Pauline

Ondokuzuncu Yüzyılın Sonunda Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nda  Şark Telgraf Kumpanyası: İmparatorluk ve Yabancı Teknolojinin Bir Tarihçesi

Semiha

Assist. Prof.

Prof.

Aram Margossian was born in Istanbul in 1853. He completed his university education at the École des Ponts et Chaussées in Paris in 1878. Upon completing his degree, he returned to Ottoman Turkey and worked in the Ministry of Public Affairs as an engineer, where he was later promoted to the director of the railway administration. Concurrently with his post in the ministry, he lectured at the Hendese-i Mülkiye, the school of civil engineering, and published his lecture notes. Not only had Margossian been a civil engineer, a bureaucrat, and a university professor, he would also become a distinguished amateur mathematician later in his life. His book on magic squares, Contribution à l’Étude des Carrés Magiques: De l’Ordonnance des Nombres dans les Carrés Magiques Impairs (1908) was published in France and became the key to his fame. In this authentic book, Margossian extended various known methods for generating magic squares.In addition to his book, the current study has identified three articles he wrote on Euler and Latin squares. In the first article from 1912, Margossian tried to solve an open problem known as Euler’s officer problem. The first part of the current paper will discuss the significance and repercussions of this work and attempt to show why his solution to the problem was incomplete. Margossian published this article in the review journal Sphinx-Œdipe in a separate supplementary issue. This journal was edited and hand-written by André Gérardin. Also, Margossian’s name appeared on the cover of the 1921 issue of Sphinx-Œdipe as one of the founders of the magazine. In 1921, Gérardin and Kraitchik formed an international mathematical circle called Les Amis des Nombres. As a Belgium engineer and mathematician, Kraitchik was instrumental in making Margossian’s methods a household item by referring to them extensively in his book (Kraitchik, 1930). Margossian also became a member of Les Amis des Nombres in 1921. Through his active participation in various mathematical circles and his continuing involvement with his alma mater, Margossian was able to integrate with the French intellectual milieu.In 1909, he became a member of the Ottoman Society for Architects and Engineers, one of the most important scientific and professional societies of the period. Between 1908- 1910, the majority of its members were engineers from the Ministry of Public Affairs and/or university professors from Hendese-i Mülkiye Mektebi. Margossian (1909, 1910) published two opinion articles in the Journal of the Ottoman Society for the Architects and Engineers. In the first opinion piece, Margossian defended the use of Western symbols and Western scientific terminology over the Ottoman/Arabic symbols and terminology that were currently in use. His second article bore the title “Some Remarks on Statistics” and differed from other articles in the same journal in terms of its technical sophistication. The second part of this paper will analyze that article in detail and attempt to establish what Margossian had been trying to do by filling in some details.In his article on statistics, Margossian showed the importance of statistical inference in all fields of knowledge where data analysis is of utmost importance. Margossian started by showing how a collection of numbers obtained from tables of logarithm values can be analyzed using Pearson’s chi-square test as well as how their probability distribution can be inferred. His first scientific example involved chemistry and the well-known historical controversy on calculating the oxygen content of water. By implicitly invoking the Law of Large Numbers, he pointed out that the number of observations that had been made were insufficient to infer an accurate conclusion about the mean value of the data. His second example, from social sciences, involved the Parretto Law for the distribution of wealth. To deduce this law for a specific society, one needs a sophisticated version of the least square line fit. By showing the mathematical skills that are required to deal with these problems Margossian supported his claim that engineers, especially those educated in the West, were the best candidates to learn and apply statistical inferences in all fields of daily life. Margossian further claimed that positions should exist in each ministry for such people.Margossian was an Ottoman Armenian who probably became unemployed after 1909. His interest in trying to define new employment opportunities for the engineers of his period is perfectly understandable. 1909 is believed to have been a turning point in his life, one where he had been transformed from a civil servant in the Ottoman Empire to an amateur mathematician in France. The article published in 1912 is believed to have played a key role in this transformation. Margossian died in Strobl near Austria in 1931 and had probably left the country during World War I.&nbsp;

İnşaat Mühendisi ve Amatör Matematikçi Aram Margosyan’ın İstatistik Üzerine Görüşleri

Res. Assist.

The journal Gazette des Hôpitaux Civils et Militaires de l’Empire Ottoman / Ceride-i Emâkinü’s-Sıhha was published between 1887 and 1897 by Spiridon Mavrogeny Pasha, the private physician of Sultan Abdul Hamid II (r. 1876-1909) and studied by Feza Günergun in 2002. This article is an addendum to Günergun’s article in light of the newly opened periodical collection at Bibliothèque interuniversitaire de Santé [Interuniversity Health Library] in Paris, France and the documents kept in the Ottoman Archives in Turkey. Currently, no library is found to hold a complete collection of the journal. The journal was censured due to the articles Dr. David Pardo had written and was discontinued due to funding restrictions. Subsequently, it continued to be published in line with the Gazette Médicale d’Orient, the official publication of the Cemiyet-i Tıbbiye-i Şahane [Imperial Medical Society] in Istanbul. Gazette des Hôpitaux was the first bilingual (French and Turkish) medical journal to be published in Ottoman Turkey. Its originality could not be maintained after being censored, and its publication was suspended despite Dr. Mavrogeny Pasha’s continued efforts. This article contains the French and Turkish index of the 26 issues of the journal (in addition to Günergun’s article) as well as the testimonial account of Dr. David Pardo about the death of Dr. Marko Pasha’s wife and children from diphtheria in its appendix section. The Gazette des Hôpitaux Civils et Militaires de l’Empire Ottoman was a dramatic case that witnessed the effects of Abdul Hamid II’s repressive rules on medical publishing, which made publishing a journal not in allegiance with Abdul Hamid II’s Yıldız Palace impossible. Publications were also controlled by funding restrictions and censorship. Dr. David Pardo had attempted to draw attention in his articles to the inadequate measures that were being taken during the cholera epidemic, the scandalous decisions taken at Toptaşı Asylum, the failures in epidemic management, and the infrastructural problems of Istanbul. During the period when Gazette des Hôpitaux Civils et Militaires de l’Empire Ottoman was published and censored, the scientific activities of the Cemiyet-i Tıbbiye-i Osmaniye [Ottoman Medical Society] in Istanbul were also being impeded. The sessions the Society held were banned because the government had deemed them to be unsuitable, and the Society’s function of supervising and encouraging scientific publications had been transformed into one of inspecting publications that were deemed harmful. The Society functioned as a censorship commission until the beginning of the Second Constitutional Era in 1908, when it almost entirely lost its actual function.&nbsp;&nbsp;Moreover, physicians during this period were not allowed to create associations. According to the Ottoman archival documents, the Ottoman Medical Society did not have enough linguistically qualified officers to supervise the suitability of medical works for publishing (i.e., to perform its censorship function). While this did impede the publication of medical works, it also prevented the publication of many pamphlets, booklets, books, and journals in other languages in Istanbul. Therefore, many authors lost a great deal of time, spending their efforts all in vain. Another medical society, Cemiyet-i Tıbbiye-yi Şahane [Imperial Medical Society] had also been subjected to various pressures in the same period. Important testimonies occurred about the pressure exerted on the Society as well as on sleuthing and whistleblowing activities in Istanbul. Additionally, authorities tried to put the Imperial Medical Society in a difficult situation by reducing its financial aid and even delaying it payments of the reduced aid. This article presents documents regarding what these pressures had led to. Mavrogeny Pasha also appears to have been subjected to various incidents during the period in which he’d published the Gazette des Hôpitaux. He was followed by the Sultan’s sleuths, and reports were written about him. Mavrogeny Pasha was regularly prosecuted, and many investigations were conducted against him. During one investigation, a memoir written in Greek about Abdul Hamid II as well as other personal documents were found in the Pasha’s house. He was interrogated and news about his arrest began to appear in the foreign press. After this incident, Mavrogeny Pasha was forced to swear an oath of loyalty in the presence of the Ecumenical Patriarch of Constantinople, Neophytos VIII and two other witnesses. These events led the Pasha to lose his reputation. As a result of the absolute centralization of the reign of Abdul Hamid II, institutions such as Matbuat Dairesi [the Press Office] lost their authority, and applicants had to apply to the Yıldız Palace either directly or through intermediaries in order to republish journals that had been shut down or to publish new journals; applications needed to include certificates of good status, warrants of guarantee, and safety documents from the communities to which the applicant belonged, with the final decisions being left directly to the will of the Sultan. Journals and newspapers have been directly controlled through funds and censorship. According to archival documents, Gazette des Hôpitaux Civils et Militaires de l’Empire Ottoman was the only scientific publication among the journals and newspapers to have received financial aid from the government. Despite this privileged position the journal had, its publication and content seem to have been overshadowed by Mavrogeny Pasha’s private life and the sensationalist atmosphere of the period. Even today that medical phenomenon, deaths from epidemics, and the inadequate measures taken are well known to have been censored in various ways by those in power in various states. Thus the microhistory of Gazette des Hôpitaux Civils et Militaires de l’Empire Ottoman invites historical researchers to once again subject medical sources to a more careful reading.&nbsp;

Gazette des Hôpitaux Civils et Militaires de l'Empire Ottoman  / Ceride-i Emâkinü’s-Sıhha [1887-1897]: Yeni Bulunan  Sayılar ve Yeniden Değerlendirme

