph ʿUt̲̲h̲̲mān, Muʿāwiya b. Abī Sufyān, the governor (ʿāmil) of Syria (al-S̲̲h̲̲ām) and ʿAbd Allāh b. Saʿd b. Abī Sarḥ, the governor of Egypt, built a strong navy to go on naval expeditions in order to protect the coastal cities and the lands captured by Muslims, as well as to reduce the power of the Byzantium in the Mediterranean. Just before the Battle of Dhāt al-Ṣawārī, two Christian brothers from Ṭarāblus al-Shām, seeing that Muʿāwiya was preparing an expedition against Constantinople, killed many people in the city along with those who joined them, burned the fleet and then took refuge in Byzantium. Thereupon, Muʿāwiya collaborated with ʿAbd Allāh b. Saʿd b. Abī Sarḥ, the governor of Egypt, in order to organise a strong fleet. ʿAbd Allāh b. Saʿd, who managed the building of a large number of warships at the shipyard in Alexandria in a short time, sailed from ʿAkkā to the northwest together with the fleets of Shām and Egypt, consisting of 200 ships in total.The second commander of the fleet was Busr b. Abī Arṭāt on behalf of Muʿāwiya. The Islamic fleet encountered the Byzantine fleet, consisting of 500 ships, off the coast of Phoenix (today’s Finike) in the Lycian region of southern Anatolia. Some Islamic sources also mention that this battle took place off the coast of Alexandria.Upon the proposal of the Muslims, there was no attack that night. Before the battle began, ʿAbd Allāh b. Saʿd put the ships in battle order and encouraged his soldiers with his speech. The Byzantine navy was commanded and directed in person by Emperor Constans II. In the battle that started before dawn, the Muslims preferred to fight at close range, while the Byzantines wanted to fight from a certain distance. First arrows and spears were shot and then stones were thrown until the ranks of the Byzantine ships were broken. In the meantime, the Muslims used long hooks to destroy the enemy ships’ equipment and cut their sails; they tied their ships and the Byzantine ships together with ropes and chains and engaged in hand-to-hand combat. When the battle ended towards noon, according to the sources, the sea was coloured red with&nbsp;the spilled blood and the broken masts of the ships covered everywhere. In this battle, 20.000 Byzantines died and Muslims suffered many casualties. Emperor Constans II (641-668) was saved from captivity when one of his soldiers disguised himself as the emperor and he escaped in another ship wearing the soldiers’ clothes and travelled first to Constantinople and then to Sicily. Islamic sources give the date of the battle as 31 (652) or 34 (655). Theophanes, the Byzantine historian, describes this battle in the events of the creation year 6146 (September 1, 654-August 31, 655).To summarise, in the light of the information provided by the sources, it can be seen that there were two main reasons for the naval battle of Dhāt al-Ṣawārī. The first of these was the idea of Muʿāwiya, whose ultimate goal was most probably to capture Constantinople, to deal a major blow to Byzantium’s naval power. Another reason was the mobilisation of Byzantium, which was worried that the Muslim Arabs, who formed the first nucleus of the navy, would become a greater threat in the Mediterranean in the future.The Battle of the Masts is one of the most important naval battles and can be considered a turning point in the Mediterranean. It is clear that the Muslim Arabs defeated the huge Byzantine fleet with an unusual tactic. By 655, Byzantium had not only lost its best cities in the East and Africa, but also faced a new and different rival in the Mediterranean, which the empire itself had dominated for so long. Although the Battle of Dhāt al-Ṣawārī left the road to Constantinople open to Muslim attacks from the sea, the Byzantine Empire was fortunate that the Muslims were unable to follow up their naval victory. In 656, after the assassination of the Caliph ʿUthmān, the followers of ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib and his predecessor engaged in a long struggle that ended in civil war. As the founder of the Umayyad Caliphate, which ruled between 661-750, it took approximately 10 years for Muʿāwiya to fully seize power as caliph. In fact, although this unprecedented victory restricted Byzantium’s activities at sea, the Muslim Arab navy remained idle due to the civil war following the assassination of ʿUt̲̲h̲̲mān.Despite their experience and equipment, the Byzantines could not move fast enough to repel their enemies, whereas the Muslim Arabs had the opportunity to tie their ships to those of Byzantines with chains, hooks and ropes. Confident in their warships and military equipment, the Byzantines rejected their rival’s offer of a land battle, believing themselves to be in a superior and advantageous position at sea. The Muslim Arabs, on the other hand, cleverly tied their ships with chains and created a floating fortress in the middle of the sea.&nbsp;In addition, one of the things that should be mentioned about the Battle of the Masts is that the experienced Christian sailors in Bilād al-Shām and Egypt fought against the empire and contributed to the dominance that the Muslim Arabs were trying to establish in the Eastern Mediterranean. In this respect, the statements that Ṭabarī made about the Copts are of great value.As a result, after the Battle of Dhāt al-Ṣawārī, in which religious rituals were intensively practised by both the Byzantines and the Muslim Arabs before and during the naval battle, the Byzantine navy’s period of superiority at sea came to an end and its unrivalled dominance&nbsp;in the eastern Mediterranean was over. This naval battle also lit the fuse of the long-lasting struggle between the Islamic states and the Byzantine Empire in the Mediterranean until the Crusades, which began in 1096.

Zâtü’s-Savârî Deniz Muhârebesi (34/654-655)

Mustafa

The fact that the first addressees of Islam were Arabs and that the Holy Quran was transmitted in Arabic increased the importance of this language. In this context, Arabic preserved its originality during the first period of Islam, but the spread of Islam to large areas and the adoption of different nations into this religion caused an increase in incorrect usage (lahn) of the language. To prevent these mistakes and ensure the correct pronunciation of the Holy Quran, it became necessary to determine and record the grammatical rules of the Arabic language. Grammar studies emerging within this framework have turned into language schools during the historical process. The first school created in this context is the Basra language school. Later, some linguists came together in the city of Kufa, and the linguistic studies they put forward using different approaches were called the Kufa school. Linguists from Baghdad, Andalusia, and Egypt who came after the members of these two schools introduced new approaches by focusing on these two previously established schools. The new linguistic approaches developed by these linguists are referred to as Baghdad, Andalusian, and Egyptian language schools, depending on their location. In this study, the Baghdad language school, which has ranked third chronologically in Arabic language studies, and the opinions of some leading linguists belonging to this school are discussed. In this context, it began with an introduction in which basic information about the emergence of Arabic grammar and the formation process of language schools was provided. Afterwards, the following information is given about the formation process of the Baghdad language school, which was established after the Basra and Kufa language schools; the basic approaches of the Baghdad language school; and the basic features of this school; After the city of Baghdad was made the capital of the Abbasid State, it quickly became the center of scientific studies as well as cultural activities. One of the important features of the city is that it brought together linguists from Basra and Kufa. Although it is not as advanced as the cities of Basra and Kufa in terms of grammar studies, they have begun to gain great importance with the new grammar methods introduced by the linguists who settled here. With this new method, the linguists residing here integrated the views of the Basra and Kufa schools on certain issues and undertook a conciliatory mission by making choices between the views of both schools on certain issues. Thus, the Baghdad school made a choice between the views of the Basra and Kufa linguists, who presented different views and partly created a new language school based on their work. It is possible to summarize&nbsp;the basic approaches of this school as follows; 1-Sema; Baghdad linguists accepted all the different Arabic dialects as ijtihad. 2-Qiyas; The Baghdad school neither ignored rare uses, like the Basra school, nor fully accepted them, like the Kufa school, in terms of their ability to form the basis of qiyas. They adopted a middle path between the views of both schools and accepted rare uses by dividing them into three parts. 3-Shaz recitations; Baghdad linguists stated that if these are supported by narrations, they can be accepted and used as evidence. 4-Istishhad with hadiths; They accepted that the form of expression in the hadiths could be ijtihad and that many rules were built based on this usage. 5- Istishhad with Arabic poetry; Baghdad linguists, unlike Basra and Kufa linguists, stated that third and fourth layer poems could also be evidence for grammar. In addition, in this study, some important names that pioneered the formation of the Baghdad school were mentioned, and some of their approaches were conveyed. The names discussed in this context are:&nbsp;1- Ahfeş el-Avset, whose real name was Saîd b. Mes‘ade el-Belhî, known as el-Ahfeş elEvsat, completed his scientific education under the guidance of important scholars of Basra, especially Sîbeveyhi, the founder of the Basra language school. Some of Ahfesh’s views on Arabic grammar are as follows: He departed from the strict understanding of the qiyas of the Basrans and accepted that qiyas could be made into the flexible qiyas of the Kulans, which allowed for the application of qiyas to non-fusha poetry and usages in the Arabic language, along with fusca poetry. He expressed that in a verb sentence where the direct object (maf’ul bihi) is present, another element outside it can serve as the nabi fa’il. He acknowledged the possibility of meulen bidi to pass between muzak and muzafün lathi. He stated that ‘atf can be made on a major zamir. He affirmed the permissibility of inserting zamiru’l-fasl between hal and nuchal. He permitted the introduction of the particle من/min in affirmative sentences. He mentioned that the presence of the particle نَّإ َ /inne ending with ما/ma, known as huruf-i müşebbeh bi’l fi’l (letters that resemble verbs), does not hinder the function of these letters.2- Ibn Laysan, a person endowed with sharp intellect and strong reasoning abilities, expressed several views, some of which can be summarized as follows: He claimed that twodigit numbers like إثنتان و إثنان are meuni numbers, similar to numbers between eleven and nineteen. He stated that in the pronouns يََ هِ-ِ وََهُ, the root of the pronoun is solely the letter ه/ha, while the letters الواو الياء/ya-vav are zaid (additional) letters. He mentioned that it is permissible to present the hal to the macrur nuchal. He believed that in the sentence روٌٌمْْ عَ َ نْْ كِِ َ َ َ َزْْيٌدٌ ََوَل the ,ما قاَم particle و/vav serves as a ‘atf particle, while the particle نْْ كِِ َ لَ/lakin serves as an ibtida’ particle.3-Ebu Ali el-Fârisî received his education from the grammar scholar Ibnu’s-Serrâc in Baghdad. Some of the views of al-Fârisî, who later went to Mosul and continued his scientific studies, regarding Arabic grammar are as follows: In contrast to the opinions of Sibawayh and the Basra school regarding the phrase ً ً أو عليًا اًمحمد كلمت, where ma’tuf of ً considered is عليًا amil of ma’tuf aleyhi, according to some scholars, al-Farisi adopted the view that after the ‘atf particle, another mazur verb كلمت functions as amil. Fârisî accepted that the word could&nbsp;consist of a letter and a noun. Luzari argued that the verb in the present tense (muzari) can indicate both the present and the future metaphorically without adding any preposition to the beginning of the verb. Concerning the i’rab of asma al-hamsa, he asserted that these nouns are mu’rab with letters added to their ends.&nbsp;4-Ibn Cinnî took grammar lessons from his teacher Ebû Ali el-Fârisî at a young age and established scientific circles with his teacher in many towns for many years. Some grammatical views specific to Ibn Cinni are as follows: He predicted that if khazar is an zarf, its muteallıq can be mentioned. Contrary to Basra linguists, Ibn Cinni states that Mubteda and intima together are amil in haber. He accepted that the preposition “la”, which fulfills the action of Lease, is used in ma’rifes and bakras. At the end of the study, the following conclusions were reached: The representatives of this language school mostly used the eclectic/preference method and re-evaluated previous studies with a scientific approach. While linguists from Basra and Kufa revealed their linguistic approaches by choosing among available raw data, linguists from the Baghdad language school produced information using the eclectic method for the first time in the history of linguistic studies. Thus, linguists from Baghdad, while re-evaluating the raw data at hand, evaluated the opinions and comments of linguists from Basra and Kufa and made a choice between them within the framework of scientific criteria. This method is important in terms of the use of scientific methods within the scope of linguistic studies. In this context, scientific approaches such as qiyas, sema, eclecticism, deduction, and induction have been applied to linguistics. Another conclusion reached in this study is that Baghdad linguists generally handle language rules with a flexible approach.

