Nathan

Assist. Prof.

Dini Bağlamı Dönüştürmek: İmparator VI. Leo ve Kilise Üzerindeki Üstünlük Mücadelesi

Murat

Assoc. Prof. Dr.

This study comparatively examines Christianity as a factor in the foreign policy of the Sassanid Dynasty (224-651), that ruled Iran and its surrounding territory for more than four centuries, and the Ilkhanid Dynasty (1256-1353), described by researchers as the Iranian Mongols. The study narrows down the framework of the cross-reading based on these two dynasties as much as possible in the context of Christianity. For instance, the article makes no mention of the geography of the Caucasus, which constantly confronted the Sassanid and Eastern Roman against each other, apart from a few exceptions. Similarly, the study excludes the Ilkhanids’ relations with the Cilician Armenians in particular, as well as the Ilkhanids’ commercial ties with the Venetians and Genoese.&nbsp;As a result of the comparative readings, issues are observed to come to the forefront such as the religious beliefs of the Sassanid and Ilkhanid rulers and their wives, the situation of the Eastern Church during these two periods, and the persecution of Christians, especially in the case of the Sassanids. Although some Sassanid and Ilkhanid rulers and their wives being mentioned as Christians and the struggle of the Eastern Church to survive under a government that does not coincide with its own creed appear to be closely related issues, no reference is found regarding a systematic persecution of Christians by the time of the Ilkhanids. On the other hand, while sources dealing with the Christianity of some Sassanid kings do actually exist, the fact that secular and religious administrators of this state are held responsible for the Christian persecution in the Persian Martyrs Narratives raises some questions. This strengthens the assumption that these narratives of martyrdom had been created to serve a specific purpose. During the preparation phase of this article, the ups and downs the Christians had experienced under the Sassanids greatly facilitated observing the members of the Eastern Church within the Ilkhanate, and even more importantly, raised further doubts.&nbsp;The foreign policy of the two dynasties in their foundation periods differed from each other in the context of Christianity. When the Sassanid dynasty was founded, the Roman Empire was far remowed from Christianity. For this reason, Christianity did not perform an important function in external politics during the reigns of the first Sassanid rulers Ardashir I and Shapur I. Christianity is seen to have emerged as an important element regarding both domestic and foreign policy during the reign of Constantine I. Although this has been reflected to the present an incomplete form, the Christians living among the Sassanids in particular were mentioned in the negotiations between Constantine I and Shapur II. The adventure of Christianity, which thus began in the relations of the two sides, continued almost uninterruptedly until the fall of the Sassanids.&nbsp;The tendency of the Roman Empire to use the Christians within the Sassanids had already emerged during the reign of Constantine I, and this intention was maintained in the following&nbsp;period with some interventions in the organization of the Eastern Church in the Iranian geography. The most obvious instance regarding this topic involved Theodosius II sending Bishop Marutha to the Sassanids during the reign of Yazdegerd I. In 410, Marutha, who had contributed to convening the Council of Isaac, tried to shape the Eastern Church within the framework of the Nicene Creed. Unlike Yazdegerd I, Yazdegerd II is depicted with a negative image in the Christian sources. The positive image drawn for Yazdegerd I in the Christian historiography was also valid for Khosrow I. The wars against Eastern Roman during the reign of Khosrow II allowed different Christian sects to occur among the Sassanids.While warfare was the main factor in the positioning of Christians within the Mongol Empire during the reign of Ögedei Khan, diplomacy replaced it in the following period. This situation arose from the difference between the religious identities of the neighboring states of the Near East during the Sassanid and Ilkhanid periods. The Ilkhanids reigned in the Near East in a region surrounded by Muslims. Therefore, they endeavored to find Christian allies, even if they were far away. Unlike the Sassanids, the Ilkhanids came into contact with the Christian world in their early years; thus, the Islamic factor became decisive in religio-political matters during Ilkhanid Dynasty. Noteworthily, the Ilkhanids did not compromise on their Christianitybased foreign policy despite the presence of Muslim Il Khans such as Ahmad Tekuder and Ghazan Khan.&nbsp;&nbsp;On the other hand, the factors of women and the catholicos were observed to have had a significant impact on the relations the Sassanids and Ilkhanids had with the Christian world. The Christian women among the Sassanids and Ilkhanids, (e.g., Shirin, Doquz Khatun), seem to be a suitable topic for comparison. The adventure of the Eastern Church from the Sassanid Dynasty to the time of the Ilkhanids was quite colorful. After the fall of the Sassanids, the Eastern Church had to live under the rule of the caliphate states (i.e., Umayyads and Abbasids), and especially the Turkish dynasties. During this period, the Eastern missions became the main target for the members of the Eastern church, with a substantial percentage of Christian communities being formed this way in Central Asia and China. By the time of the Ilkhanids, the Eastern Church that had been established under the Sassanids was experiencing a very different process, because this time corresponds to when the presence of the Muslims in the Near East who had ended the Sassanids; began to be questioned. The Sassanid past prior to the Muslim rule must undoubtedly have been considered to be a legacy that positively nourished the Eastern Church during the time of the Il Khans, who had not yet embraced Islam. The Eastern Church did not have a faultless internal structure during the Ilkhanid dynasty, nor did it have a harmonious relationship with the secular administrators. The fact that the Ilkhanid government had to begin with an anti-Islamic attitude inevitably brought a Mongol-Christian alliance to the agenda. However, the divisions within Christianity that emerged during the reign of the Sassanids had not disappeared by the time of the Ilkhanids.&nbsp;When viewed from the outside, an Eastern Church and Ilkhanate alliance should be regarded as usual in an region encircled by Muslim states. If the reports, exchanged letters and rumors in the sources are all reflections of the truth, then they indicate that the Christians had had astonishing efficiency during the time of these two dynasties. Due to the authors’ focus on the deeds of the leading political figures, the extent to which ordinary Christians were aware of and satisfied with the ongoing politics of these two states is impossible to determine. This is precisely the reason why the sceptical approach adopted by contemporary scholars toward the reports of the Christian persecution in Late Antiquity should also be taken into consideration in relation to success stories.