Hikmet

Throughout history, societies have experienced various disasters, one of these being cholera, an infectious disease that originated in India. Due to its ability to turn into an epidemic, cholera has caused great damage to many states including the Ottoman Empire. The first cholera epidemic in the empire broke out in 1822, with epidemics having ravaged the country since then at various intervals. The 1865 epidemic in particular caused great losses that urged the Ottoman administrators to take greater measures against its spread. The Meclis-i Umur-ı Sıhhiye [Council of Health Affairs] was established in 1838 in order to combat epidemics using modern medical methods. When a cholera epidemic broke out in Hamburg, Germany in 1892, Sultan Abdul Hamid II, worried about its spread to Istanbul, additionally decreed the establishment of an inspectorate of public hygiene in 1892. The chemist and pharmacist Charles Bonkowski Pasha, a Polish refugee who had previously studied the sewers of Istanbul and analyzed the drinking water of the city, was appointed as the chief inspector. This administration was first entrusted with the sanitary problems of Istanbul, as is indicated by the name Inspectorate for Hygiene for Dersaadet and Galata, Üsküdar, and Eyüp. In the same year, the inspectorate’s mission was expanded to include the entire territory of the empire, and its name was changed to the General Inspectorate for Public Hygiene.As inspector-in-chief of public hygiene, Bonkowski Pasha along with his team composed of doctors and disinfection officers, worked effectively against cholera epidemics in Edirne, Bursa, Trabzon, Izmir, Izmit, and especially Istanbul between 1892-1895. He was first given information about the state of infected cities, and he and his team would then visit these cities in line with this information to conduct inspections. During these inspections, Bonkowski Pasha would receive support from the governors, local administrators, military units, and&nbsp;other prominent people. Additionally, Bonkowski Pasha would form a health commission consisting of local people to discuss the measures to be taken against the epidemic. However, he was forced to face some hinderances from the Mayor Rıdvan Pasha in Istanbul, especially for the work to be done in the sewers of the city. In the end, though, the Sultan backed Bonkowski Pasha regarding this situation.Bonkowski Pasha had large-scale disinfections performed in the houses where cholera had broken out. He would have some items burned and immovable objects disinfected effectively. He also would have the remaining items washed and ventilated and the interior walls whitewashed. Streets and market places were cleaned, open toilets were whitewashed, sewers were covered, and rats were exterminated. Work was done to prevent contaminated water from being mixed with the drinking water.Bonkowski Pasha also attempted to prevent the spread of the disease by implementing large-scale quarantines. He ordered the belongings of passengers staying in the quarantine houses located on the important transit routes of the empire to be disinfected, which was important because passengers could spread the disease to other places after leaving the quarantine houses. Bonkowski Pasha provided detailed reports on the epidemic for the places he visited. He would send these reports directly to Abdul Hamid II, in which he detailed the problems he’d encountered and the work he’d done.The pasha sometimes acted in unison with the Council of Public Health when working in places where he’d been assigned. However, he mentioned in his reports that the Council did not always send the required officials to contaminated places, or if they were sent, their number was insufficient. Still, Bonkowski Pasha established good relations with the local peoples, took care to not disturb the people with the precautions he took, and tried to reduce the quarantine period in unaffected localities. The steps he took did sometimes cause problems between him and the Council of Public Health, and the council did not hesitate to warn Bonkowski Pasha about obeying the sanitation laws.The present article is essentially based on the sanitation reports Bonkowski Pasha had written that are kept in the Ottoman Archives in Istanbul. These reports show the hygiene conditions in the Empire to have been poor, with open sewers, non-sanitary toilets, contaminated water being mixed with drinking water, and the unhealthiness of market places and streets being the main factors that paved the way for the spread of the cholera epidemic and that undoubtedly made Bonkowski’s mission difficult. These reports also provided information about the Ottoman administrators’ struggle against the cholera epidemic of 1893-1895.&nbsp;

Hıfzıssıhha Umum Başmüfettişi Charles Bonkowski  Paşa’nın Osmanlı Türkiye’sinde Başgösteren 1893-1895  Kolera Salgını Sırasında Aldığı Sağlık Önlemleri

Ebubekir

The modern terms in philosophy, science, and technology that are used in Western languages began to enter Turkish at the end of the 18th century. The introduction of modern medicine into Turkey, the emergence of new issues in the fields of law and politics, and the translation of Western astronomical, geographical, geological, and economic terms into Turkish accelerated the process. The intensification of relations with the West and the beginning of translations from Western languages, especially after the Tanzimat, led Ottomans to recognize many new concepts of Western origin. Some of these terms also entered daily language through the press and textbooks. However, these terms either passed into Turkish as they were, or several different terms ended up being coined in Turkish by various individuals for one individual Western term. These made the books translated from Western languages very difficult to read and caused a number of semantic problems. For this reason, the need for a common philosophical and scientific language became one of the issues on which Ottoman intellectuals focused. This issue was formally discussed for the first time during the Second Constitutional Era. In 1913, the Istılahat-ı İlmiye Encümeni [Committee for Scientific Terminology] was established in order to decide how to find the Turkish equivalents for the many new terms and concepts in modern philosophy, science, and technology.The Committee for Scientific Terminology was established within the Ministry of Education under the chairmanship of Emrullah Efendi, a former Minister of Education. The Committee had to focus on coining Turkish terms related to fine arts, science, and technology, especially areas related to philosophy. According to the third article of the Committee’s regulations, the following branches of science were to be focused on for coining Turkish&nbsp;terms: philosophy, mathematics, physics, history, geography, natural sciences, medical sciences, law, politics, linguistics, military arts, navigation, literature, art, music, agriculture, engineering, technology, mechanical engineering, mining engineering, and industry. Experts from all branches of science took place on the Committee as members based on their fields of expertise.In the beginning, the committee met once a week in the Darülfünun [University] library, with members being paid one lira for each meeting. In addition, a bonus of half a lira would be paid to members for each chapter published. The committee met every two weeks after 1917. Changes in members of the committee were observed to occur over time for various reasons. The chairman of the committee was elected by a secret election among the members. One of three members who received the most votes in the secret election was appointed by the Minister of Education as the chairman of the committee. Members who did not attend three consecutive meetings were deemed to have resigned, and new members were appointed according to their fields of expertise.According to Rıza Tevfik, a member of the Committee for Scientific Terminology, the committee’s aim was to find Turkish equivalents for many scientific concepts and terms used in developed languages and to prepare a dictionary for Turkish scientific terms.The committee examined ancient works in order to determine whether pre-existing Turkish equivalents could be found for the terms of Western origin. The members of the committee grew in number over time, with new members also joining the committee based on their field of expertise. The committee also endeavored to find terms regarding the military arts and religious sciences. The studies the Committee for Scientific Terminology carried out should also be noted to involve important steps that were taken toward creating a common scientific language in Turkey. However, the results expected from the committee’s work were not obtained, and no common scientific language could be established.The Committee for Scientific Terminology continued its work without interruption until the beginning of 1919 and published three glossaries: one for philosophy, one for the arts, and one for general science. Why the committee did not publish other glossaries than the ones mentioned above is unclear. However, the committee members were known to be experts in all branches of science and to have deliberated on how to determine the scientific terms. The work of the committee officially ended on March 16, 1919.The Committee for Scientific Terminology prepared the following three dictionaries: a dictionary of philosophy terms; a dictionary of art terms, and a dictionary of general science terms including only those starting with the letter A.&nbsp;

Modern Felsefe, Bilim ve Teknoloji Terimlerinin Türkiye’ye  Girişi Çerçevesinde Istılahat-ı İlmiye Encümeni (1913-1919)