Bağdat Dil Ekolü ve Önde Gelen Dilcilerine Ait Bazı Görüşler: Analitik Bir Yaklaşım

Nuray

Tang Dynasty reigned from 618-907. Apart from political, economic, and military events from its establishment to its collapse; There have been many changes and developments in literature and art. The use of the imperial examination system, which was applied in the selection of civil servants, and in the selection of people dealing with literature and art at the state level, gave not only individuals from noble families but also individuals from all levels of society, especially in literature and arts, the opportunity to work at the state level. In the same direction, it has also enabled diversity in terms of subject and method in the works of people interested in literature. Authors use the usual praise, heroism, etc. in their works. They were able to handle real issues as they were and criticize them. There were no limitations in the content of Tang poetry. The poets could directly describe the past and the events that occurred at that time without the need for allusions. In literary studies, where management provides an opportunity for prosperity and development, poetry has come to the fore and has made greater progress than other literary genres. The Tang Dynasty is known as the period that gave Chinese poetry its golden age, and the poems of this period are referred to as “the art of giving the most meaning with the fewest words”. Since there was a restriction on the number of words, Tang poems were written using writing techniques consisting of five and seven signs.Considering the length of the Tang period’s rule and the fact that many poets have survived to the present day, it is not possible to examine all poets and their works. For this reason, the poems of Li Bai (李白), one of the most famous, successful, and productive poets of the period, who is known as the immortal poet and is considered the representative of Tang poetry, are discussed in the study. Since it is not possible to examine all the poet’s poems in a single study, the scope of the study is Three Hundred Tang Poems (唐诗三百首), compiled by Gu Qing in 2009 and published by Zhonghua Shuju (中华书局), which is a source book in terms of scope and content for Tang poetry researchers and written in Chinese. A qualitative research design was adopted in the study; The data were collected by a documentary scanning method. The mentioned book contains a total of twenty-six poems reported to have been written by Li Bai. There are fifteen different idioms in eight of these poems. In the study, the poems were translated into Turkish, information was given about their subjects, the idioms in the poems were examined in terms of meaning, and suggestions were made about similar Turkish idioms.Li Bai lived between 701-762. His real name is Tai Bai. He is a leading poet of the Tang Dynasty. The poet came to Mianzhou (绵州) with his father at the age of five and grew up there. The poet, who had been interested in literature since an early age, attracted attention thanks to this talent. At the age of twenty-five, he wanted to leave the region where he had lived and travel to China. Li Bai, who adopted the Dao teachings, took lessons on this subject. During his time touring the country, he wrote poems, met people who were experts in literature, and became famous for his poetic talent. In 742, he was invited by Tang Emperor Tang Xuanzong (唐玄宗) to the imperial palace in the capital Chang-an. Although Li Bai earned the praise of the emperor during this period, he did not go beyond being hosted as a guest in the palace. The poet left the palace in 744 and came to Luoyang (洛阳). Here, he met Du Fu (杜甫) and Gao Shi (高适), other famous poets of the period. Du Fu wrote many poems dedicated to Li Bai. Li Bai is most famous for his works written in the style of Yuefu (乐府) and four-line poem (绝句). It is known that the poet, who, unlike many Tang poets, lived a wealthy life, was very drunk one night in 762 while walking by a river in Anhui city, wanted to hold the moon reflected in the water, fell into the water, and drowned.&nbsp;There are fifteen different idioms in Li Bai’s eight poems in the specified book. There are three idioms in the poem Changgan Song (长干行). These are, Liang xiao wu cai (两小无猜), Qing mei zhu ma (青梅竹马) and Zhuma zhi jiao (竹马之交). There is an idiom in his poem titled (Sent) Poem from Lu Mountain to Lu Xuzhou (庐山谣寄卢侍御虚舟). This idiom is Yin he dao xie (银河倒泻). There is an idiom in the poem titled The Sleepwalker’s Farewell to Tian Mu (The Voice of the Mountain) (梦游天姥吟留别). This idiom is cuī méi zhé yāo (摧眉折腰). This idiom is also spoken today as Dī méi zhé yāo (低眉折腰). There are two phrases in the poem titled “Farewell to Education Secretary Shu Yun” at the Xietiao Building in Xuanzhou (宣州谢眺楼饯别校书叔云). These; jiǔ tiān lǎn yuè (九天揽月) and chōu dāo duàn shuǐ (抽刀断水). Five idioms are identified in the poem It is Difficult to Reach Shu ( 蜀道难). These idioms are, Sharen ru ma (杀人如麻), Di beng shan cui (地崩山摧), Nanyu shang qingtian (难于上青天), Zheng rong cuiwei (峥嵘崔嵬), Yifu dang guan, and wanwan fu mo kai (一夫当关，万夫莫开).One idiom was identified in the poem “Difficult Journey” (行路难). The idiom is, Chang feng po lang (长风破浪). One idiom is identified in the poem “Invitation to Wine” (将进酒). The idiom is, Zhong gu zhuan yu (钟鼓馔玉). There is an idiom in the poem “Saying Goodbye to a Friend” (送友人). The idiom is, Guren zhi qing (故人之情).&nbsp;Among the idioms included in the study, Liang xiao wu cai (两小无猜), Qing mei zhu ma (青梅竹马), Zhuma zhi jiao (竹马之交), Yin he dao xie (银河倒泻), Cui mei zhe yao (摧眉 折腰), Jiu tian lan yue (九天揽月), Chou dao prayan shuai (抽刀断水), Di beng shan cui (地 崩山摧), Nanyu shang qingtian (难于上青天), Zheng rong cuiwéei (峥嵘崔嵬), Guren zhi qing (故人之情) has its origins in Li Bai’s poems: The expressions are, Sharen ru ma (杀人如麻), Yifu dang guan, wan fu mo kai (一夫当关，万夫莫开), Chang feng po lang (长风 破浪), Zhong gu zhuan yu (钟鼓馔玉). It has been seen that it was formed in earlier periods and Li Bai included these idioms in his poems.&nbsp;Idioms usually consist of four words. When we look at the poems in general, it can be seen that the idioms that have different functions in terms of grammar in the sentence have a descriptive role in terms of meaning. When the words that comprise the idioms are examined, it is noteworthy that they are easy to understand. Idioms contain metaphors in terms of their general meaning, but these metaphors are generally related to the meaning of words. Idioms contribute to the enrichment of poems in terms of meaning; In the same direction, it is understood that his idioms gain meaning not only from the whole words but also from the entire poems.Li Bai not only produced poetry but also gave the opportunity to form many idioms through his understanding of artistic expression, word choice, and the meanings he attributed to these words. These idioms have been passed on to subsequent generations for centuries, helping to make the Chinese more vibrant.