Sâsânîlerin ve İlhanlıların Haricî Politikasında Hristiyanlık

Hüseyin

Assist. Prof. Dr.

The climax of an ambassador’s diplomatic mission is being received by the highest authority of the state to which one has traveled. In the case of Haci Halil Efendi, these offices were occupied by the Holy Roman German Emperor Franz I and by his wife Maria Theresia, Archduchess of Austria and Queen of Hungary, Croatia, and Bohemia. Both official receptions involved Halil Efendi delivering the nâme-i hümâyûn [letters to foreign rulers] declaring Sultan Osman III as the new ruler of the Ottoman throne. The intermediary was first received by Kaiser Franz I on May 14, 1755, which is when Halil Efendi handed over the nâme-i hümâyûn that had been entrusted to him in Istanbul. Both an image and a transcription of this letter is found below. Subsequently on May 17, Halil Efendi paid an official visit to Queen Maria Theresia, to whom he also handed over the other copy of the sultanic document during the reception ceremony. Both an image and a comparison with the kaiser’s beşâretnâme are also found below. Both documents are identical apart from the name and title of the recipients, with the address of one of course having been arranged in accordance with feminine case norms.Due to no known sefâretnâme [book of embassy] being available regarding Halil Efendi’s embassy, one can only learn about the ambassador’s diplomatic mission through contemporary German sources. In this context, the Austrian archival documents and the contemporary newspaper reports based on them provide a generalized picture. On April 16, 1755, the intermediary and his entourage, a retinue of 54 men, arrived in the suburb of Schwechat, the last stop before arriving in the city of Vienna. One Viennese newspaper first described in detail the order in which Halil Efendi as an intermediary and then his extraordinary envoy entered the large city of approximately 170,000 inhabitants (based on the data from the previous year), as well how the usual customary ceremonial procession took place. This event had attracted the attention of the European public and could also be read about in Spenersche Zeitung, a newspaper published in Berlin.The diplomatic representatives of the Ottoman Empire that were sent to Vienna, sometimes with a large and other times with a small entourage were always the center of attention, and the entrance of the flamboyant ambassadorial procession to the Habsburg capital had been placed on the agenda days in advance. The main reason for this was that the Ottomans had not resorted to establishing permanent embassies in Christian capitals until the end of the 18th century and only sent diplomats on ad hoc missions to perform a specific service. Thus, the news of the arrival of the Ottoman embassy in Vienna, Paris, Berlin and later London led the citizens of these cities to gather along the processional route on the day of arrival and to admire this exotic sight. Judging from the impression conveyed in the public records of the period, the entry of the Ottoman envoy into the city and their sumptuous reception can be&nbsp;said to have fueled fairy-tale dreams of an extravagantly rich oriental country. In addition, the 1739 Treaty of Belgrade and the long period of peace, as well as the intense interest of Maria Theresia as the ruler of the Habsburg lands and Jeanne Antoinette Poisson as Marquise de Pompadour and the most famous and favourite of King Louis XV of France led to the Turkish called Turquerie, as seen in the oil paintings they had commissioned wherein they were portrayed as lady sultans, announcing themselves to the high society; this