Özlem

Agricultural journals in Ottoman Turkey began being published in the late 19th century, with the number of publications gradually increasing in the years that followed. The first journal published in this field was Vasıta-ı Servet [Medium for Wealth] in 1881, which also included articles on veterinary medicine, followed by Ziraat Gazetesi [Journal of Agriculture] in the same year. Among later periodicals was the journal Felâhat [Farming], which provided information on agriculture, veterinary medicine, industry, and trade.No detailed research has been conducted on Felâhat; however, its dates of publication, aim and number of published issues are known. Copies of Felâhat are found in libraries in Ankara, Erzurum, and Istanbul, with this study benefitting from the issues stored in the Hakkı Tarık Us Collection of Beyazıt State Library, Istanbul.Felâhat was published in Istanbul every 15 days between March 28, 1913-February 1919 for a total of 67 issues, with issues being published less regularly after issue #33. The baş moharrir [publisher and editor-in-chief] of Felâhat was Sebuh İstepenyan, and its müdür [director] for the first three years was Ahmed Talat, followed by Leon as its director for the fourth and fifth years.Felâhat was an illustrated journal published in two columns in the dimensions of 20x27.5 cm. The subscription fee for the first two years was 15 kurus for six months and 30 kurus for a year, while the third year saw the annual subscription reduced to 10 kurus and the fourth year raised to 20 kurus. Felâhat was printed in the publishing houses Matbaa-i Hayriye ve Şürekâsı and Matbaa-i Orhaniye.The front cover of the first issue bore the names of the muharrir [editors] for agriculture and its sub-branches, industry and trade, veterinary sciences as well as the institutions where they worked. The editors included experts and administrators working in Ottoman state institutions based in İstanbul, İzmir, İzmit, Kastamonu, Thessalonica, and Skopje such as the Halkalı School of Agriculture in Istanbul, the School of Farming in Skopje, and the School of Horticulture and Viticulture in İzmir to name a few. Two editors were from Egypt, and one was an agricultural engineer at the British engineering company John Fowler &amp;Co.The purpose of publishing the journal was revealed in the first issue, under the titles of “Preface” and “Our Job.” The journal aimed to enlighten farmers through articles prepared by experts using a plain language to help farmers get acquainted with modern agricultural methods and soil cultivation, as well as to develop the country’s agricultural production. Felâhat’s issues included articles on poultry, field and horticultural crops, agricultural tools, animal breeds, diagnosis and treatment methods for plant and animal diseases, forestry, farming, industry, agriculture, minerals, trade, and apiculture. The journal also informed its readers about new scientific and technical developments from the world and the Ottoman Empire and published advertisements, illustrations, serialized texts, and announcements. The articles published in the journal covered a wide range of topics under various subjects such as agriculture, agriculture and animal husbandry in the Ottoman Empire and various countries, pest control, forests, and water wells. In this respect, the journal showed similarities to the other agricultural journals of the period in terms of both the purpose of publication and the wide range of covered topics. Information regarding the end of its publication life is unknown.Most of the articles bore their respective authors’ names, and while full names were given in the first two years, they were mostly abbreviated in the following period. The most prolific authors were Sina Kerim Istepenyan (The Director of the Kastamonu School of Farming), İhsan (Director of the Seydi Köy School of Viticulture and Horticulture at İzmir), Abdulhakim Hares, and Feridun. The affiliations of the two latter authors are unknown.In conclusion, Felâhat was published in line with the aims stated in its first issue, such as making the readership aware of new developments and improvements in agriculture, and the publishers attempted to follow the progress in industry, trade, and veterinary medicine and to convey to farmers the modern agricultural methods using a plain language with the help of experts.&nbsp;

Osmanlı Türkiye’sinde Yayımlanmış Bir Çiftçilik Dergisi: Felâhat (1913-1919)

Abdüssamet

Padua’dan İstanbul’a Peregrinatio Medica: Joseph Solomon Del  Medigo (1591-1655) ve Tobias Cohen (1652-1729)

Adem

Takiyüddîn er-Râsıd’ın Rub’u Dairesi (Rub’u Müceyyeb)  ile Çarpma ve Bölme İşlemlerinin Nasıl Yapılacağına İlişkin Urcuze li’l-Ceyb ve’d-Darb ve’l-Kısme Adlı Manzum Eseri

İbrahim

Hakan

Assoc. Prof.

Osmanlı Dönemi Kuzey Arabistanı’nda bir Arkeolojik Buluntu: Medâin-i Sâlih’teki Nabatî Güneş Saati

Şeref

İstanbul Okullarında Laboratuar Arkeolojisi

Mehmet

Beyoğlu’ndan Kandilli’ye: Yorum ve Değerlendirmelerin  Işığında Rasathane’nin 150 Yıllık Öyküsü

Dr. Cevat Mazhar’ın Üç Yaşamı ve Ölümü

Cevat

Bilgesu

Berennaz

İlker

İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Bilim Tarihi  Kulübü VI. Bilim Tarihi Öğrenci Kongresi (13 Mayıs 2022)

Ayşe

Prof. Dr.

Assist. Prof. Dr.

Between 1874-1877, Aram Margosyan (Margossian in French) attended the French engineering school l’École des ponts et chausséés (EPC) in Paris. After graduating from EPC, he worked as an engineer in the Ministry of Public Works on different railway projects in the Ottoman Empire. In the 1880’s he became one of the first nonmilitary professors of the engineering school Hendese-i Mülkiye Mektebi (HMM) which started admitting nonmilitary (civilian) students and faculty in 1883. The engineering school in Constantinople was modeled after EPC and was a natural fit for Margosyan as a (part-time) teacher. In HMM, Margosyan was best remembered as a mathematician who wrote lecture notes in analysis. In these notes, he used the tools of infinitesimal analysis instead of the more rigorous analytical tools. Even though Margosyan has taught various courses in HMM, only two of his lecture notes survived physically. In this work, we have analyzed his lecture notes on Fenn-i Mihânik-i Riyâzi (FMR, Science of Mathematical Mechanics).At that time, a standard course in mechanics (in France) included three main topics: statics, kinematics, and dynamics. Margosyan’s lecture notes deal only with the topic of kinematics. This could be a deliberate choice by the author since kinematics can be treated using mathematical analysis without recourse to physical laws.A physical copy of the lecture notes was available in Istanbul Technical University’s library. We transliterated the text into Ottoman, including all the figures furnished in the notes. Afterward, we translated the text into modern Turkish.It was natural to assume that Margosyan had the inspiration from his lecture notes from a French textbook on mechanics published before 1884. Most of the better-known French books on mechanics are now available in internet archives. However, we have restricted our search mainly to the textbooks available in Turkish libraries. During this search, we realized that Margosyan’s lecture notes had an extensive overlap with the kinematics book of Édouard Collignon published in 1853. Collignon was a professor in EPC and gave an applied mechanics course to the class “élevé exterior”. This class included Margossian as a student. Collignon had published three books on mechanics, and the first volume was on kinematics. We have carefully compared the two texts. Margosyan’s lecture notes left out many topics treated in Collignon’s book on kinematics. The whole section on mechanisms is left out from FRM, as well as all the numerical examples and the topic of numerical integration. It would be fair to conclude that Margosyan was not keen on the practical applications of the subject. Also, Margossian’s lecture notes left out discussions of Newton’s physical laws (and the concept of force) by considering the movements of bodies without recourse to their origins.Although Margosyan’s lecture notes are not a verbatim translation of the kinematics book, it is a shorter and slightly less analytic version of the latter. Margosyan, whenever possible, preferred geometric discussions combined with infinitesimal analysis to make a point. This style of argumentation predates Lagrange’s analytical treatment of mechanics and is closer to a more classical rendering of the subject. It would be unfair to say that Margossian did not utilize analytical tools at all, but he certainly has tried to avoid them as much as possible.The founder of the field of kinematics is Gilles Roberval, a precursor of Newton, had combined the tools of infinitesimal analysis with synthetic geometry to study the properties of various space and plane curves. It is no coincidence that Roberval’s Method has an important place in Margosyan’s lecture notes and is applied to various plane and space curves. By the end of the nineteenth century, the field of kinematics evolved under differential geometry and is treated more as a mathematical subject.We examined some of the kinematics books of French scientists written before Margosyan’s book that were not in Lagrange’s analytical mechanics tradition. In these books, geometric expressions and analytical expressions are almost equally weighted. Among these books, Collignon’s book stands out as the book that places the most emphasis on geometric representations. In his lecture notes, Margosyan seems to have tried to find some solution to the scientific terminology and notation problems in Ottoman Turkish with the universal language of geometric representations and preferred Collignon’s book among its peers for this reason.

Fransız Mühendis Collignon’un Kinematik Kitabının Osmanlıca Uyarlaması: Margosyan’ın Fenn-i Mihânik-i Riyâzî Ders Notları

Tuba

Halime

Following the conquest of Istanbul, the Ottomans enjoyed a lively period regarding studies on mathematics with contributions initially from scholars from other lands (i.e., Ilkhanids or Mamluks) and later from scholars who were native to the Ottoman Realm. Arguably, the most productive contributions occurred in the field of “calculation” during the 16th century when the compilation of new texts in this context reached a remarkable degree of quality. Some of these works, which are significant for providing information on the level attained by the Ottomans in mathematics at that time, are still waiting to be thoroughly examined from the perspective of the history of Ottoman mathematics. Among them is a Turkish translation (1574) of the Arabic book on calculation titled Kitâbü’t-Tezkire fî İlmi’l-Hisâb, written by Garseddin Ahmed bin İbrahim bin el-Nakib el-Halebî, who arrived in Istanbul in the retinue of Yavuz Sultan Selim following the Ottomans’ military expeditions to the Mamluk realm. The book was translated by el- Halebî’s student Dervish bin Lutfi. It is, however, not a simple translation but a Turkish redaction, which was written in the same outline as Kitâbü’tTezkire fî İlmi’l-Hisâb while the content was greatly expanded. Therefore, it can be accepted as a “supplementary translation” (translation with commentary). Dervish bin Lutfi treated the text with contributions from Ottoman mathematicians in order to obtain more precise results rapidly. This is one piece of evidence showing that the Ottomans were adopting the mathematical traditions of various regions. Therefore, dervish bin Lutfi’s work stands out as a noteworthy example of Ottoman reception of the classical era’s calculation.This study, which is based on a classical text, aims to examine Dervish bin Lutfi’s way of handling the “calculation” directly with this text’s accurate manuscript. First of all, the content of the text was introduced. Then, prominent issues in the text are mentioned in the footnotes, with their being quoted and their representations in modern mathematics. In conclusion, similarities or differences and superiority or weaknesses compared to the original book and other general calculation books from the Ottoman classical era were all considered during the evaluation of the text. For this purpose, the findings inferred from the manuscript copy -which is thought to be suitable and reliable- were analyzed by integrating them with information from other sources.Findings indicate that the features and parts of the numbers, which are mentioned at the end of the preface of the text, are not always included in general calculation books in Ottomans or need to be adequately detailed. When it comes to Dervish bin Lutfi’s second article, which evidently distinguishes with his own contributions, and the way he covers the subject of fractions is entirely distinctive, it differs from the original of the text with the operations with “akche,” “cantar,” “zira,” “mud,” “mitgal” and their decimal fractions. In this second article, most problems are solved by the proportion method. Some notable ones&nbsp;are trading, inverse and compound proportion, inverse operation, and transforming a cubeshaped object into a sphere by eliminating its corners, work, pool, and “cumel calculation” (hesab-ı cumel) problems. The epilogue of the text is allocated to the subject of “mesaha”. It is understood that the author made a great effort to handle this subject. Here, it is possible to find traces of the definition of the mesaha and the historical background of the value of the number pi.To sum up, the field of “calculation”, which was progressed by being integrated with algebra and geometry, had been used in practice for all operations related to the state and the community. Many books were compiled in the Ottoman classical period to teach the mathematical skills required to meet the needs of the state and community. These books contain knowledge from all Mashrik, Maghreb, and Egyptian mathematical traditions. In this regard, Dervish bin Lutfi’s work goes far beyond the original text of Garseddin ibn Nakib in terms of its scope. This is because both the article about fractional numbers and the chapter on “mesaha,” where many contributions can be observed, make the text useful in many professions and arts, such as law, bureaucracy, or architecture. It is essential to point out that although algebra is not treated in the work, on rare occasions, algebraic procedures are used to solve problems. This shows the advanced level of mathematics in the text and how competent and skillful the author and other Ottoman scholars were in this field. Thus, it is clear that the text examined here, which is a translation with commentary, holds a prominent place among general calculation books in the Ottoman period.