Li Bai’ın (李白) Seçili Şiirlerinde Yer Alan Deyimlerin Anlam Bakımından İncelemesi

Turgay

The first theater activities in Egypt in the Western sense began with performances by French troupes in the Theater of the Republic and Arts, established by General Menon, to entertain French officers during Napoleon’s Egyptian Campaign in 1798. However, despite this early introduction, the Egyptians came after Lebanon in time to establish their own theater. In this period, when Alexandria was the theater centre, French and Italian troupes gave plays, and these plays included genres such as opera and cabaret. In 1847, the theaters were regulated by the law enacted in 1847; the theater established by Khedive Ismail Pasha in 1869 opened with the opera Aida written by Verdi opening at Suez Canal.&nbsp;The Arabic theater in Egypt entered an important stage when Ya’qûb Sannû, a Jew who had studied in Italy, entered the theater in 1870. Considering the Khedive as the “Moliere of Egypt” at the time, Ya’qûb Sannû’s theater first staged French adaptations and then Sannû’s plays were performed in Arabic. With Ya’qûb Sannû‘ in 1870, the modern Egyptian theater was in its infancy for forty years, and then it was able to train an artist in this genre. This artist, named George Abyad, took the Egyptian theater to an advanced level in terms of drama. George Abyad, who studied in Paris, brought the French theater to Cairo (1910), performed Alexandre Dumas’s plays and Hafez Ibrahim’s plays with kiosks, and toured North Africa between 1920 and 22. Wahbî Troupe began to present plays at the Ramses Theater (1927); Yûsuf Wahbî was the person who brought professionalism to the Egyptian Theater.When theater coverage began in the late nineteenth century, it was mostly limited to short announcements announcing performances and praising them in grandiose terms, often before performances were performed. The early twentieth century saw more in-depth discussions of theater and plays in the Egyptian media, and in 1912, Oedipus the King was one of the first plays to be discussed in detail in different publications. It was not until the mid-1920s that specialist journals for theater studies began to appear in Egypt, such as al-Tiyatrû (1924-5) and Abdel Majid Hilmi’s al-Masrah, published on November 9, 1925. In the 1900s and 1910s, however, journalists in Egypt began to write much more frequently and at greater depth -often unsigned- about performances or theater in general. Several newspapers, of which al-Ehrām was one of the most prominent, contained articles offering general discussions about this&nbsp;new art form. However, specific themes began to generate specific debates. One of the most important debates concerned the place of music in the theater.Singing and its role in Egyptian theater was not a minor stylistic issue; it was emblematic of the most important questions about drama. Despite its worldwide popularity, many critics strongly opposed the performance of the song on stage. Theater, in the eyes of many critics, was not only a means of entertainment but also for moral and social development. In the late XIXth and early XXth centuries, Egyptian audiences wanted to hear singing when they went to the theater. For that period, a singer was a vital part of any theater group. Among the important theater singers of this period were stars such as Abduh al-Hāmūlī and Muhammad Uthman, two cornerstones of the musical modernization that began in the XIXth century, as well as lesser-known singers such as Murad Rumanu, Hasen Salih and Ibrahim Ahmad.Thanks to Abyad, the prestige of the Egyptian acting profession increased. The Egyptian theater maker Mohammad Taymour saw Abyad as a figure who “really expanded the art of acting” in Egypt. Moreover, in terms of acting, Abyad developed Egyptian theater. Abyad became a role model for later Egyptian theater figures such as Tawfīq al-Hakīm. Along with Abyad, an Arabic version of Sophocles’s Oedipus Tyrannos was performed many times by Abyad himself and other theater-makers. This play is an important moment in the history of play in Egypt.&nbsp;&nbsp;In fact, Egypt’s geography had a significant impact on the translation and content of this play. Abyad, on the other hand, found a way to direct the Egyptian theater through the play Oedipus the King and to clarify the debates among critics. Through this play, it is possible to see that Egyptian theater has entered into global debates and theater mobility. In this context, George Abyad, a Lebanese immigrant to Egypt, visited North African countries such as Algeria and Tunisia with his troupe to spread the art of theater. In fact, before Abyad, Ya’qûb Sannû‘ had laid the foundation of Egyptian theater. It would be appropriate to say that the seeds of theater art were sown in Arab countries thanks to these troupes. Abyad accelerated the theater after Sannû‘ and tried to modernize it with what he had learned in France, and he succeeded in accomplishing this. George Abyad was a name that brought the musical to Egyptian theater, brought artistic theater to Egypt, and standardized drama. George Abyad has an important place in the history of Arab theater in terms of staging classical and historical plays as well as French plays, contributing to Egyptian Arab theater as a Lebanese theater, and setting an example for the new generation of theater artists.George Abyad, a Lebanese immigrant in Egypt, was an important figure in the Arab theater of his time. He was widely recognized for his formal style and effective literary style in his adaptations of Western plays, especially French classics. However, he soon returned to Arabic play. His foreign training, which determined the types of plays he chose and his extravagant acting style, made his works more appealing to the upper classes than to a wider, more traditional audience. It is understood that George Abyad brought the first musical and&nbsp;artistic theater to Egypt, as well as raised the art of drama to a standard level, giving life and vitality to the theater of the period. He tried to introduce Egyptian Arab theater to a higher level of a cultured and elite audience, rather than a the general audience. Abyad, in particular, has been a bridge between the past and the future generation of theater makers. In this article, it is aims to provide broad information about the Lebanese theater actor George Abyad and his theater personality, which we have not come across in our country.&nbsp;

XX. Yüzyıl Mısır Tiyatrosunda George Abyad ve Tiyatrocu Kişiliği

Ahmet Selçukoğlu’nun “Tiz Kellesi Vurula: Ortaçağda Baş Kesme Cezası ve Teşhirin Arkeolojisi” Adlı Eserinin Değerlendirmesi