fashion reached its peak in Europe in the 18th century.Approximately three months after the first reception ceremonies, the Ottoman envoy led by Haci Halil Efendi paid a farewell visit to Kaiser Franz I on August 25, 1755 and to Queen Maria Theresia August 27, this time at Schönbrunn Palace, which had been used as a summer palace in Vienna since 1745. Detailed information about these official receptions can be found in the Viennese newspapers as well as in archival records. Finally, Haci Halil Efendi left his residence with his entourage on September 18, 1755 after 8 a.m. under the protection of the Leopold-Dhaunisch troop of the Viennese city garrison, boarded a ship anchored in the Danube tributary, and started his journey back to Istanbul.Both beşâretnâmes, the sub-type of nâme-i hümâyûn at the center of this article, are found among the Türkische Urkunden [Turkish Documents] Collection and Varia und Collectanea [Miscellaneous Collection] preserved in the Austrian State Archives. The documents are written in celî divânî calligraphy style on large-sized âbâdî [manilla] paper with a flamboyant and rather large gilded tughra at the top of the text. The nâme prepared for Maria Theresia measures 182 x 78.5 cm. The documents are in very good condition. Although the text from the nâme that had been prepared for Kaiser Franz I is included in the history written by Mehmed Hâkim Efendi, one of the chroniclers of the period, the abbreviations at the beginning and end of Hâkim’s version, as well as some differences in wording between the original and the copy, necessitate viewing the original nâme in order to form a complete opinion on the beşâret-nâme. These sultanic documents were issued in Istanbul between December 16-25, 1754 CE (1-10 Ra 1168 AH). They also consist of a number of sections known as the erkan (singular rükn) [pillars/internal structure of the composition], which occur in the following order: tughra (imperial seal), elkāb [inscription], du‘a [salutation], nakl or iblâğ [expositionnarration], te’kid [reiteration], closing du‘a [salutation], târih [dating], and mahall-i tahrîh [formulation stating the place of issuance].&nbsp;This research paper Osman III’s proclamation to Austria regarding his accession and reveals a series of findings: Haci Halil Efendi had been sent as an intermediary and resided in Vienna with a retinue of 54 people; the officials in his retinue (i.e., envoy) have been individually identified for the first time; and the official receptions before the Kaiser had been made to the Austrian chancellor and vice-chancellor instead of the president of the Palace War Council, and this change was the result of recently modified protocol rules and caused an internal conflict in the Viennese court. In addition, the article has uncovered information about how well received the ambassador had been, the special efforts that were made to ensure this, how his embassy had been covered in the German press of the time, what the ambassador did during his days in Vienna, how the ceremonies for the official visits had been organized, and the exact dates of the embassy.In conclusion, similar to the envoys that were sent to the Ottoman capital for congratulatory occasions regarding the accession to the throne, the Ottoman envoys sent to foreign countries to proclaim the accession to the throne can also be said to be noteworthy for the history of Ottoman diplomacy.

III. Osman’ın Cülûsunu Bildirmek Üzere Halil Efendi ile Avusturya’ya Gönderilen Beşâretnâme ve Çağdaş Alman Matbuatına Göre Elçinin Viyana Günleri

Ahmet

Osmanlı-İngiliz Diplomatik ve Ticari İlişkileri Tarihine Bir Katkı: 1612 Ahidnâmesi