Osmanlı Klasik Döneminde Hesap ve Derviş Bin Lütfi’nin Yaklaşımı

Toroshan

Bitumen, rich in carbon and hydrogen, is a substance with high viscosity that exists in solid or liquid form in nature. Today, it can be produced as a synthetic by-product of crude oil. Nevertheless, until the 20th century, bitumen was extracted from natural resources. In the later stages of the Industrial Revolution, bitumen was increasingly used in many industrial sectors. Towards the end of the 19th century, Selenicë in Vlorë was one of the most important places of bitumen sources in Europe. The presence of bitumen in Vlorë was known since the Antiquity. The region came under Ottoman rule in the 15th century and bitumen deposits were used for caulking ships in the navy. However, the bitumen resources were not mined efficiently due to technological and financial inadequacies. With investments after the 1890s, the bitumen production in the region was modernized and became a critical asset for the Ottoman Empire.Academic studies regarding bitumen production in the Ottoman Empire are negligible in quantity and quality since researchers have primarily focused on other mining sectors and minerals such as iron, chromium, lead, and coal.This article aims to provide data on the quality of Vlorë bitumen deposits, bitumen extraction techniques, refining process, and marketing methods. At the same time, it tries to show how technical knowledge and skilled labor, when combined with marketing, can make idle resources productive. This study is based on the findings of our research conducted in the Ottoman Archives (BOA) in Istanbul and the Archives nationales du monde du travail (ANMT) in Roubaix, as well as the analyses of the technical reports of specialists, travelogues, and financial newspapers of the period. After surveying the quality and quantity of bitumen deposits in Vlorë, it examines bitumen extraction methods and technical developments. Finally, it also deals with the bitumen output, marketing strategies, and bitumen-based products.Vlorë bitumen deposits were large enough to support many related industries. Despite large deposits, bitumen production remained low in quantity until the end of the 19th century because of primitive insufficient mining techniques and lack of capital. The Ottoman Bank established the Selenicë Company (Société des Mines de Selenitza) in 1891 for the exploitation of bitumen in Vlorë. The company had a capital of 2.500.000 francs, part of which was provided by some French investors. The company modernized bitumen extraction methods and established a modern technical infrastructure that reduced production costs. As a result of these investments, average annual bitumen production increased to 6,000 tonnes a year.Most of the output included three types of bitumen: matte solid bitumen, glossy solid bitumen (also called Romsi and Ottimo bitumen), and liquid bitumen. Romsi and Ottimo bitumens were the best in quality among them. Around 6,000 tons of bitumen were shipped&nbsp;annually to European ports such as Marseille, Hamburg, Bremen, Amsterdam, and London. In addition to selling crude bitumen, the company also manufactured bitumen-added pesticides and fertilizers to combat phylloxera (also called vine fretter), which damaged vineyards. The company also developed methods for bitumen refining and new commercial tactics to increase sales. For example, it advertised bitumen-containing phylloxera pesticides in newspapers and exhibited various products made of bitumen at international expositions and trade fairs in Europe. As a result of these efforts, Vlorë bitumen became a renowned product in Europe. It was used as raw material or additive in sectors such as road construction, roof insulation, marine, paint, cable, cardboard, and varnish industries. Moreover, Vlorë bitumen was used to construct many famous boulevards of Paris.In short, as seen in the example of Vlorë Selenicë, technical know-how and capital were crucial in effectively utilizing natural resources. In this way, it became an important source of income for the Ottoman central treasury towards the end of the 19th century.

Osmanlı Devleti’nin Son Döneminde Avlonya’da Bitüm Üretimi

Serkan

In Ottoman architecture, a considerable number of buildings were built. Undoubtedly, the leading actors who created these buildings were among talented people who were members of the Ottoman Guild of Architects and were called “craftsmen (ehl-i hiref)” and were experts in public structures, construction, and art. Although the exact date of establishment of the Ottoman Guild of Architects is unknown, it is believed that the guild was integrated into the centralization activities during the rule of Mehmed the Conqueror. The Ottoman Guild of Architects became the one and only responsible unit for public improvements and construction activities to be conducted or planned in the Ottoman lands, as well as structures such as bridges, bastions, and castles, which can be urgent and crucial in the event of a war. The number of these members (in the guild) who were in the service of construction with the architects they trained increased over time, and, depending on this increase, the scope of the group widened. In parallel with these improvements, the representatives of the Ottoman Guild of Architects were integrated into the administrative organization in the provinces. These representatives, who found a place in the provincial organization, were called “esnaf-ı mimar” (construction tradesmen). An architect who was among these tradesmen was responsible for thirty-three different groups of tradesmen such as auger, plasterer, horasan maker, cage maker, paver maker, blacksmith, glazier, lead maker, su-yolcu (an occupation related to hydraulic works), etc., varying depending on the geographical conditions of the regions. Construction officials were located in areas where construction tradesmen were deprived and tried to fill the gap of this group. These officials served similarly to project assistants; they kept track of the expenses for the construction, purchased the building materials, and dealt with the daily wages of the masters and workers. In compulsory and necessary situations, senior civil servants who were on other duties or retired yet reliable and expert in the field were appointed to become construction officials. This occupation, considered a part of contractual&nbsp;civil service and given as much importance as being an architect, also allowed architects to focus on their art without getting involved in financial matters. The most important duty of construction officials was to ensure that the financial matters were sensitive, transparent, and reliable and that all expense books were kept independently. These expense books, registered by construction officials, are prominent documents that present some information such as when the large buildings were constructed, where, in what quantity, and for how much the materials were brought from, how many workers worked for the construction, how much they were paid, and how much the building cost. This system was considerably functional, although construction officials sometimes cut expenses and left the chief architects in a difficult situation. Indeed, architects, who were all artists in the way they presented their work, were not involved in financial matters and were kept away from responsibilities; hence, they could practice their art peacefully. - This technique was also important for the architects to protect themselves against possible accusations on financial matters.&nbsp;As a last note, construction officials, who were selected for their principle of honesty and appointed to serve for a long time at any state level, played a crucial role in making the cities festive and prosperous. Especially Nevsehir, founded in the first half of the eighteenth century by the order of Damat Ibrahim Pasha when Turkmen tribes in the region settled, was established under the personal supervision of the construction officials. In this particular city, the administrative organization was not fully established; therefore, the construction officials were given considerable authority as well as the opportunity to have the versatile authority that would affect the buildings to be constructed in the region directly or indirectly. Accordingly, the construction officials who worked in Nevsehir for about ten years conveyed and reflected the orders and instructions from the capital to the city and contributed significantly to the city’s prosperity. Based on all these, this study aims to give general information about the duties and responsibilities of construction officials, who were not considered to have a position and were forgotten in the Ottoman administrative organization. With this humble study, which brought together general and scattered information, it might be possible to have at least a few insights about construction officials, about whom there is almost no information in the literature and who served at various dates and places for about four hundred years.&nbsp;

On Sekizinci Yüzyılda Osmanlı Devleti’nde Bina Eminliği

Ömer

Res. Assist. Dr.