@JOURNAL_BOX_CURRENT

Ozan

Rahimi is a poet of classical Turkish literature who lived in Bursa in the sixteenth century. Historical sources providing information about his biography include Aşık Çelebi’s Meşa‘irü’ş- Şu‘ara, Ahdi’s Gülşen-i Şu‘ara, Kınalızade Hasan Çelebi’s and Beyani’s Tezkiretü‘ş-Şu‘ara and Kafzade Faizi’s Zübdetü’l-Eş‘ar. Other sources that compile the information obtained from these works are Tayyarzade Ahmed Ata’s Tarih-i Ata, Şemseddin Sami’s Kamusu’l-A‘lam, Mehmed Süreyya’s Sicill-i Osmani, Abdizade Hüseyin Hüsameddin Yasar’s Amasya Tarihi, Mehmed Nail Tuman’s Tuhfe-i Naili and Osman Fevzi Olcay’s Amasya Meşahiri.Rahimi’s real name was Abdurrahim, thus he chose the pseudonym Rahimi. His father was an Amasya named Mehemmed Çelebi, who was engaged in science, and he came to Bursa and settled there. While in Bursa, Rahimi met a person named Sheikh Abdülmümin. According to historical sources, this person was a disciple of Ali b. Meymun al-Maghribi, one of the most important figures of the Shazeliya sect. It is known that Rahimi was a good calligrapher and earned his living through calligraphy. Historical sources state that he died around 970 (1562-1563). His only known work today is his mathnawi named Seb‘a-Seyyare. The only identified manuscript copy of this work is registered in Manisa Manuscript Library, Manisa Akhisar Zeynelzade Collection, number 213/2. It is written in the the aruz meter mould fe‘ilatün mefa‘ilün fe‘ilün. Although the poet states that his work consists of 1000 couplets, a total of 990 couplets are recorded in the manuscript copy we have. The work was completed in 945 (1538-1539). Aşık Çelebi, in his work Meşa‘irü’ş-Şu‘ara, provides information about the subject of this mathnawi: Rahimi falls in love with a man named Keyvanzade Mustafa around 940 (1533-1534). This person was famous for his beauty in Bursa. Rahimi suffered many troubles because of his love. He narrated this story in his work Seb‘a-Seyyare.The work begins with sections of tawhit, munajat and naat. In these sections, the poet praises the greatness of God and the glory of the Prophet Muhammed. Then he explains the reason for writing his work: He intended to explain what love is like. In the meantime, he read some books such as Husrev ü Şirin, Leyliyy ü Mecnun and Vamık u Azra. However, these books are inadequate because they do not deal with the love of God but human love. For this reason, he wanted to tell his own experiences. Rahimi says that his work is in the genre of “hasbihal/ sergüzeşt” because he narrates the events that happened to him in his work. The setting of the story is Bursa. The poet mentions various natural beauties and architectural works here. He says that he spends his days alone; therefore, he wants to fall in love. He starts wandering in the gardens to find a lover for himself. However, he cannot find the lover he is looking for. In the evening, he returns home and falls asleep. He sees an old person in his dream. This person says that there are seven handsome men in the heaven of beauty. He says that if he wants to see them, they can go around the neighbourhoods that resemble the floors of the sky. Together they start to visit these places. They visit the neighbourhoods that resemble the celestial floors named Kamer (Moon), Utarid (Mercury), Zühre (Venus), Mirrih (Merih), Müşteri (Jupiter) and Zuhal (Saturn) respectively. In each place they meet a handsome man. The names of these men are Attarzade, Şeyhoğlu Ahmed, Pür-melek, Sunullah, Kasım Beg, Büryancızade Ahmed and Keyvanzade Mustafa. When Rahimi sees Keyvanzade Mustafa, he falls in love with him. He wakes up from sleep with excitement. In the morning, he wanders around the gardens of Bursa in search of this person, but he cannot find him. Time passes. On a holiday morning, he sees Keyvanzade Mustafa in a place called Pınarbaşı; but he cannot meet him. This situation raises Rahimi’s consciousness. He complains to fate for not being able to fulfil his wishes. He realizes that human love is not important, what really matters is the love of God. Seb‘a-Seyyare ends with a prayer to God. The poet wants his work to be read by everyone.Since Seb‘a-Seyyare was written in connection with the sky, the work includes ancient astronomical knowledge and folk beliefs based on this knowledge. While Rahimi uses various figures of speech and phrases based on the description of nature, he sometimes includes some expressions on the basis of the convergence of the various celestial bodies. Some examples of these can be given as follows: Dér gören vardı burc-ı ʿAķreb’e Māh (Those who see it say that the Moon is approaching Scorpio), Ķıldı burc-ı Esed’de Mihr ķarār (The Sun, entered Leo), Ŝan ʿUšārid’dür étdi Delv’e ģulūl ([The vision of that beauty] is like the planet Mercury entering Aquarius), Gūyiyā necm-i Tìr ü burc-ı Kemān ([Me and him], we are like Mercury and Sagittarius). It is possible to understand the meaning of such discourses by knowing the reflections of astronomical events in the sky in folk beliefs. In some cases, the expressions that have found a place in classical Persian and Turkish poetry and that express meaning within the framework of allegory are included. Some examples of these can be given as follows: gül-i zerd, necm-i hüdā, zer zevraķ, raĥş-ı sipihr, raĥş-ı gerdūn, şāh-ı sipihr, çār-gūşe, heşt- behişt, ŝovuķ āh, cām-ı zerrìn, zerrìn-kedū, Pervìn, dendān, ĥurūs-ı ʿarş and so on. In addition, some games related to social life, names of clothing, architectural details, various idioms and proverbs are also noteworthy (el el üstinde oyna-, şeb-küleh, altun üs[kü]f, şemsì dülbend, sūsenì ĥilʿat, arslan aġzı, yénür ŝan-, germ ét-, arpaca, alçaġlıġ eyle-, kevkeb alışdur-, ķanda iki, saķaline gül-, géñ yaķadan, géce ġarìbüñdür, el arķasını yére ķo-, kes düş- and so on). All these can be considered as elements that increase the literary, descriptive and representational value of the text.Seb‘a-Seyyare draws attention with its vivid descriptions of nature. Night, day, earth, sky, stars, planets, trees, leaves, fruits and all kinds of flowers are successfully personified by endowing them with human or unique characteristics. The poet has added a literary value to his work with figures of speech such as teşbih, istiare, tenasüp, teşhis, mübalağa and hüsn-i talil, and has successfully reflected human psychology to the reader.

Seb‘a-Seyyâre: Rahîmî’nin Âşıkane Hasbihâli

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Fadila

The objective of this article is to highlight the phenomenon of school violence in Algerian society, through the results and statistics obtained by various research and academic field studies, and statistics of the Ministry of Education and National Gendarmerie, and then try to propose some mechanisms to reduce or even reduce Of the phenomenon of school violence, highlighting the role of the family and school as the most important institutions of socialization in building the character of the individual (student) beginning, then the good citizen later. School violence poses several problems related to how to create and even mitigate mitigation mechanisms and strategies. The seriousness of school violence in all its forms and manifestations is reflected in our educational institutions through the astonishing rise of the statistics reached by the Algerian Ministry of National Education in2016, which was estimated at 1661 cases across the nation's states, including 1427 cases of violence among students and 156 cases of assaults against students and teachers 87 cases of assaults of students towards the teachers (for: Dalumi, 2016).To learn about the reality of the violence practiced in our educational institution, the scientific literature and field studies carried out in the various states of the country and at different educational levels show the dangers of violent behavior practiced in our schools and clearly reflect an important aspect of the violence in our educational institutions. Studies: Study of Khaled Abdel Salam (2002-2003) this study was conducted in the state of Setif, and was based on the method of content analysis of the records of the disciplinary boards. (70.43%) compared to 43 cases (29.65%) in the remaining semi-urban and rural areas. The results also confirmed that violence is practiced by males (126.9%) compared to 19 students (13.11%) and violence (92.5%). The researcher concluded that the violence was directed against faculty and administrative staff, but that the biggest victim of the phenomenon of school violence Are teachers and teachers in general and professors in particular, and The main reason behind the problem of school violence in its various forms lies in the lack of discipline within the department (Abdul Salam, 2014, S331-332).Violation of violence in the school environment prevents the school from achieving its educational and educational goals, which negatively affects the personality of the student in all its aspects (psychological, social, relational, cognitive) in particular, and leads to delinquency and deviation to the anomaly, and also affects the structure of the school and Their educational power on the educational system and the social system in general.Violence in schools is a mirror of societal violence, so we must clarify - in short - the concept of violence in general and then scrutinize the understanding of the meaning and causes of school violence and the philosophy of mitigation.1- The family is the first social unit in which a child is born. The emotional deprivation that he or she may suffer through poor parenting (verbal or physical abuse or destruction of the furniture of the house), poor economic conditions and physical and moral disintegration of the family all inevitably affect his or her personality The future, beginning with violence in the house, and then on the street, and then in school, both with peers or with the teacher and even with the self 2- The school is the second institution of social upbringing after the family, and the first link between the individual and society; it is responsible for transferring the culture, traditions and customs of the society to the student, and is obliged to provide knowledge and education to him in the best conditions.On the basis of this, we can make the school an educational institution in which pupils and teachers coexist away from extreme and violent behaviors. If both the family and the school as institutions of socialization can re-examine their real role and function towards the individual and the society, A social environment of security and tranquility. We conclude from the above that the family, school and society must be made aware of the seriousness of the phenomenon of school violence and the need to address it and alleviate it or reduce it by all available educational, psychological and educational means. It is also necessary to emphasize that the institutions of social upbringing - especially the family and the school - And the adoption of the rising generation, but if it abandons its function will destroy and destroy and develop all forms of extremism and violence in the individual and society.

Cezayir Toplumunda Okullarda Şiddet ve Bu Şiddeti Azaltma Yöntemleri

Serpil

Res. Assist.

In this study, a poem work named Tarikh-e Al-e Osmani, of which only one copy exists, by the poet Saeli-ye Shirazi, who was one of the poets of XVI century, is analyzed. This work, along with being an epic poem about Osman Ghazi-era wars and heroism, is also important in philosophical, moral and educational aspects that stand out in some parts of the work.This work of Saeli is similar to Ferdowsi’s Shahnameh in terms of verse form and meter and the material used in the two works is almost the same. Legendary heroes, mythological elements, and some of the compositions that make up the framework of Shahnameh are also seen in Saeili’s work with similar narratives. However, these two works are different from each other; one is a national epic that tells the history of Iran from prehistoric times to the Arabian invasion, and the other is a verse history of the life of only one ruler and the wars he has made. When we compare Saeli’s Tarikh-e Al-e Osmani with other works of this kind, we can easily say that the work is an important masnavi in terms of both the language and the content, not shadowed by another work but has its own style.Saeli is a poet who came to Anatolia during the reign of Bayezid II and observed the periods of Selim the Resolute and Suleiman the Magnificent upon his death. There is not much information about his life before coming to Anatolia, except for his detailed statements in the preamble of his Diwan (collected poems) and in the Tarikh-e Al-e Osmani. The limited number of works that give information about his life are also written in Anatolia. Only Logat-name, Ferhang-i Sokhanvaran and Az-Zaree’a mentioned Saeli’ among the tezkires (collection of biographies) written in Iran in and after the XVIth century. This leads us to think that the poet was not very famous when he was in Iran. With this study, we hope that we will contribute a little bit to what is known about Ottoman history and genealogy of Ottoman period and will shed light to the field studies.

XVI. YÜZYIL İRAN ŞAİRLERİNDEN SÂʾİLÎ-İ ŞÎRÂZÎ’NİN TÂRÎḪ-İ ÂL-İ ʿOSMÂNÎ’Sİ

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İstanbul Üniversitesi, Edebiyat Fakültesi Şarkiyat Araştırma Merkezi’nin yayını olan Şarkiyat Mecmuası – Journal of Oriental Studies, açık erişimli, hakemli, yılda iki kere (Nisan ve Ekim) yayınlanan, çok dilli, uluslararası bilimsel bir dergidir. 1956 yılında kurulmuştur. 2024 itibariyle basılı versiyon durdurulmuştur. Dergi sadece online olarak yayınlanmaktadır.