Metin

The significance of money changing and money changers (sarrafs) in the context of the Ottoman economy before 1750 requires further exploration. Research on their roles before this date is limited, partly due to the constraints of the primary sources available from that period and the little information they contain. Money changers, played important roles in historical, socio-political, and political-economic aspects since the early years of the Empire’s establishment, are considered a topic that needs to be more thoroughly examined in studies of the early modern period in Ottoman history. The increasing importance and influence money changers had in Ottoman finance and financial circles before the second half of the 18th century need to reveal their positions in the Ottoman financial sector.While Jewish names are frequently mentioned in relation to credit and money changing in the 16th-17 th centuries, the predominance of Armenian money changers from the 18th century onward shifted the focus in this profession away from Jews. Armenian money changers, particularly after the 1750s, gained more significance in the Ottoman economy. Indeed, studies emphasizing the diminishing influence of Jewish money changers in the Ottoman financial market-based on credit transactions have highlighted this trend.In addition to Armenians and Jews, Muslims also practiced the profession of money changing before this date. Muslims having been involved in money-changing from the early days of the Ottoman Empire. However, importance to is had in noting that mostly converts to Islam were to ones who engaged in this business. Among the first list of the 12, Istanbul money changers in 1691, three were Muslims. The list of had grown to 30 money changers in 1696, of whom only one was a Muslim named Beşir. Once the list of money changers reached 60 in 1710, it no longer contained any Muslims and Armenians constituted the majority.The central figure of this study is Beşir bin Abdullah, a convert and a Muslim who had also performed the Hajj pilgrimage. As declared by the central economic administration, Beşir was a prominent Istanbul money changer with close ties to the Imperial Mint. Abundant historical and economic research is found on the roles money changers had asssumed after the second half of the 18th century. Remarkably, these studies coincide with the period when significant challenges and changes began to occur in the Ottoman Empire’s economic course.This study focuses on Beşirʼs life and it in terms of his entry into the Ottoman world, his life as a Janissary, his relationships within the financial environment, and his accumulation of wealth. The study describes his social status and the career stages through which he progressed. The study also discusses the qualities of the life patterns that emerged as he climbed the career ladder in the early Ottoman world and examines the characteristics of the relationship networks Beşir established throughout his life as a Janissary and a money&nbsp;changer. The study investigates the impact these relationship connections, defined as social capital, had on his professional life. The studyʼs final section, subjects the wealth Beşir had accumulated throughout his life to qualitative and quantitative analyses.Beşirʼs possessions provide realistic information about the nature of his worldly goods. He was religious, interested in music, and had a sensitivity to clothing. He had a penchant for objects and furniture made from various metals. Near the end of his life, he freed one of the slaves he had purchased. Being a convert to Islam, he perhaps sought to alleviate the loneliness and longing for family that he had felt throughout his life in this way.While expanding his material world as a money changer, Beşir also was a Janissary, had accumulated a certain level of wealth. After becoming an official moneychanger, however he engaged in credit operations and managed money from various professionals, thereby increasing his comfort and joining the relatively wealthy class. The late 17th century was a challenging period for the Ottoman central administration. Wars with the Holy League had been ongoing, and structural changes in the economy were a consequence of the stateʼs efforts to reorganize itself. When Beşir became an official money changer, he had reached an important stage in his career. His inclusion onto the 1696 list of official money changers indicates that he had fulfilled the duties the state had assigned him. Although the long period of wars came to an end after the defeat at Senta the following year, the state was financially and economically worn out and had to make the right decisions to stand upright, fill its coffers, and improve its economy. Despite being the implementer of these policies in the field, Beşir unfortunately did not live much longer and passed away a year after the defeat at Senta. The Karlowitz Treaty signed a year after his death profoundly shook the Ottoman central administration, opening the door to efforts to rebuild prestige and reputation alongside territorial losses.In conclusion, Beşir had entered the Ottoman world and tried to sustain his life by utilizing the opportunities offered by this order. The net material accumulation he left behind was relatively low. However, his experiences, observations, and material as well as spiritual worlds were evidence of his sufficient success. Historical records can unexpectedly emerge at any moment, surprising historians and those interested in history. Beyond the existing documents used in this study, other historical will undoubtedly be found in the future that will reunite Beşir with researchers and readers, thus allowing them at that time to better understand Beşir, his life-as a Janissary who had entered Ottoman service alone and as a man who died alone, after living a solitary life apart from a brief marriage.

Bir Sosyal Sermaye ve Servet Birikimi Tahlili: İstanbul’un İlk Gedikli Sarraflarından El-Hac Beşir Bin Abdullah’ın Terekesi (1698)

Şit

Prof. Dr.