The scope of military history includes how wars were concluded within the scope of cause and effect and how the campaign was organized in the background. One of the reasons for the successful conclusion of a war was the good construction of the campaign organization network. In this context, military historians should not only express the struggle and cause-effects of a war on the battlefield but also have to investigate how the organization and logistics network of the campaign was carried out. Therefore, when evaluating a war, it should be remembered that the organizational network in the background will affect the war’s outcome.After the Ottoman administration declared war on a state, it completed its preparations and launched a campaign quickly. This extensive preparation affected many states, sanjaks, and townships of the empire. After the war decision, The Ottoman campaign administration started preparations to employ doctors, surgeons, and assistants in the army. These preparations were the identification of health personnel, the supply of materials such as tents and kitchens, the supply of tools and equipment to be used in treatment, and the provision of transportation means for the transportation of materials. In addition, meeting the daily nutritional needs of the health workers (bread, meat, rice, and barley) and providing their travel and allowances were some of the other preparations made by the state. The state treasury generally covered all the preparations mentioned.On the other hand, one of the factors that would affect the outcome of the war was the treatment of the wounded and sick. Medicines and materials necessary for treatment were given from Cebehâne-i Âmire. However, if the drugs and materials determined by the physicians, surgeons, or medical chiefs were not available in the ammunition or were missing, they would be taken with the allowance given by the state and included in the&nbsp;army ammunition. Another point where the medicines needed by the medical personnel were provided during the campaign were herbalists. As it is known, when the Ottoman Empire went on a campaign, a large group of military tradesmen joined the campaign with the army in order to meet the needs of the soldiers in the army. One of these groups was the herbalists. In addition to herbal medicines, herbalists were selling spices and scented products. Therefore, during the campaign, when any plant was needed in the composition of the medicines, they were supplied from them. From this point of view, it can be understood what an important task the herbalists fulfilled in the campaign.Physicians, surgeons and doctors treated soldiers with herbs and medicines obtained from ammunition, through purchases or from herbalists. Medicines were prepared with the combination of leaves, roots, seeds, oil, gums, and resins of plants, as well as minerals. On the other hand, some of the supplied plants were produced by mixing with single plants and some with different plants. These medicines or preparations can be explained under three main headings: plant, animal, and mineral origin. As a result, the resulting ointment, moxibustion, syrup, and pills can be used to treat soldiers injured or sick during the campaign, internally and externally. Table 1 can be examined for detailed information on which diseases the prepared drugs are used. As a result, it should be stated that medicines in different compositions were used in the treatment of soldiers in the army to relieve many ailments, such as internalexternal, dermatologic, eye, ear, throat, and dental diseases.

Osmanlı Ordusunda Sağlık Organizasyonun İşleyişi ve Orduda Kullanılan İlaçlar ile Sağladığı Faydalar (On Sekizinci Yüzyıl Örneği)

Sibel

Syphilis, which emerged in the late fifteenth century, is a highly contagious disease that affects the body’s finest tissues. Although treatable, it causes a lot of mental and emotional damage. The disease leaves physical scars and, in most cases, leads to death. The fact that a pregnant infected with Syphilis infects the baby in the womb causes the disease to be inherited. Like other states, the Ottoman State has been affected by this epidemic. Since it transmits through sexual interaction, people with Syphilis were excluded from the community. It was called “Syphilus” in Europe, “French disease” in England, “Italian or Naples disease” in France, “Portuguese or Chinese disease” in Japan, and Frankish (effrenci) in the Ottoman State.Syphilis cases in the Ottoman realm were rare owing to the lack of interaction with Europeans and the consideration of prostitution as a great sin. The disease started in the Ottoman territory in the nineteenth century. It was first detected in Istanbul and spread to Anatolia in a short time. Whereas the reason for its spread in Istanbul was thought to be foreign women settling in Galata uncontrolled, it was due to the flow of people from the war zone of the Ottoman-Russian Wars and the soldiers discharged from duty in Anatolia.As a part of the fight against Syphilis, the Ottoman administration initiated the first brothel (1856-1858) in Istanbul, where the outbreak began to be seen. Later on, the Health Commission (1869-1870) was established to combat prostitution, and the ‘Regulation for Venereal Diseases’ (Emrâz-i Zühreviye Nizamnamesi) came into force in 1880. Thus, regular inspection and health checks of women in brothels were made, and necessary measures were taken to prevent infectious diseases. It was reported to the central administration that the German General Von der Goltz Pasha also saw the disease in the Ottoman army. Thereupon, German Dermatologist Ernst von Düring was invited to Turkey. Düring Pasha and his team,&nbsp;who served in the Ottoman State between 1889 and 1902, conducted some research and lectures on Syphilis in Anatolia.Measures taken in Istanbul were expanded throughout the country, and reports on the fight against Syphilis were prepared. The fight in Anatolia started in the regions where the epidemic was prevalent. With the new regulation issued in 1915, precautions became stricter in terms of controlling brothels, directing infected people to examination, and not discharging those who were treated without complete recovery. Besides, doctors, pharmacists, medicines, and medical supplies were sent to the areas where outbreaks occurred. Mobile syphilis teams were established in 1924, and treatment stations were established in various towns and villages to increase the efficiency of syphilis studies.Struggle with the epidemic was not limited to these actions. Some physicians defined the disease, symptoms, and treatment methods by writing books, treatises, and leaflets. One of them was the chief physician Mustafa Behçet Efendi. Behçet Efendi was the physician of Selim III (r. 1789-1807) and Mahmut II (1808-1839). He has written and translated many works, mainly in medicine. Among them was his translation from Italian titled Risâle-i Frengi (Treatise on Syphilis). In this work, which is the primary source of this contribution, the origin, symptoms, complications, damage it causes for various organs, Syphilis in women, and its treatment are discussed in detail.

Hekimbaşı Mustafa Behçet Efendi’nin Çeviri Eseri Risâle-i Frengi Üzerine Bir İnceleme

Semih

Yok Sayılan Bir Bölüm: Ankara Üniversitesi Tıp Fakültesi İkinci Cerrahi Kliniği Başlıklı Makale Hakkında [Editöre Mektup]

Sarper

Yok Sayılan Bir Bölüm: Ankara Üniversitesi Tıp Fakültesi İkinci Cerrahi Kliniği Başlıklı Makale Hakkında [Editöre Mektuba Cevap]

Türkiye’nin İlk İlahiyat Fakültesinin Tarihi (1900-1933)

İstanbul Üniversitesi’nde Osmanlı Astronomisi Hakkında Disiplinlerarası Bir Kongre

Kutsi

Astronomi Aletlerinin Peşinde: Osmanlı Dünyası ve Ötesi Atölyesi, İstanbul, 28 Kasım 2023

Barışcan

Cumhuriyetin 100 Yılında Bilim Konferansları Tamamlandı

Dila

Armanç

İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Bilim Tarihi Kulübünün 2022-2023 Akademik Yılı Faaliyetleri

Melda

Yunus

Gönenç

Obituary Prof. Dr. Ferhat Özçep

@JOURNAL_BOX_CURRENT

@JOURNAL_BOX_EARLYVIEW

Eyüp

Emre

İki Dünya Savaşı Arasında Türkiye’de Zehirli Gazlardan Korunma Kursları ve Yasal Düzenlemeler

Derya

Osmanlı Donanması Askerlerinin Tayyarelerde Görevlendirilmek Üzere Yetiştirilmesi

@JOURNAL_BOX_FEATURED

Nilüfer

Operatör Doktor Ömer Vasfi Aybar ve Ankara’da Yayımladığı Türk Hekimi Dergisi

Osmanlı ve Cumhuriyet Türkiyesi’nde Eczacı Kalfalarının Örgütlenme Girişimleri (1912-1949)

@JOURNAL_BOX_MOSTREAD

İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Bilim Tarihi Bölümü’nün yayın organı olan Osmanlı Bilimi Araştırmaları (Studies in Ottoman Science) dergisi, yılda iki kez yayımlanan hakemli ve uluslararası bir dergidir. 1995 yılında yayına başlayan dergi, Türkiye’de bilim tarihi alanında yayımlanan ilk akademik dergidir. 2024 itibariyle basılı versiyon durdurulmuştur. Dergi sadece online olarak yayınlanmaktadır.

Osmanlı Bilimi Araştırmaları dergisi, bilim, teknoloji ve tıp tarihi konularında hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmiş, Türkçe ve İngilizce dillerinde yazılmış orijinal araştırma makaleleri, derleme makaleler, çeviri makaleler yanında, araştırma notları, katkılar, kitap tanıtımları ve toplantı raporları yayımlar.

Derginin kapsadığı konular arasında, özellikle bilim, teknoloji ve tıp alanında etkin olmuş kurumlarının tarihi; değişik bilim dallarının ve tekniklerin gelişimi; bilimsel ve teknik bilginin toplumlar arasında aktarımı; bilim ve teknik kitapların çevirileri; bilim eğitimi tarihi; bilim insanlarının özgeçmişleri ve ilgili konular yer almaktadır. Eczacılık tarihiyle ilgili yazılar da kabul edilmektedir. Osmanlı İmparatorluğu döneminde Türkiye’deki bilimsel etkinliklerin tarihi (14-20.yüzyıllar) özellikle dergi kapsamı içinde olup, Cumhuriyet dönemi Türkiyesi’ndeki (1923’ten sonra) bilimsel etkinlikleri inceleyen yazılar da yayımlanmaktadır. Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nun yayılmış olduğu bölgelerdeki (Ortadoğu ve Balkanlar) bilimsel faaliyetlerle ilgili yazılar da kabul edilmektedir.