Şarkiyat Mecmuası’nın amacı Doğu dilleri ve edebiyatları alanında özgün makale, yazma eser tahkik ve tanıtımı, bilimsel eleştiri, kitap eleştirisi ve çeviri makale makaleler yayınlayarak, alana ilişkin bilimsel bilgiye katkıda bulunmaktır. 

Şarkiyat Mecmuası’nın kapsamı Doğu dilleri ve edebiyatlarına odaklı olarak dil ve edebiyat, tarih, edebiyat tarihi, sanat ve kültür alanlarıdır. Derginin hedef kitlesini akademisyenler, araştırmacılar, profesyoneller, öğrenciler ve ilgili mesleki, akademik kurum ve kuruluşlar oluşturur. Derginin yayın dilleri Türkçe, İngilizce, Fransızca, Almanca, Çince, Hintçe, Farsça, Arapça, Korece ve Urduca’dır.

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Şarkiyat Mecmuası’nın amacı; Doğu dilleri ve edebiyatları alanında özgün araştırma makalesi, yazma eser tahkik ve tanıtımı, bilimsel eleştiri, çeviri ve kitap eleştirileri yayınlayarak, alana ilişkin bilimsel bilgiye katkı sağlamaktır. Şarkiyat Mecmuası’nın kapsamı; Doğu dilleri ve edebiyatlarına odaklı olarak dil ve edebiyat, tarih, edebiyat tarihi, dil eğitimi ve öğretimi, sanat ve kültür alanlarıdır. Derginin hedef kitlesini akademisyenler, araştırmacılar, profesyoneller, öğrenciler ve ilgili mesleki, akademik kurum ve kuruluşlar oluşturur. Derginin yayın dilleri Türkçe, İngilizce, Çince, Hintçe, Farsça, Arapça, Korece ve Urduca’dır.

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<ul><li>TÜBİTAK-ULAKBİM TR Dizin </li><li>DOAJ</li><li>ERIH PLUS</li><li>EBSCO Academic Search Ultimate</li><li>ProQuest Central     </li><li>ProQuest Turkey Database   </li><li>ProQuest Social Sciences Database   </li><li>ProQuest Social Sciences Premium Collection​</li><li>SOBIAD</li></ul>

Dizinler

Dergi yayın etiğinde en yüksek standartlara bağlıdır ve <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a> ve <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> tarafından yayınlanan etik yayıncılık ilkelerini benimser; Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing başlığı altında ifade edilen ilkeler için: <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a> Gönderilen makaleler derginin amaç ve kapsamına uygun olmalıdır. Orijinal, yayınlanmamış ve başka bir dergide değerlendirme sürecinde olmayan, her bir yazar tarafından içeriği ve gönderimi onaylanmış yazılar değerlendirmeye kabul edilir. Makale yayınlanmak üzere Dergiye gönderildikten sonra yazarlardan hiçbirinin ismi, tüm yazarların yazılı izni olmadan yazar listesinden silinemez ve yeni bir isim yazar olarak eklenemez ve yazar sırası değiştirilemez.İntihal, duplikasyon, sahte yazarlık/inkar edilen yazarlık, araştrma/veri fabrikasyonu, makale dilimleme, dilimleyerek yayın, telif hakları ihlali ve çıkar çatışmasının gizlenmesi, etik dışı davranışlar olarak kabul edilir. Kabul edilen etik standartlara uygun olmayan tüm makaleler yayından çıkarılır. Buna yayından sonra tespit edilen olası kuraldışı, uygunsuzluklar içeren makaleler de dahildir.İntihal Ön kontrolden geçirilen makaleler, iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal/kendi kendine intihal tespit edilirse yazarlar bilgilendirilir. Editörler, gerekli olması halinde makaleyi değerlendirme ya da üretim sürecinin çeşitli aşamalarında intihal kontrolüne tabi tutabilirler. Yüksek benzerlik oranları, bir makalenin kabul edilmeden önce ve hatta kabul edildikten sonra reddedilmesine neden olabilir. Makalenin türüne bağlı olarak, bunun oranın %15 veya %20'den az olması beklenir.Çift Kör Hakemlikİntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir. Editör, makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakemlikten geçmesini sağlar ve makale biçimsel esaslara uygun ise, gelen yazıyı yurtiçinden ve /veya yurtdışından en az iki hakemin değerlendirmesine sunar, hakemler gerek gördüğü takdirde yazıda istenen değişiklikler yazarlar tarafından yapıldıktan sonra yayınlanmasına onay verir.

Politikalar

Dergi açık erişimlidir ve derginin tüm içeriği okura ya da okurun dahil olduğu kuruma ücretsiz olarak sunulur. Okurlar, ticari amaç haricinde, yayıncı ya da yazardan izin almadan dergi makalelerinin tam metnini okuyabilir, indirebilir, kopyalayabilir, arayabilir ve link sağlayabilir. Bu <a href="https://www.budapestopenaccessinitiative.org/translations/turkish-translation" target="_blank">BOAI</a> açık erişim tanımıyla uyumludur. Derginin açık erişimli makaleleri Creative Commons Atıf-GayrıTicari 4.0 Uluslararası (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.tr" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) olarak lisanslıdır.

Derginin tüm giderleri İstanbul Üniversitesi tarafından karşılanmaktadır. Dergide makale yayını ve makale süreçlerinin yürütülmesi ücrete tabi değildir. Dergiye gönderilen ya da yayın için kabul edilen makaleler için işlemleme ücreti ya da gönderim ücreti alınmaz.

Yazarlar dergide yayınlanan çalışmalarının telif hakkına sahiptirler ve çalışmaları  Creative Commons Atıf-GayrıTicari 4.0 Uluslararası (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.tr" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) olarak lisanslıdır. CC BY-NC 4.0 lisansı, eserin ticari kullanım dışında her boyut ve formatta paylaşılmasına, kopyalanmasına, çoğaltılmasına ve orijinal esere uygun şekilde atıfta bulunmak kaydıyla yeniden düzenleme, dönüştürme ve eserin üzerine inşa etme dâhil adapte edilmesine izin verir.

Editörler, yayınlanan makalede, bulguları, yorumları ve sonuçları etkilemeyen küçük hatalar tespit edilirse düzeltme yayınlamayı düşünebilirler. Editörler, bulguları ve sonuçları geçersiz kılan büyük hatalar / ihlaller söz konusu olduğunda, makaleyi geri çekmeyi düşünmelidir. Yazarlar tarafından araştırma veya yayını kötüye kullanmaya yönelik olasılık söz konusu ise; bulguların güvenilir olmadığına ve yazarların kurumlarının olayı soruşturmadığına dair kanıtlar var veya olası soruşturma haksız veya sonuçsuz görünüyor ise, editörler endişe ifadesi yayınlamayı düşünmelidir. Düzeltme, geri çekme veya endişe ifadesi ile ilgili olarak <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/flowcharts/complete-set-english" target="_blank">COPE</a> ve <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/" target="_blank">ICJME</a> yönergeleri dikkate alınır.

Dergide yayınlanan tüm yazıların korunmasını ve kalıcı olarak erişilebilir olmasını sağlamak için makaleler, ulusal bir arşiv sitesi olarak hizmet veren ve aynı zamanda LOCKSS'in içeriği toplamasına, korumasına ve sunmasına izin veren Dergipark'ta saklanmaktadır.Ek olarak, yazarların kendilerinin makalelerinin son PDF sürümünü Open Archives Initiative (<a href="https://www.openarchives.org/" target="_blank">https://www.openarchives.org/</a>) standartlarına uygun açık elektronik arşivlerde arşivlemeleri önerilir. Yazarlar, yayınladıkları arşiv versiyonundan, İ.Ü. Yayınevinin dergi web sitesinin URL'sine bağlantı sağlamalıdır.

Şarkiyat Mecmuası, yayın etiğinde en yüksek standartlara bağlıdır ve <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a> ve <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> tarafından yayınlanan etik yayıncılık ilkelerini benimser; Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing başlığı altında ifade edilen ilkeler için: <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparencyand-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparencyand-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a>Gönderilen tüm makaleler orijinal, yayınlanmamış ve başka bir dergide değerlendirme sürecinde olmamalıdır. Her bir makale editörlerden biri ve en az iki hakem tarafından çift kör değerlendirmeden geçirilir. İntihal, duplikasyon, sahte yazarlık/inkar edilen yazarlık, araştrma/veri fabrikasyonu, makale dilimleme, dilimleyerek yayın, telif hakları ihlali ve çıkar çatışmasının gizlenmesi, etik dışı davranışlar olarak kabul edilir. Kabul edilen etik standartlara uygun olmayan tüm makaleler yayından çıkarılır. Buna yayından sonra tespit edilen olası kuraldışı, uygunsuzluklar içeren makaleler de dahildir.