The Druze of Hauran were the only group of people to have posed serious challenges to the provincial government in Syria in the early years of Abdulhamid II’s reign. By 1878, the Druze had already become a locally powerful group in Hauran, where despite its strategic importance, the Ottoman government was unable to take the measures necessary to impose its authority in the aftermath of the Russo-Ottoman War of 1877-1878. The local government became weak to the point that it put the regional balance in danger. In other words, the Ottoman authorities held that a peaceful future between the Druze and the other Arab tribes in Hauran depended on a delicate balance that was already under serious threat. To preserve the local balance, the successive governors-general and the central government agreed that the rising power of the Druze should be taken under control by gradually increasing state authority and integrating the region into the Ottoman system. Hence, they firstly tried to limit the new Druze migrations to the region and prevent the Druze from taking new non-Druze villages under their control. Secondly, they tried to gain the support of the strong Arab tribes in and around Hauran against the Druze, and this was apparently one of the decisive factors that contributed to achieving a peaceful solution. Thirdly, the local government secured the cooperation of some distinguished local tribes such as the Ruwala, and more importantly convinced the powerful Atrash family to work with the government. Lastly, the Ottoman authorities spent every effort to prevent foreign interference in Druze affairs, especially from the British, believing that doing so would strengthen the government’s position regarding bringing the Druze to the negotiating table.Nevertheless, the period under study witnessed the Druze to make efforts to increase their power in the region using practically all opportunities, whether peaceful or otherwise. The case of Ibn Abū ‘Assāf at Izra‘ is one significant example of the peaceful attempts for Druze expansion around Laja. As explained, Cevdet Pasha and the Sublime Porte stood firmly to prevent Ibn Abū ‘Assāf from achieving his goal, and they succeeded without using military force despite the district governor being in favor of a military solution. Realizing the degree of determination on the government’s side, Ibn Abū ‘Assāf for his part wisely accepted a middle-ground solution, which in reality meant recognizing his strong position in the region.&nbsp;As for Midhat Pasha’s attitude towards the Druze issue, the governor-general faced the problem at a time when his relations with the central government and the commander of the Fifth Army Corps in Syria were strained. He resigned on October 19, 1879 before taking any action regarding the conflict in Busra al-Harir that had happened in early October. Only when Abdulhamid II refused to accept his resignation did Midhat Pasha start to correspond with the Porte regarding the Busra al-Harir conflict and express his view that the developments in Hauran had reached such a degree that no other way existed apart from the use of force. Both&nbsp;the Sultan and the Grand Vizier insisted that peace should be achieved by reconciling the two parties. By the end of October 1879, Midhat Pasha recognized the fact that the Palace, the Sublime Porte, and the British government, all but him, were all insisting on peaceful solutions and the necessity for avoiding the use of force. The central government underlined time and again the need to use notables and other locally influential figures as mediators between the two parties. The government even put pressure on Midhat Pasha to proceed to Hauran in person and supervise negotiations. Although he resisted this last request, Midhat Pasha finally sent a delegation headed by the Lebanese Druze sheikh Said Talhuq Bey, who played an important role in reconciling the two parties.The final incident that provided another opportunity to see the Ottoman policy succeed toward the Druze of Hauran took place in late January 1881 at Karak village. The Karak incident was the bloodiest of the three incidents this paper examines. The Sultan, the Porte, and the governor-general unanimously agreed that the conflict had to be solved as soon as possible by peaceful means. Moreover, Abdulhamid II and Hamdi Pasha both held the view that the conflict was not an ordinary blood feud; rather it could be the result of a foreign, probably British, instigation. Hence, Hamdi Pasha took effective measures to prevent communications of the Hauran Druzes with other Druzes in different mutasarrifliks as well as their correspondence with the British and other foreign representatives in the region. They underlined that the speed of achieving a peaceful solution was crucial to prevent any foreign intervention.&nbsp;After solemnly assuring the central government that he would not use military force and only the culprits would be brought to justice, Hamdi Pasha deployed more than the usual number of military units to Hauran and sent a special commission to resolve the conflict peacefully. He consistently tried to separate the innocent Druze from the guilty ones, and published proclamations stating that the commission will only interrogate the Druze who had taken part in the incident with the others being able to continue their usual work. He also assured the Druze sheikhs that the commission’s proceedings would be just and reconciliatory (adilane ve muslihane) and that the commission would attempt to work with them to achieve justice. In the end, the commission worked with the powerful Atrash family to reach a settlement. Moreover, Hamdi Pasha managed to gain the support of strong Arab tribes in the region against these Druze. Thus, the Ottoman position can safely be said to have been considerably strengthened as a result of the new measures the government had taken. Lastly, the findings of this article support the existing view that the Ottoman Empire preferred negotiation and reconciliation over coercion in its relations with the Arab tribes in the Bilad al-Sham region during and after the Tanzimat.