Kaan

Scopus

EBSCO

ERIH PLUS

TR Dizin

DOAJ

SOBIAD

@METRIC_VOLUMES

@METRIC_ISSUES

@METRIC_ARTICLES

@METRIC_OPENACCESS

Osmanlı Bilimi Araştırmaları

@INFO_TAB_ABOUT

Editor in Chief

Co Editor in Chief

Editorial Management Board Member

Language Editor

Editorial Board Member

@INFO_TAB_BOARDS

Osmanlı Bilimi Araştırmaları - Studies in Ottoman Science, bilim, teknoloji ve tıp tarihi konularında hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmiş, Türkçe ve İngilizce dillerinde yazılmış orijinal araştırma makaleleri, derleme makaleler, çeviri makaleler yanında, araştırma notları, katkılar, kitap tanıtımları ve toplantı raporları yayımlar. Ocak ve Temmuz aylarında yayınlanır.Derginin kapsadığı konular arasında, özellikle bilim, teknoloji ve tıp alanında etkin olmuş kurumların tarihi; değişik bilim dallarının ve tekniklerin gelişimi; bilimsel ve teknik bilginin toplumlar arasında aktarımı; bilim ve teknik kitapların çevirileri; bilim eğitimi tarihi; bilim insanlarının özgeçmişleri ve ilgili konular yer almaktadır. Eczacılık tarihiyle ilgili yazılar da kabul edilmektedir. Osmanlı İmparatorluğu döneminde Türkiye’deki bilimsel etkinliklerin tarihi (14-20.yüzyıllar) özellikle dergi kapsamı içinde olup, Cumhuriyet dönemi Türkiyesi’ndeki (1923’ten sonra) bilimsel etkinlikleri inceleyen yazılar da yayımlanmaktadır. Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nun yayılmış olduğu bölgelerdeki (Ortadoğu ve Balkanlar) bilimsel faaliyetlerle ilgili yazılar da kabul edilmektedir.

Amaç ve Kapsam

<ul><li>SCOPUS</li><li>TÜBİTAK-ULAKBİM TR Dizin </li><li>DOAJ</li><li>ERIH PLUS</li><li>EBSCO Academic Search Ultimate</li><li>EBSCO Central &amp; Eastern European Academic Source</li><li>SOBİAD</li></ul>

Dizinler

Dergi yayın etiğinde en yüksek standartlara bağlıdır ve <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a> ve <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> tarafından yayınlanan etik yayıncılık ilkelerini benimser; Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing başlığı altında ifade edilen ilkeler için: <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a> Gönderilen makaleler derginin amaç ve kapsamına uygun olmalıdır. Orijinal, yayınlanmamış ve başka bir dergide değerlendirme sürecinde olmayan, her bir yazar tarafından içeriği ve gönderimi onaylanmış yazılar değerlendirmeye kabul edilir. Makale yayınlanmak üzere Dergiye gönderildikten sonra yazarlardan hiçbirinin ismi, tüm yazarların yazılı izni olmadan yazar listesinden silinemez ve yeni bir isim yazar olarak eklenemez ve yazar sırası değiştirilemez.İntihal, duplikasyon, sahte yazarlık/inkar edilen yazarlık, araştrma/veri fabrikasyonu, makale dilimleme, dilimleyerek yayın, telif hakları ihlali ve çıkar çatışmasının gizlenmesi, etik dışı davranışlar olarak kabul edilir. Kabul edilen etik standartlara uygun olmayan tüm makaleler yayından çıkarılır. Buna yayından sonra tespit edilen olası kuraldışı, uygunsuzluklar içeren makaleler de dahildir.İntihal Ön kontrolden geçirilen makaleler, iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal/kendi kendine intihal tespit edilirse yazarlar bilgilendirilir. Editörler, gerekli olması halinde makaleyi değerlendirme ya da üretim sürecinin çeşitli aşamalarında intihal kontrolüne tabi tutabilirler. Yüksek benzerlik oranları, bir makalenin kabul edilmeden önce ve hatta kabul edildikten sonra reddedilmesine neden olabilir. Makalenin türüne bağlı olarak, bunun oranın %15 veya %20'den az olması beklenir.Çift Kör Hakemlikİntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir. Editör, makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakemlikten geçmesini sağlar ve makale biçimsel esaslara uygun ise, gelen yazıyı yurtiçinden ve /veya yurtdışından en az iki hakemin değerlendirmesine sunar, hakemler gerek gördüğü takdirde yazıda istenen değişiklikler yazarlar tarafından yapıldıktan sonra yayınlanmasına onay verir.

Politikalar

Dergi açık erişimlidir ve derginin tüm içeriği okura ya da okurun dahil olduğu kuruma ücretsiz olarak sunulur. Okurlar, ticari amaç haricinde, yayıncı ya da yazardan izin almadan dergi makalelerinin tam metnini okuyabilir, indirebilir, kopyalayabilir, arayabilir ve link sağlayabilir. Bu <a href="https://www.budapestopenaccessinitiative.org/translations/turkish-translation" target="_blank">BOAI</a> açık erişim tanımıyla uyumludur. Derginin açık erişimli makaleleri Creative Commons Atıf-GayrıTicari 4.0 Uluslararası (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.tr" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) olarak lisanslıdır.

Derginin tüm giderleri İstanbul Üniversitesi tarafından karşılanmaktadır. Dergide makale yayını ve makale süreçlerinin yürütülmesi ücrete tabi değildir. Dergiye gönderilen ya da yayın için kabul edilen makaleler için işlemleme ücreti ya da gönderim ücreti alınmaz.

Yazarlar dergide yayınlanan çalışmalarının telif hakkına sahiptirler ve çalışmaları  Creative Commons Atıf-GayrıTicari 4.0 Uluslararası (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.tr" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) olarak lisanslıdır. CC BY-NC 4.0 lisansı, eserin ticari kullanım dışında her boyut ve formatta paylaşılmasına, kopyalanmasına, çoğaltılmasına ve orijinal esere uygun şekilde atıfta bulunmak kaydıyla yeniden düzenleme, dönüştürme ve eserin üzerine inşa etme dâhil adapte edilmesine izin verir.

Editörler, yayınlanan makalede, bulguları, yorumları ve sonuçları etkilemeyen küçük hatalar tespit edilirse düzeltme yayınlamayı düşünebilirler. Editörler, bulguları ve sonuçları geçersiz kılan büyük hatalar / ihlaller söz konusu olduğunda, makaleyi geri çekmeyi düşünmelidir. Yazarlar tarafından araştırma veya yayını kötüye kullanmaya yönelik olasılık söz konusu ise; bulguların güvenilir olmadığına ve yazarların kurumlarının olayı soruşturmadığına dair kanıtlar var veya olası soruşturma haksız veya sonuçsuz görünüyor ise, editörler endişe ifadesi yayınlamayı düşünmelidir. Düzeltme, geri çekme veya endişe ifadesi ile ilgili olarak <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/flowcharts/complete-set-english" target="_blank">COPE</a> ve <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/" target="_blank">ICJME</a> yönergeleri dikkate alınır.

Dergide yayınlanan tüm yazıların korunmasını ve kalıcı olarak erişilebilir olmasını sağlamak için makaleler, ulusal bir arşiv sitesi olarak hizmet veren ve aynı zamanda LOCKSS'in içeriği toplamasına, korumasına ve sunmasına izin veren Dergipark'ta saklanmaktadır.Ek olarak, yazarların kendilerinin makalelerinin son PDF sürümünü Open Archives Initiative (<a href="https://www.openarchives.org/" target="_blank">https://www.openarchives.org/</a>) standartlarına uygun açık elektronik arşivlerde arşivlemeleri önerilir. Yazarlar, yayınladıkları arşiv versiyonundan, İ.Ü. Yayınevinin dergi web sitesinin URL'sine bağlantı sağlamalıdır.

Osmanlı Bilimi Araştırmaları- Studies in Ottoman Science, yayın etiğinde en yüksek standartlara bağlıdır ve <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a> ve <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> tarafından yayınlanan etik yayıncılık ilkelerini benimser; Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing başlığı altında ifade edilen ilkeler için adres: <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a>Gönderilen tüm makaleler orijinal, yayınlanmamış ve başka bir dergide değerlendirme sürecinde olmamalıdır. Yazar makalenin orijinal olduğu, daha önce başka bir yerde yayınlanmadığı ve başka bir yerde, başka bir dilde yayınlanmak üzere değerlendirmede olmadığını beyan etmelidir. Uygulamadaki telif kanunları ve anlaşmaları gözetilmelidir. Telife bağlı materyaller (örneğin tablolar, şekiller veya büyük alıntılar) gerekli izin ve teşekkürle kullanılmalıdır. Başka yazarların, katkıda bulunanların çalışmaları ya da yararlanılan kaynaklar uygun biçimde kullanılmalı ve referanslarda belirtilmelidir. Her bir makale editörlerden biri ve en az iki hakem tarafından çift kör değerlendirmeden geçirilir. İntihal, duplikasyon, sahte yazarlık/inkar edilen yazarlık, araştırma/veri fabrikasyonu, makale dilimleme, dilimleyerek yayın, telif hakları ihlali ve çıkar çatışmasının gizlenmesi, etik dışı davranışlar olarak kabul edilir.Kabul edilen etik standartlara uygun olmayan tüm makaleler yayından çıkarılır. Buna yayından sonra tespit edilen olası kuraldışı, uygunsuzluklar içeren makaleler de dahildir.