Etik

Şarkiyat Mecmuası araştırma etiğinde en yüksek standartları gözetir ve aşağıda tanımlanan uluslararası araştırma etiği ilkelerini benimser. Makalelerin etik kurallara uygunluğu yazarların sorumluluğundadır.<ul><li>Araştırmanın tasarlanması, tasarımın gözden geçirilmesi ve araştırmanın yürütülmesinde, bütünlük, kalite ve şeffaflık ilkeleri sağlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma ekibi ve katılımcılar, araştırmanın amacı, yöntemleri ve öngörülen olası kullanımları; araştırmaya katılımın gerektirdikleri ve varsa riskleri hakkında tam olarak bilgilendirilmelidir.</li><li>Araştırma katılımcılarının sağladığı bilgilerin gizliliği ve yanıt verenlerin gizliliği sağlanmalıdır. Araştırma katılımcıların özerkliğini ve saygınlığını koruyacak şekilde tasarlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma katılımcıları gönüllü olarak araştırmada yer almalı, herhangi bir zorlama altında olmamalıdırlar. - Katılımcıların zarar görmesinden kaçınılmalıdır. Araştırma, katılımcıları riske sokmayacak şekilde planlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma bağımsızlığıyla ilgili açık ve net olunmalı; çıkar çatışması varsa belirtilmelidir.</li><li>Deneysel çalışmalarda, araştırmaya katılmaya karar veren katılımcıların yazılı bilgilendirilmiş onayı alınmalıdır. Çocukların ve vesayet altındakilerin veya tasdiklenmiş akıl hastalığı bulunanların yasal vasisinin onayı alınmalıdır.</li><li>Çalışma herhangi bir kurum ya da kuruluşta gerçekleştirilecekse bu kurum ya da kuruluştan çalışma yapılacağına dair onay alınmalıdır.</li><li>İnsan öğesi bulunan çalışmalarda, “yöntem” bölümünde katılımcılardan “bilgilendirilmiş onam” alındığının ve çalışmanın yapıldığı kurumdan etik kurul onayı alındığı belirtilmesi gerekir.</li></ul>

Makalelerin bilimsel ve etik kurallara uygunluğu yazarların sorumluluğundadır. Yazar makalenin orijinal olduğu, daha önce başka bir yerde yayınlanmadığı ve başka bir yerde, başka bir dilde yayınlanmak üzere değerlendirmede olmadığı konusunda teminat sağlamalıdır. Uygulamadaki telif kanunları ve anlaşmaları gözetilmelidir. Telife bağlı materyaller (örneğin tablolar, şekiller veya büyük alıntılar) gerekli izin ve teşekkürle kullanılmalıdır. Başka yazarların, katkıda bulunanların çalışmaları ya da yararlanılan kaynaklar uygun biçimde kullanılmalı ve referanslarda belirtilmelidir.Gönderilen makalede tüm yazarların akademik ve bilimsel olarak doğrudan katkısı olmalıdır, bu bağlamda “yazar” yayınlanan bir araştırmanın kavramsallaştırılmasına ve dizaynına, verilerin elde edilmesine, analizine ya da yorumlanmasına belirgin katkı yapan, yazının yazılması ya da bunun içerik açısından eleştirel biçimde gözden geçirilmesinde görev yapan birisi olarak görülür. Yazar olabilmenin diğer koşulları ise, makaledeki çalışmayı planlamak veya icra etmek ve / veya revize etmektir. Fon sağlanması, veri toplanması ya da araştırma grubunun genel süpervizyonu tek başına yazarlık hakkı kazandırmaz. Yazar olarak gösterilen tüm bireyler sayılan tüm ölçütleri karşılamalıdır ve yukarıdaki ölçütleri karşılayan her birey yazar olarak gösterilebilir. Yazarların isim sıralaması ortak verilen bir karar olmalıdır. Tüm yazarlar yazar sıralamasını <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/44D5871083054DA1AF78F2E2A09E2E5A" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formunda</a> imzalı olarak belirtmek zorundadırlar. Yazarlık için yeterli ölçütleri karşılamayan ancak çalışmaya katkısı olan tüm bireyler “teşekkür / bilgiler” kısmında sıralanmalıdır. Bunlara örnek olarak ise sadece teknik destek sağlayan, yazıma yardımcı olan ya da sadece genel bir destek sağlayan, finansal ve materyal desteği sunan kişiler verilebilir. Bütün yazarlar, araştırmanın sonuçlarını ya da bilimsel değerlendirmeyi etkileyebilme potansiyeli olan finansal ilişkiler, çıkar çatışması ve çıkar rekabetini beyan etmelidirler. Bir yazar kendi yayınlanmış yazısında belirgin bir hata ya da yanlışlık tespit ederse, bu yanlışlıklara ilişkin düzeltme ya da geri çekme için editör ile hemen temasa geçme ve işbirliği yapma sorumluluğunu taşır.

Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirir. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar. Gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalacağını garanti eder. Baş editör içerik ve yayının toplam kalitesinden sorumludur. Gereğinde hata sayfası yayınlamalı ya da düzeltme yapmalıdır. Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür. Hakemlerin araştırmayla ilgili, yazarlarla ve/veya araştırmanın finansal destekçileriyle çıkar çatışmaları olmamalıdır. Değerlendirmelerinin sonucunda tarafsız bir yargıya varmalıdırlar. Gönderilmiş yazılara ilişkin tüm bilginin gizli tutulmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar. Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir. Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin gizli bilgi olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir. Bazı durumlarda editörün kararıyla, ilgili hakemlerin makaleye ait yorumları aynı makaleyi yorumlayan diğer hakemlere gönderilerek hakemlerin bu süreçte aydınlatılması sağlanabilir.

Daha önce yayınlanmamış ya da yayınlanmak üzere başka bir dergide halen değerlendirmede olmayan ve her bir yazar tarafından onaylanan makaleler değerlendirilmek üzere kabul edilir. Gönderilen ve ön kontrolü geçen makaleler iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir.Seçilen makaleler en az iki ulusal/uluslararası hakeme çift taraflı kör hakemlik ile değerlendirmeye gönderilir; yayın kararı, hakemlerin talepleri doğrultusunda yazarların gerçekleştirdiği düzenlemelerin ve hakem sürecinin sonrasında baş editör tarafından verilir.

Hakemlik Hakkında

Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, cinsel yöneliminden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirir. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar. Gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalacağını garanti eder. Baş editör içerik ve yayının toplam kalitesinden sorumludur. Gereğinde hata sayfası yayınlamalı ya da düzeltme yapmalıdır.Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve Dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemlerin araştırmayla ilgili, yazarlarla ve/veya araştırmanın finansal destekçileriyle çıkar çatışmaları olmamalıdır. Değerlendirmelerinin sonucunda tarafsız bir yargıya varmalıdırlar. Gönderilmiş yazılara ilişkin tüm bilginin gizli tutulmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar. Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir. Bazı durumlarda editörün kararıyla, ilgili hakemlerin makaleye ait yorumları aynı makaleyi yorumlayan diğer hakemlere gönderilerek hakemlerin bu süreçte aydınlatılması sağlanabilir.

Daha önce yayınlanmamış ya da yayınlanmak üzere başka bir dergide halen değerlendirmede olmayan ve her bir yazar tarafından onaylanan makaleler değerlendirilmek üzere kabul edilir. Gönderilen ve ön kontrolü geçen makaleler iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir.Baş Editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirir. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar.Seçilen makaleler en az iki ulusal/uluslararası hakeme değerlendirmeye gönderilir; yayın kararı, hakemlerin talepleri doğrultusunda yazarların gerçekleştirdiği düzenlemelerin ve hakem sürecinin sonrasında baş editör tarafından verilir.Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemlerin değerlendirmeleri objektif olmalıdır. Hakem süreci sırasında hakemlerin aşağıdaki hususları dikkate alarak değerlendirmelerini yapmaları beklenir.-Makale yeni ve önemli bir bilgi içeriyor mu?-Öz, makalenin içeriğini net ve düzgün bir şekilde tanımlıyor mu?-Yöntem bütünlüklü ve anlaşılır şekilde tanımlanmış mı?-Yapılan yorum ve varılan sonuçlar bulgularla kanıtlanıyor mu?-Alandaki diğer çalışmalara yeterli referans verilmiş mi?-Dil kalitesi yeterli mi?Hakemler, gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar.Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir.