II. Abdülhamid Dönemi İlk Yıllarında Havran (Suriye) Dürzilerine Yönelik Osmanlı Politikası (1878-1881)

Arzu

Tuba

Since the Ottoman early traditional period, arithmetical books that could improve bookkeepers’ mathematics had already begun to be written. One of them is Pir Mahmud Sıdkı Edirnevi’s translation of Miftah-i Kunuz-i Arbab al-Kalam va Misbah-i Rumuz-i Ashab al-Rakam, which belongs to the 15th century and was written in Persian owing to the Persian effects on the financial foundation in 1505. The attention paid to arithmetic in Edirnevi’s Terceme-i Miftah-i Kunuz (Ilm-i Arkam-i Taksimat) is noticed in the chapters on root extraction, and it differs with approximation methods from other mathematical books in its century. Thus, our study mentions Edirnevi’s approximation methods on 3rd and 4th degree root extractions and intends to define this translation’s contribution to Turkish mathematic compilations. In this respect, our study aims to reveal the pioneer position of Edirnevi in the reception of numeric analysis subjects in Ottomans through the unique and complete manuscript of Terceme-i Miftah-i Kunuz (Ilm-i Arkam-i Taksimat). Also, in our study, both the historical and the mathematical analysis are followed in a methodological way. Our study consists of three main parts which are related firstly to the historical background, secondly to the introduction of the book and thirdly to the mathematical analysis of texts on the approximation of root extraction in this book, and it includes an evaluation of Edirnevi’s role in this context.&nbsp;In Mesopotamian mathematics, the fact that the exact and approximate results were separated obviously could be inferred from the particular terms that point out this separation. Also, since the formulas used for root extractions look like Greek mathematicians such as Archytas (BC 345) and Hero of Alexandria (AD. ~60), it is possible to say that Mesopotamian mathematics had a significant effect on Greek mathematics and represents the first steps of the history of numeric analysis. In the late medieval periods, it is outstanding that Chinese mathematicians made the solutions of the polynomials possible through the root extraction methods, and this method resembled what William Horner invented for algebraic equations in the 19th century.&nbsp;The tendency that provided mathematical improvement in the medieval Islamic world and the Ottomans was a numeric perspective that had been developed as an alternative to a geometric perspective. It should be considered that Newton’s and Descartes’ revolutional attempts in their books occurred thanks to this numeric perspective. Although the revolutional process did not occur in the East as the West achieved in the early modern period, the results of this perspective in the East is meaningful for mathematical precision. For instance, there was more than one way to find the square root in Khwarizmi’s (d. ~ 847) Hindî reckoning book. Then, Abu’l-Hasan al-Uqlidisi (d. 980) proposed different rules and found more precise results, but Abd al-Qahir al-Baghdadi’s (d. 1037) rules were begun to be followed as&nbsp;a conventional method (approximation) since his result of approximate cube root was more precise. Subsequently, Ibn al-Haytham (d. 1040) noted the irrational roots with justifications, and mathematicians after the 11th century attempted to find higher degree roots. The formulas that were applied by Nasir al-Din al-Tusi (d. 1274) and Nizam al-Din Nisaburi (d. 1328) were not different from the one that is known as the Ruffini-Horner method of the 19th century. The conventional method (approximation) was initially promoted by Samaw’al al-Maghribi (d.~1175) through nth degree root extraction to the base-60 numeral system (sexagesimal), then by Jamshid al-Kashi (d. 1429) to the base-10 numeral system (decimal). Thus, in Kashi’s book named Miftah al-Hisab, both predecessors’ methods were combined and extracting the approximate root was generalized in any degree. Through using Miftah al-Hisab, which is of East origin in Ottoman madrasahs and making commentaries and copies of the concise texts of Ibn al-Banna’s Talkhis Amal al-Hisab, which is of Andalus origin, the Ottomans became aware of many numeric analysis methods inheriting various mathematical traditions in different geographies.As mentioning root extraction methods in general reckoning books got usual in Ottomans, there were exact and approximate root extractions in high degree (fourth and fifth degree) in Ali al-Qushji’s (ö. 1474) or Ibn Hamza al-Maghribi’s (d. 1614) mathematical book. In addition, the Ottomans became familiar with these methods in not only integers but also fractional numbers through teaching Nisaburi’s mathematical textbook in madrasahs. Although the Ottomans had difficulties in applying these methods to the solution of highdegree equations, this subject was handled as a detached chapter in reckoning books with algebraic contents.Findings of our study indicate that Edirnevi’s translation, which is an arithmetical book in principle, is based on calculation with measures and common fractional numbers, proportion, false position method, shares of dept claims and root extractions. Since finding rational roots were mentioned quite detailed in this book, it is avoided to give examples of large numbers’ irrational roots. Thus, after the integer part of the root is obtained at once, the calculation of the approximate part of the root is left to be paid attention. Because of this, Edirnevi did not need the tables that he describes the steps of the finding rational roots. Edirnevi followed the method known as conventional approximation in the medieval Islamic world in finding the approximate cube root. However, he could not succeed in finding the fourth degree root exactly. Although he did not fail in extracting the integer part of the root, the approximate part of the root is not precise enough. That is a serious disadvantage of his book. On the contrary, the fact that this book addressed Ottoman bookkeepers is considered, these are pioneer and unique enterprises among the mathematical books written by bookkeepers. Despite the absence of chapters about algebra in this book, it could be a reference for algebra teaching thanks to the close relation between the root extraction methods and the solution of equations.&nbsp;In conclusion, thanks to Edirnevi’s efforts, the most important methods in numeric analysis were integrated with Turkish mathematics compilation at the beginning of the Ottomans’ 16th century. That is also a rare and inspiring fact among the bookkeepers’ texts. Therefore, the pros and cons of Edirnevi’s approaches are important components of the mathematical precision in the Ottomans’ numeric analysis methods.