Etik

Osmanlı Bilimi Araştırmaları- Studies in Ottoman Science araştırma etiğinde en yüksek standartları gözetir ve aşağıda tanımlanan uluslararası araştırma etiği ilkelerini benimser. Makalelerin etik kurallara uygunluğu yazarların sorumluluğundadır.<ul><li>Araştırmanın tasarlanması, tasarımın gözden geçirilmesi ve araştırmanın yürütülmesinde, bütünlük, kalite ve şeffaflık ilkeleri sağlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma ekibi ve katılımcılar, araştırmanın amacı, yöntemleri ve öngörülen olası kullanımları; araştırmaya katılımın gerektirdikleri ve varsa riskleri hakkında tam olarak bilgilendirilmelidir.</li><li>Araştırma katılımcılarının sağladığı bilgilerin gizliliği ve yanıt verenlerin gizliliği sağlanmalıdır. Araştırma katılımcıların özerkliğini ve saygınlığını koruyacak şekilde tasarlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma katılımcıları gönüllü olarak araştırmada yer almalı, herhangi bir zorlama altında olmamalıdırlar.</li><li>Katılımcıların zarar görmesinden kaçınılmalıdır. Araştırma, katılımcıları riske sokmayacak şekilde planlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma bağımsızlığıyla ilgili açık ve net olunmalı; çıkar çatışması varsa belirtilmelidir.</li><li>İnsan denekler ile yapılan deneysel çalışmalarda, araştırmaya katılmaya karar veren katılımcıların yazılı bilgilendirilmiş onayı alınmalıdır. Çocukların ve vesayet altındakilerin veya tasdiklenmiş akıl hastalığı bulunanların yasal vasisinin onayı alınmalıdır.</li><li>Çalışma herhangi bir kurum ya da kuruluşta gerçekleştirilecekse bu kurum ya da kuruluştan çalışma yapılacağına dair onay alınmalıdır.</li><li>İnsan öğesi bulunan çalışmalarda, “yöntem” bölümünde katılımcılardan “bilgilendirilmiş onam” alındığının ve çalışmanın yapıldığı kurumdan etik kurul onayı alındığı belirtilmesi gerekir.</li></ul>

Makalelerin bilimsel ve etik kurallara uygunluğu yazarların sorumluluğundadır. Yazar makalenin orijinal olduğu, daha önce başka bir yerde yayınlanmadığı ve başka bir yerde, başka bir dilde yayınlanmak üzere değerlendirmede olmadığı konusunda teminat sağlamalıdır. Uygulamadaki telif kanunları ve anlaşmaları gözetilmelidir. Telife bağlı materyaller (örneğin tablolar, şekiller veya büyük alıntılar) gerekli izin ve teşekkürle kullanılmalıdır. Başka yazarların, katkıda bulunanların çalışmaları ya da yararlanılan kaynaklar uygun biçimde kullanılmalı ve referanslarda belirtilmelidir.Gönderilen makalede tüm yazarların akademik ve bilimsel olarak doğrudan katkısı olmalıdır, bu bağlamda “yazar” yayınlanan bir araştırmanın kavramsallaştırılmasına ve dizaynına, verilerin elde edilmesine, analizine ya da yorumlanmasına belirgin katkı yapan, yazının yazılması ya da bunun içerik açısından eleştirel biçimde gözden geçirilmesinde görev yapan birisi olarak görülür. Yazar olabilmenin diğer koşulları ise, makaledeki çalışmayı planlamak veya icra etmek ve / veya revize etmektir. Fon sağlanması, veri toplanması ya da araştırma grubunun genel süpervizyonu tek başına yazarlık hakkı kazandırmaz. Yazar olarak gösterilen tüm bireyler sayılan tüm ölçütleri karşılamalıdır ve yukarıdaki ölçütleri karşılayan her birey yazar olarak gösterilebilir. Yazarların isim sıralaması ortak verilen bir karar olmalıdır. Tüm yazarlar yazar sıralamasını <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/A7D94EDE1BF14AA4A532AB7DE53B5128" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formunda</a> imzalı olarak belirtmek zorundadırlar.Yazarlık için yeterli ölçütleri karşılamayan ancak çalışmaya katkısı olan tüm bireyler “teşekkür / bilgiler” kısmında sıralanmalıdır. Bunlara örnek olarak ise sadece teknik destek sağlayan, yazıma yardımcı olan ya da sadece genel bir destek sağlayan, finansal ve materyal desteği sunan kişiler verilebilir.Bütün yazarlar, araştırmanın sonuçlarını ya da bilimsel değerlendirmeyi etkileyebilme potansiyeli olan finansal ilişkiler, çıkar çatışması ve çıkar rekabetini beyan etmelidirler. Bir yazar kendi yayınlanmış yazısında belirgin bir hata ya da yanlışlık tespit ederse, bu yanlışlıklara ilişkin düzeltme ya da geri çekme için editör ile hemen temasa geçme ve işbirliği yapma sorumluluğunu taşır.

Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirirler. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar. Gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalacağını garanti eder. Baş editör içerik ve yayının toplam kalitesinden sorumludur. Gereğinde hata sayfası yayınlamalı ya da düzeltme yapmalıdır. Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemler, araştırma, yazarlar ve/veya araştırmaya fon sağlayanlarla çıkar çatışması içinde olmamalıdır. Hakemler değerlendirmelerinin sonucunda tarafsız bir yargıya varmalıdırlar. Gönderilmiş yazılara ilişkin tüm bilginin gizli tutulmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar. Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir. Bazı durumlarda editörün kararıyla, ilgili hakemlerin makaleye ait yorumları aynı makaleyi yorumlayan diğer hakemlere gönderilerek hakemlerin bu süreçte aydınlatılması sağlanabilir.

Daha önce yayınlanmamış ya da yayınlanmak üzere başka bir dergide halen değerlendirmede olmayan ve her bir yazar tarafından onaylanan makaleler değerlendirilmek üzere kabul edilir. Gönderilen ve ön kontrolü geçen makaleler iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir.Seçilen makaleler en az iki ulusal/uluslararası hakeme çift taraflı kör hakemlik ile değerlendirmeye gönderilir; yayın kararı, hakemlerin talepleri doğrultusunda yazarların gerçekleştirdiği düzenlemelerin ve hakem sürecinin sonrasında baş editör tarafından verilir.

Hakemlik Hakkında

Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirir. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar. Gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalacağını garanti eder. Baş editör içerik ve yayının toplam kalitesinden sorumludur. Gereğinde hata sayfası yayınlamalı ya da düzeltme yapmalıdır.Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemlerin araştırmayla ilgili, yazarlarla ve/veya araştırmanın finansal destekçileriyle çıkar çatışmaları olmamalıdır. Değerlendirmelerinin sonucunda tarafsız bir yargıya varmalıdırlar. Gönderilmiş yazılara ilişkin tüm bilginin gizli tutulmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar.Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir. Bazı durumlarda editörün kararıyla, ilgili hakemlerin makaleye ait yorumları aynı makaleyi yorumlayan diğer hakemlere gönderilerek hakemlerin bu süreçte aydınlatılması sağlanabilir.

Daha önce yayınlanmamış ya da yayınlanmak üzere başka bir dergide halen değerlendirmede olmayan ve her bir yazar tarafından onaylanan makaleler değerlendirilmek üzere kabul edilir. Gönderilen ve ön kontrolü geçen makaleler iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir. Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirir. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar.Seçilen makaleler en az iki ulusal/uluslararası hakeme değerlendirmeye gönderilir; yayın kararı, hakemlerin talepleri doğrultusunda yazarların gerçekleştirdiği düzenlemelerin ve hakem sürecinin sonrasında baş editör tarafından verilir.Hakemlerin değerlendirmeleri objektif olmalıdır. Hakem süreci sırasında hakemlerin aşağıdaki hususları dikkate alarak değerlendirmelerini yapmaları beklenir.-Makale yeni ve önemli bir bilgi içeriyor mu?-Öz, makalenin içeriğini net ve düzgün bir şekilde tanımlıyor mu?-Yöntem bütünlüklü ve anlaşılır şekilde tanımlanmış mı?-Yapılan yorum ve varılan sonuçlar bulgularla kanıtlanıyor mu?-Alandaki diğer çalışmalara yeterli referans verilmiş mi?-Dil kalitesi yeterli mi?Hakemler, gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar. Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir.