Şarkiyat Dergisi Makale Yazım Kuralları1. Makale imla ve noktalama açısından (Türkçe makaleler için) Türk Dil Kurumunun imlâ kılavuzu esas alınarak hazırlanmalıdır.2. Makale başlığı Türkçe 11 punto / İngilizce 10 punto olarak bold ve Times New Roman (Tüm metin için bu yazı karakteri kullanılacak) yazı karakteri ile yazılmalı, diğer dillerde olan makalelerin başlıkları ise 11 punto yazılmalıdır (Arapça font olarak Traditional Arabic kullanılmalıdır.)3. Makale başlığının iki satır altında ve sağ tarafa yaslı olarak Yazar adı bulunmalı ve asteriks (*) işareti ile dipnot eklenerek yazarın unvanı, kurumu ve e-mail adresi ve ORCID no’su 9 punto ve iki yana yaslı olacak şekilde yazılmalıdır.4. Öz, tek paragraf olacak şekilde 10 punto, sağ ile soldan 10 mm boşluklu ve iki yana yaslı yazılmalıdır. Aynı zamanda “abstract” olarak ingilizcesi de yer almalıdır. Buna ek olarak makale başka dilde yazıldı ise makalenin yazıldığı dilde de öz verilmelidir.5. Anahtar kelimeler/keywords 5 adedi geçmeyecek şekilde kesinlikle eklenmelidir.6. Makale Metni Times New Roman yazı karakteri ile (Arapça, Urduca, Farsça ise Traditional Arabic-11 punto) 11 punto ve 1 satır aralığı ile yazılmalıdır. Sayfa boyutu 16,5cmX24cm, alt boşluk 3 cm, üst boşluk 3,5cm, sağ-sol boşluklar 2 cm ve paragraflar 0.5cm olmalıdır.7. Makale içi başlıklar sadece ilk harf büyük olacak şekilde 11 punto ile yazılmalıdır ve konunun işlenişine göre harf/rakam sistemi esas alınmalıdır.8. Extended Abstract /Genişletilmiş Özet kısmı toplam yayın sayfa sayısının %10’u-%15’i olacak şekilde yazılmalı ve öz/abstract ile farklılık göstererek daha ayrıntılı bilgi verilmelidir. Extended Abstract /Genişletilmiş Özet makalede öz/abstract’ın ardından gelecek şekilde (giriş bölümünden önce) makalebaşlığıyla beraber İngilizce olarak yazılmalıdır. Öz/ Abstract ise 180-200 kelime aralığında olmalıdır.9. Gönderilen makaleler (özetler ve kaynakça dahil) 11.000 kelimeyi geçmemelidir. (Önemine binaen daha uzun makaleler Yayın Kurulu kararı ile yayımlanır. Metin neşri vb. içerikler makalenin EK kısmına konulmalıdır.)10. Makalelerde sol sayfanın üst bilgisi “makalenin adı” olmalıdır.11. Makalelerde sağ sayfanın üst bilgisi “Yazarın Adı / ŞARKİYAT MECMUASI SAYI...(2016-1) 1-15 (sayfa aralığı)” olacak şekilde yazılmalıdır.12. Dipnotlar sayfa altında verilmeli ve 9 punto (iki yana yaslı) olacak şekilde ayarlanmalıdır. Dipnot kurallarına uyulmalıdır. Dipnot eğer web sitesi ise erişim tarihi de parantez içinde verilmelidir. Dipnot ve kaynakça yazımında Chicago Manual of Style kullanılmaktadır.Makale içeriği aşağıdaki sırada olacak şekilde hazırlanmalıdır.- Öz/Abstract- Genişletilmiş Özet/Extended Abstract- Giriş- Makale Metni- Sonuç- Kaynakça