Sayısal Anali̇z Metotlarının Kısa Tari̇hi̇ ve Bu Bağlamda Pîr Mahmud Sıdkı Edi̇rnevî’ni̇n Hesap Kitabı

Uğur

Günhan

This article examines a group of reference letters (mahzars) written for Seyfîzâde Ahmed Efendi, who was appointed as the first professor (müderris) of the madrasa complex founded by Kapuağası Gazanfer Agha in Istanbul in the early 1590s. The opening of the Gazanfer Agha Complex, the appointment of its first professor, the first lecture given by Ahmed Efendi in the presence of the prominent bureaucrat-scholars of the time and dozens of students, and the ceremonies and banquets organized on these occasions were among the events that made quite a stir in those years. All these events were meticulously recorded in a manzume by the court historiographer of the time, Seyyid Lokman, who wrote several works under the patronage of Gazanfer Agha. The reference letters we are dealing with here are found at the beginning of the second manuscript copy of Seyyid Lokman’s manzume (Esad Efendi 3376), which we have already identified and published. These letters are essentially texts written in the style of şehâdetnâme and, as we have endeavored to show in our article, they provide critical insights into the dynamics of occupational solidarity among Ottoman bureaucrat-scholars in the last quarter of the 16th century, as well as the familial and personal relationship networks that some scholars established with each other, details not available in other historical sources.Seyfîzâde Ahmed Efendi was the son of Seyfullah Efendi, a prominent scholar during the reigns of Murad III and Mehmed III. At an uncertain date (probably in the late 1580s), Ahmed Efendi was married with the daughter of Abdülmuhyi Pasha, one of the chancellors under Murad III. By the mid-1590s, Ahmed Efendi collected şehâdetnâmes from 19 high level ulama, known to both his father and himself, to testify to his scholarly qualifications before his appointment as the first müderris of Gazanfer Agha’s newly founded madrasa. The statement, “Ahmed Efendi, son of Seyfullâh Efendi, who is still a professor in the madrasa of Sultan Süleyman Han” (Esad Efendi 3376, fol. 1a) suggests that the letters in question were copied between 1595 and 1600.The letters appear to follow a certain order according to the official standing of their authors within the Ottoman ilmiye hierarchy, starting with the letters written by three chief jurisprudents (şeyhülislâms) and one chief military judge (kazasker). The remaining letters belong to Seyfîzâde’s teachers, classmates, and friends, revealing the scope of his professional, familial, and individual network of people. For example, in their letters, Molla Ahmed Efendi, Lütfî Beğzâde, Sinân Efendizâde, Râʿî Hasan Efendi, Kâfzâde Feyzî Efendi, Bahrî Hasan Efendi, and Selâmîzâde Mehmed Efendi, attest to knowing Ahmed Efendi personally and recognizing his scholarly prowess. All in all, these letters reveal a wide and intricate network that Ahmed Efendi and his father established with several prominent members of the Ottoman ulema in the last quarter of the 16th century.Some of these mahzars were written by scholars who knew Ahmed Efendi personally. Molla Ahmed Efendi, who was Ahmed Efendi's teacher at the Sultaniyye Madrasa, mentions that Ahmed Efendi was capable of understanding subtle