Aksi belirtilmedikçe gönderilen yazılarla ilgili tüm yazışmalar ilk yazarla yapılacaktır. Makale gönderimi online olarak ve <a href="https://iupress.istanbul.edu.tr/tr/journal/oba/home" target="_blank">https://iupress.istanbul.edu.tr/tr/journal/oba/home</a> adresinden erişilen <a href="http://dergipark.gov.tr/login" target="_blank">http://dergipark.gov.tr/login</a> üzerinden yapılmalıdır. Gönderilen yazılar, makale türünü belirten ve makaleyle ilgili detayları içeren (bkz: Son Kontrol Listesi) <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/5564651367904C9793844598DB878B67" target="_blank">kapak sayfası</a>; editöre mektup, yazının elektronik formunu içeren Microsoft Word 2003 ve üzerindeki versiyonları ile yazılmış elektronik dosya ve tüm yazarların imzaladığı <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/A7D94EDE1BF14AA4A532AB7DE53B5128" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a> eklenerek gönderilmelidir. Yazıların üzerinde yazarların kimliğini gösteren herhangi bir bilgi (Ad, soyadı, kurum vs.) bulunmamalıdır.1. Yazılar, Türkçe ve İngilizce olarak hazırlanabilir. Yazıların, 10 000 kelimeyi (dipnotsuz) ve 120 dipnot sayısını aşmaması tercih edilir.2. Ana metin, çift aralıklı 11 punto ile Times New Roman fontlarıyla MS Word formatında elektronik dosya olarak hazırlanır. PDF dosyası gönderilmemesi rica olunur. Makale başlığı büyük harflerle ve 12 punto koyu; ara başlıklar küçük harflerle ve 11 punto koyu yazılır.3. İngilizce araştırma ve derleme makalelerinin, araştırma notu ve çeviri yazıların ilk sayfasına, 150-200 kelimelik (anahtar sözcükler hariç) İngilizce özet eklenir; opsiyonel olarak 150-200 kelimelik Türkçe özet de eklenebilir. İngilizce olmayan makalelerde, 150-200 kelimelik makale dilinde özet, 150-200 kelimelik İngilizce özet ve 600-800 kelimelik İngilizce genişletilmiş özet de eklenmelidir. Özetlerin sonunda, en fazla 10’ar adet makalenin dilinde ve İngilizce anahtar sözcük bulunmalıdır. Her anahtar sözcük birden fazla kelime içerebilir. Kitap ve toplantı tanıtımları ve editöre mektuplara özet ve bibliyografya gerekmez. Bunlar DergiPark’a yüklenirken “Özet” alanına yazının ilk paragrafı yüklenir.4. Ekler, ana metnin arkasına, kaynakçanın önüne yerleştirilmelidir. Eklerin kaynakları, ek başlığı altında ve ayrıca kaynakçada belirtilmelidir.5. Yüzyıllar ve tarihler açık ve tam yazılır: “Onbeşinci yüzyıl”, “29 Ekim 1923” gibi. İngilizce metinlerde BCE ve CE, Türkçe metinlerde MÖ ve MS kullanılması önerilir.6. Kısa alıntılar paragraf içinde çifte tırnak arasında verilir. Uzun alıntılar tırnak işaretleri kullanılmadan sadece soldan iki kez girinti (tab) yapılmış olarak ve 10 punto ile verilir.7. Resimler ve şekillerin altyazıları bulunmalıdır. Bu altyazılarda görselle ilgili açıklama ve kaynak verilmelidir. Altyazılarda verilen kaynaklar makale sonundaki kaynakçada yer almalıdır. Resimler, şekiller ve altyazıları metnin içine, yayımlanması istenilen yerlere yerleştirilmiş olmalı, hepsi metnin sonunda toplanmamalıdır. Ayrıca bütün resimler ve şekiller DergiPark sistemine ayrı ayrı yüklenmelidir. Resimler ve şekiller ayrı ayrı numaralandırılır. Alt yazıları 9 punto ile yazılır.8. Not ve bibliyografya derginin benimsediği ve Chicago Manual of Style 16’yı temel alan referans sistemine uygun olmalıdır (Bkz: Kaynaklar)9. Dipnotlar (8 punto) her sayfanın altında verilir. Dipnot numarası metin içinde üst simge ile belirtilir. Dipnot referans numaraları noktalama işaretlerinden sonra konulmalıdır (.35 veya ,23).10. Gönderilen metin ve özetler, kullanılan dilin (Türkçe ve İngilizce) dilbilgisi ve yazım kurallarına uygun olarak yazılmış olmadır. Editör, gönderilen metnin ve özetlerin Türkçe ve yabancı dil düzenlemesini yapmakla sorumlu değildir. Anadili İngilizce olmayan yazarlar, metin ve özetlerini dergiye göndermeden önce dil düzenleme hizmetlerinden faydalanmalıdır.11. Yayınlanmak üzere gönderilen makale ile birlikte yazar bilgilerini içeren <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/5564651367904C9793844598DB878B67" target="_blank">kapak sayfası</a> gönderilmelidir. Kapak sayfasında, makalenin başlığı, yazar veya yazarların bağlı bulundukları kurum ve unvanları, kendilerine ulaşılabilecek adresler, cep, iş ve faks numaraları, ORCID ve e-posta adresleri yer almalıdır (bkz. Son Kontrol Listesi).

Yazım Kuralları

<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/A564840AC87049A0AF62827E5AFCD62B" target="_blank">Kapak Sayfası</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/A7D94EDE1BF14AA4A532AB7DE53B5128" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/6ABEC8C924D746E5ACAB361930307428" target="_blank">Yazar Formu</a>

Makalenin türüBaşka bir dergiye gönderilmemiş olduğuİngilizce yönünden kontrolünün yapıldığıYazarlara Bilgide detaylı olarak anlatılan dergi politikalarının gözden geçirildiğiReferansların derginin benimsediği Chicago Manual of Style’ı temel alan referans sistemine uygun olarak düzenlendiği<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/A7D94EDE1BF14AA4A532AB7DE53B5128" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a> (Yazar, makale yayına kabul bilgisini aldıktan sonra göndermelidir.)<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/6ABEC8C924D746E5ACAB361930307428" target="_blank">Yazar Formu</a>Daha önce basılmamış materyal (yazı-resim-tablo) kullanılmış ise izin belgesi<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/709B69CBB2304F74A6F459F72465F294" target="_blank">Kapak sayfası</a><ul><li>Makalenin kategorisi</li><li>Makale dilinde ve İngilizce başlık</li><li>Yazarların ismi soyadı, unvanları ve bağlı oldukları kurumlar (üniversite ve fakülte bilgisinden sonra şehir ve ülke bilgisi de yer almalıdır), e-posta adresleri</li><li>Sorumlu yazarın e-posta adresi, açık yazışma adresi, iş telefonu, GSM, faks numarası</li><li>Tüm yazarların ORCID’leri</li></ul>● Makale ana metni<ul><li>Önemli: Ana metinde yazarın / yazarların kimlik bilgilerinin yer almamış olması gerekir.</li><li>Makale dilinde ve İngilizce başlık</li><li>Özetler: 150-200 kelime makale dilinde ve 150-200 kelime İngilizce</li><li>Anahtar Kelimeler: Maksimum 10 adet makale dilinde ve 10 adet İngilizce</li><li>Makale ana metin bölümleri</li><li>Teşekkür, Çıkar çatışması, Finansal destek belirtilmelidir</li><li>Kaynaklar</li><li>Tablolar-Resimler, Şekiller (başlık, kaynak ve alt yazılarıyla)</li></ul>

Sayı Türü	Regular
Editör(ler)	Ayşe Feza Günergun
Kapak (PDF)
Tam Metin (PDF)
Ön Sayfalar (PDF)

Osmanlı Bilimi Araştırmaları

CİLT 24, SAYI 1, 2023

Ondokuzuncu Yüzyılın Sonunda Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nda Şark Telgraf Kumpanyası: İmparatorluk ve Yabancı Teknolojinin Bir Tarihçesi

İnşaat Mühendisi ve Amatör Matematikçi Aram Margosyan’ın İstatistik Üzerine Görüşleri

Gazette des Hôpitaux Civils et Militaires de l'Empire Ottoman / Ceride-i Emâkinü’s-Sıhha [1887-1897]: Yeni Bulunan Sayılar ve Yeniden Değerlendirme

Hıfzıssıhha Umum Başmüfettişi Charles Bonkowski Paşa’nın Osmanlı Türkiye’sinde Başgösteren 1893-1895 Kolera Salgını Sırasında Aldığı Sağlık Önlemleri

Modern Felsefe, Bilim ve Teknoloji Terimlerinin Türkiye’ye Girişi Çerçevesinde Istılahat-ı İlmiye Encümeni (1913-1919)

Osmanlı Türkiye’sinde Yayımlanmış Bir Çiftçilik Dergisi: Felâhat (1913-1919)

Padua’dan İstanbul’a Peregrinatio Medica: Joseph Solomon Del Medigo (1591-1655) ve Tobias Cohen (1652-1729)

Takiyüddîn er-Râsıd’ın Rub’u Dairesi (Rub’u Müceyyeb) ile Çarpma ve Bölme İşlemlerinin Nasıl Yapılacağına İlişkin Urcuze li’l-Ceyb ve’d-Darb ve’l-Kısme Adlı Manzum Eseri

Osmanlı Dönemi Kuzey Arabistanı’nda bir Arkeolojik Buluntu: Medâin-i Sâlih’teki Nabatî Güneş Saati

İstanbul Okullarında Laboratuar Arkeolojisi

Beyoğlu’ndan Kandilli’ye: Yorum ve Değerlendirmelerin Işığında Rasathane’nin 150 Yıllık Öyküsü

Dr. Cevat Mazhar’ın Üç Yaşamı ve Ölümü

İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Bilim Tarihi Kulübü VI. Bilim Tarihi Öğrenci Kongresi (13 Mayıs 2022)

BİLGİ

PAYLAŞ