Yazım Kuralları

Şarkiyat Mecmuası – Journal of Oriental Studies dergisi, tarih, dil bilim ve güzel sanatların da dahil olduğu insan bilimleri konularında araştırma yapanların çoğu tarafından kullanılan “dipnot ve kaynakça” belgeleme sistemini benimsemiştir. Bu sistem, bibliyografik bilgilerin dipnotlarda ve bir kaynakçada gösterilmesine dayanır. Dergiye katkıda bulunacak yazarların, aşağıdaki örneklere dayanarak dipnotları düzenlemeleri ve kaynakça oluşturmaları rica olunur. Bu örnekler, yazarlara kolaylık sağlamak amacıyla, Chicago Manual of Style kılavuzundan (<a href="http://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide/citation-guide-1.html" target="_blank">http://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide/citation-guide-1.html</a>) ilavelerle derlenmiştir. Dipnot-kaynakça yöntemi hakkında ayrıntılı bilgi ve çok sayıda örnek Chicago Manual of Style’ın 16. baskısının 14. ve 15. bölümlerinde yer almaktadır. Her özgün araştırma makalesinin, derleme makalenin ve çeviri yazının sonuna bir kaynakça eklenir. Kaynakça dipnotlarda ve resim altı yazılarında verilen tüm kaynakları kapsamalıdır. Kaynakça, Arşiv Kaynakları, Yazma Kaynaklar, Basılı Kaynaklar ve/veya Elektronik Kaynaklar olarak dört ana başlık altında oluşturulur. Kaynakçada, basılı kaynaklar yazar soyadına göre alfabetik olarak sıralanır. Arşiv malzemesi ve yazma eserler kaynak gösterilirken, arşiv ve kütüphanenin bulunduğu şehir, resmi adı ve tasnifi açık olarak belirtilmeli belge/yazma numarası, varsa tarihi verilmelidir. Soyadı taşımayan yazarlar (örn. Salih Zeki) bibliyografyada ilk isminin baş harfi altında ve ‘Salih Zeki’ şeklinde yazılır. Soyadı almış yazarlar kaynakçaya soyadlarıyla girilir (örn. Adıvar, A. Adnan). Örnekler: İD ilk dipnot, SD sonraki/kısa dipnotlar, K kaynakça Kitap, tek, iki ve üç yazarlı Dört ve daha fazla yazar için Kaynakça’da bütün yazarlar belirtilir, dipnotlarda yalnızca birinci yazar belirtilip ardına “ve diğerleri” anlamında “vd.” yazılır. İD Nihad M. Çetin, Eski Arap Şiiri, (İstanbul: İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi, 1975), 85. SD Çetin, Eski Arap Şiiri, 102. K Çetin, Nihad M. Eski Arap Şiiri. İstanbul: İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi, 1975. İD Kenan Demirayak ve Ahmet Savran, Arap Edebiyatı Tarihi: Cahiliye Dönemi, (Erzurum: Atatürk Üniversitesi Fen-Edebiyat Fakültesi, 1993), 38. SD Demirayak ve Savran, Arap Edebiyatı Tarihi: Cahiliye Dönemi, 41. K Demirayak, Kenan ve Ahmet Savran. Arap Edebiyatı Tarihi: Cahiliye Dönemi. Erzurum: Atatürk Üniversitesi Fen-Edebiyat Fakültesi, 2017. İD Hüseyin Yazıcı, A. Yaşar Koçak ve Abdullah Kızılcık, Arapça Modern Metinler, (İstanbul: Çantay Kitabevi, 2000), 35. SD Yazıcı, Koçak ve Kızılcık, Arapça Modern Metinler, 43. K Yazıcı, Hüseyin, A. Yaşar Koçak ve Abdullah Kızılcık. Arapça Modern Metinler. İstanbul: Çantay Kitabevi, 2000. KİTAP, yazara ek olarak çevirmen veya hazırlayan varsaHazırlayan varsa, dipnotta “çev.” yerine “haz.”; kaynakçada “Çeviren” yerine “Hazırlayan” kullanılır. İD Muallim Naci, Kültürler Kavşağında Edebiyat ve Hikmet, haz. Mehmet Atalay ve Mehmet Yavuz (İstanbul: Büyüyenay Yayınları, 2014), 120. SD Muallim Naci, Kültürler Kavşağında, 99. K Muallim Naci. Kültürler Kavşağında Edebiyat ve Hikmet. Hazırlayanlar Mehmet Atalay ve Mehmet Yavuz. İstanbul: Büyüyenay Yayınları, 2014. İD Sâtı el-Husrî, Milliyetçilik Aynasında Dil ve Edebiyat, çev. Leyla Yakupoğlu Boran ve Uğur Boran (İstanbul: Büyüyenay Yayınları, 2020), 76. SD el-Husrî, Milliyetçilik Aynasında, 89. K el-Husri, Sâtı. Milliyetçilik Aynasında Dil ve Edebiyat. Çeviren Leyla Yakupoğlu Boran ve Uğur Boran. İstanbul: Büyüyenay Yayınları, 2020. KİTAP, çok ciltliİD Ahmad Saffar Mogaddam, Farsça Temel Dersler, çev. Javad Amini Manesh (Istanbul: Demavend Yayınları, 2014), 1:74. SD Mogaddam, Farsça Temel Dersler, 2:35. K Mogaddam, Ahmad Saffar. Farsça Temel Dersler. Çeviren Javad Amini Manesh. 2 cilt. Istanbul: Demavend Yayınları, 2014. Kitap içinde bölüm veya kitabın bir kısmıİD Lale Aydın Tunç, “Çin Edebiyatında Modernleşme”, Doğu Edebiyatında Edebî Akımlar ve Üsluplar içinde, haz. Leyla Yakupoğlu Boran (İstanbul: Demavend Yayınları, 2019), 29. SD Aydın Tunç, “Çin Edebiyatında”, 30. K Aydın Tunç, Lale. “Çin Edebiyatında Modernleşme”. Doğu Edebiyatında Edebî Akımlar ve Üsluplar, hazırlayan Leyla Yakupoğlu Boran içinde 29-42. İstanbul: Demavend Yayınları, 2002. Kitap içinde önsöz, sunuş, giriş ve benzeri kısımlarİD Gürol Irzık, Kostas Gavroglu’nun Bilimlerin Geçmişinden Tarih Üretmek adlı kitabına önsöz (İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2006), 8. SD Irzık, önsöz, 9. K Irzık, Gürol. Kostas Gavroglu’nun Bilimlerin Geçmişinden Tarih Üretmek adlı kitabına önsöz, 7-11. İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2006. Kitap, elektronik olarak yayımlanmışEğer kitap birden fazla formatta yayımlanmış ise, kullanılan formatı referans verilir. Online başvurulmuş kitaplar için URL verilir. İstenirse erişim tarihi eklenir. Eğer sayfa numarası yoksa, bölüm başlığını veya başka bir sayı eklenebilir.İD Halil Toker, Emre Aktuna ve Shiekh Waleed Rasool, Kashmir: Regional and International Dimensions (İstanbul: Demavend Yayınları, 2020) Erişim 1 Ocak 2021, http://www.demavend.com.tr/e-kitap/kashmir.pdf . SD Toker, Aktuna ve Rasool, Kashmir, 57. K Toker, Halil, Emre Aktuna ve Shiekh Waleed Rasool. Kashmir: Regional and International Dimensions. İstanbul: Demavend Yayınları, 2020. Erişim 1 Ocak 2021. <a href="http://www.demavend.com.tr/e-kitap/kashmir.pdf." target="_blank">http://www.demavend.com.tr/e-kitap/kashmir.pdf.</a>Dergi makalesi, telifİD Jun Liu, “Türk Öğrencilerin Çin Yazısı Öğrenirken Karşılaştıkları Zorluklar ile İlgili Bir Analiz ve Bu Zorluklarla Başa Çıkmanın Yolları Hakkında Bir Araştırma,” Doğu Araştırmaları 2 (2012), 193. SD Liu, “Çin Yazısı” 3-5. K Liu, Jun. “Türk Öğrencilerin Çin Yazısı Öğrenirken Karşılaştıkları Zorluklar ile İlgili Bir Analiz ve Bu Zorluklarla Başa Çıkmanın Yolları Hakkında Bir Araştırma.” Doğu Araştırmaları 2 (2012): 193-200. Dergi makalesi, çeviriİD Yang Jianxin, Ma Manli, “Çin-Hun İlişkileri,” çev. Eyüp Sarıtaş, Doğu Araştırmaları 2 (2012), 201. SD Jianxin, Manli, “Çin-Hun İlişkileri,” 201. K Yang Jianxin, Ma Manli. “Çin-Hun İlişkileri,” çeviren Eyüp Sarıtaş, Doğu Araştırmaları 2 (2012): 201-210. Dergi makalesi, elektronikİD Fırat Açıkgöz, Olcay Sert, “Interlingual Machine Translation: Prospects and Setbacks,” Translation Journal 10 (2006): 3, erişim 3 Nisan 2007. SD Açıkgöz, Sert, “Interlingual,” 5-6. K Açıkgöz, Fırat, Sert, Olcay. “Interlingual Machine Translation: Prospects and Setbacks.” Translation Journal 10 (2006): 1-12. Erişim 3 Nisan 2007.Gazete makalesi, baskıİD Seriye Sezen, “Mo Yan’in Kaleminden Yakın Çin Tarihi,” Cumhuriyet, 8 Ocak 2015, 12. SD Sezen, “Mo Yan,” 12. K Sezen, Seriye. “Mo Yan’in Kaleminden Yakın Çin Tarihi.” Cumhuriyet, 8 Ocak 2015. Gazete haberi, elektronikGazete makale ve haberleri genellikle kaynakçaya alınmaz. Alındığı takdirde yukarıdaki gösterimler kullanılır. Makalenin veya haberin yazarı belli değilse referansa haber veya makalenin başlığı ile başlanır.İD ''On Bin Yıllık İran Medeniyeti, İki Bin Yıllık Ortak Miras'', Cumhuriyet, 01 Aralık 2009, Erişim 24.02.2021. https://www.cumhuriyet.com.tr/haber/on-bin-yillik-iran-medeniyeti-iki-bin-yillik-ortak-miras-102756 SD ''On Bin Yıllık İran Medeniyeti, İki Bin Yıllık Ortak Miras''. K ''On Bin Yıllık İran Medeniyeti, İki Bin Yıllık Ortak Miras'', Cumhuriyet, 01 Aralık 2009, Erişim 24.02.2021. <a href="https://www.cumhuriyet.com.tr/haber/on-bin-yillik-iran-medeniyeti-iki-bin-yillik-ortak-miras-102756." target="_blank">https://www.cumhuriyet.com.tr/haber/on-bin-yillik-iran-medeniyeti-iki-bin-yillik-ortak-miras-102756.</a> Kitap tanıtımıİD Yeşim Amaç, “Şaraba Bulanan Seccade (Hâfız Divan’ından Seçme Gazeller), Ali Güzelyüz’ün Şaraba Bulanan Seccade (Hâfız Divan’ından Seçme Gazeller) adlı kitabının tanıtımı, Doğu Esintileri, 10 (2019), 375-376. SD Amaç, “Şaraba Bulanan”, 375-376. K Yeşim Amaç, “Şaraba Bulanan Seccade (Hâfız Divan’ından Seçme Gazeller), Ali Güzelyüz’ün Şaraba Bulanan Seccade Hâfız Divan’ından (Seçme Gazeller) adlı eserinin tanıtımı, Doğu Esintileri, 10 (2019): 375-376.https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/dogu/issue/43282/526232. TezİD Mehmet Atalay, “Şâir Nef'î Farsça Divanının Edisyon Kritiği ve Üslûbu” (Doktora tezi, Atatürk Üniversitesi, 1998), 32. SD Atalay, ““Şâir Nef'î Farsça”, 32. K Atalay, Mehmet, “Şâir Nef'î Farsça Divanının Edisyon Kritiği ve Üslûbu” Doktora tezi, Atatürk Üniversitesi, 1998. Ansiklopedi maddesiİD Derya Örs, “Abdullah b. Ali Kâşânî”, DİA, c. XXIV, (Ankara: TDV, 2002), 4-5. SD Örs, “Abdullah b. Ali Kâşânî”, 4-5. K Örs, Derya. “Abdullah b. Ali Kâşânî.” DİA. XXIV: 4-5. Ankara: TDV, 2002. Yayımlanmamış bildiri İD Güller Nuhoğlu, “Mirza Yahya Devletabadi'nin Hatıralarında İstanbul” (10. Türkiye-İran Tarihi ve Kültürel İlişkileri Sempozyumu’nda sunulan bildiri, Konya, 12-14 Aralık 2018). SD Nuhoğlu, “Mirza Yahya.” K Nuhoğlu, Güller. “Mirza Yahya Devletabadi'nin Hatıralarında İstanbul.” 10. Türkiye-İran Tarihi ve Kültürel İlişkileri Sempozyumu’nda sunulan bildiri, Konya, 12-14 Aralık 2018 İD Esra Altay, “Takiyye binti el-Gays es-Sûriyye'nin Edebiyata Katkıları” (4.Uluslararası Avrasya Çalışmaları &#34;İslam'ın Altın Çağında İlimlerin Gelişmesine Katkı Yapan Bilim Öncüleri’ Sempozyumu’nda sunulan bildiri, İstanbul, 21 - 23 Ekim 2020). SD Altay, “Takiyye binti el-Gays es-Sûriyye'nin.” K Altay, Esra. “Takiyye binti el-Gays es-Sûriyye'nin Edebiyata Katkıları.” 4.Uluslararası Avrasya Çalışmaları &#34;İslam'ın Altın Çağında İlimlerin Gelişmesine Katkı Yapan Bilim Öncüleri’ Sempozyumu’nda sunulan bildiri, İstanbul, 21 - 23 Ekim 2020 Yazma eserİD Feyzi, Muhadarat-ı Feyzi, İstanbul, İstanbul Üniversitesi Nadir Eserler Kütüphanesi, T6833, 48a. SD Feyzi, Muhadarat-ı Feyzi, T6833, 51b. K Feyzi, Muhadarat-ı Feyzi, İstanbul, İstanbul Üniversitesi Nadir Eserler Kütüphanesi, T6833, 1a-70b. İD Salih b. Nasrullah, Ghayat al-itqan fi tabdir badan al-insan, İstanbul, Süleymaniye Kütüphanesi, Ayasofya 3682, 26a. SD Salih b. Nasrullah, Ghayat al-itqan, Ayasofya 3682, 23b. K Salih b. Nasrullah, Ghayat al-itqan fi tabdir badan al-insan, Istanbul, Süleymaniye Kütüphanesi, Ayasofya 3682, 1a-311a, Kopyalanma tarihi 10 Rebiülevvel 1135 (19 Aralık 1722). Arşiv belgesiİD Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi (BOA), Cevdet Askeriye (C.AS.) 71/3352, 9 Şevval 1211 (7 Nisan 1797). SD BOA, C.AS. 71/3352. K Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi (BOA). Cevdet Askeriye (C. AS) 71/3352, 9 Şevval 1211 (7 Nisan 1920). İD Topkapı Sarayı Müzesi Arşivi (TSMA), E. 3202-2=597-2-7. SD TSMA, E. 3202-2=597-2-7. K Topkapı Sarayı Müzesi Arşivi (TSMA). E. 3202-2=597-2-7.Web sitesiİD “Ülke Profili:Mısır,”, erişim 26 Ocak 2014, http://www.aljazeera.com.tr/ulke-profili/ulke-profili-misir SD “Ülke Profili:Mısır.” K Ülke Profili. “Ülke Profili:Mısır.” Erişim 26 Ocak 2014. <a href="http://www.aljazeera.com.tr/ulke-profili/ulke-profili-misir." target="_blank">http://www.aljazeera.com.tr/ulke-profili/ulke-profili-misir.</a>E-posta veya metin iletisiGenellikle yalnızca dipnotlarda verilir. Kaynakçada yer alma zorunluluğu yoktur. d Ömer İshakoğlu, yazara e-posta iletisi, 17.05.2020.

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