meanings, that he learnt many disciplines, and that with these disciplines he became famous like İmru'l-Kays, one of the famous poets of the Jahiliyya period. Sinan Efendizâde, who taught Ahmed Efendi at one of the Sahn Madrasas, refers to his proficiency in both rational and transmitted sciences, his worthiness of the sultan’s favor, and the long years of service his father rendered as a preacher in Ayasofya Mosque. The information provided by Sinan Efendizâde and his reference letter are the longest and most detailed among the reference letters. Râ‘î Hasan Efendi, Kâfzâde, and Selâmîzâde, who studied together with Ahmed Efendi, also attest to his scholarly competence and claim to have personally observed it.Among these letters some were clearly used in the context of another appointment. Sinan Efendizâde, Ahmed Efendi's classmate, drew attention to this situation in his reference letter, stating that Ahmed Efendi collected signatures to obtain a certain position or title. The presence of the term ‘azl’ in some reference letters also supports this situation.&nbsp;The reference letters, which contain carefully chosen and eloquent expressions, demonstrate a meticulous attention to style, aiming to create a unity both in the praise of Ahmed Efendi, &nbsp;the description of the reference letter, and in addressing the recipient. It is important to note that in some of the letters, instead of the word mahzar, authors use expressions such as sahife, vesika, tomâr, varak, rıkk, ruk'a, defter, and cerîde. These expressions seem to have been employed both to indicate the large number of signatures and to add a more rhetorical level of meaning to the sentences in the mahzars.Overall, all these letters, indicative of dense and complex networks of personal connections, show that, by the late 16th century, the Ottoman ulema often acted together on various matters, with mutual interests at stake. In other words, these şehâdetnâme-style letters reveal the nature of the intricate networks of relations among the Ottoman scholars of the period, and as a literary genre, they are texts that should be analyzed in their own right. In this context, the main purpose of this study is to introduce the mahzar/şehâdetnâmes written for Seyfîzâde Ahmed Efendi and to provide a preliminary study of the life, scholarly career, and professional networks of an Ottoman scholar in the late 16th century. The mahzars we are dealing with have been overlooked until now, and thus have not yet been used in studies on the early modern Ottoman scholarly organization and ulema. In this respect, we would like to contribute to future studies on the occupational solidarity and personal/familial relationship networks among different groups in the early modern Ottoman world by presenting partial transcriptions of these important source texts as an appendix to the article.

Bir 16. Yüzyıl Osmanlı Âliminin Meslekî ve Şahsî İlişki Ağlarına Dair: Gazanfer Ağa Medresesi’nin İlk Müderrisi Seyfîzâde Ahmed Efendi İçin Yazılmış Mahzarlar Üzerinden Bir İnceleme

Yusuf

Orman, Eşkıya ve Devlet: Osmanlı İmparatorluğu'nda Ormanların Yasadışı Faaliyet Alanı Olarak Kullanılmasına Karşı Alınan Bazı Önlemler (16.-18. Yüzyıllar)

Gaye

Mağri̇b ve Osmanlı Astronomi̇ Geleneği̇nde Senteti̇k Bi̇r Yaklaşım: Cezayi̇r Enlemi̇ içi̇n Hazırlanan 18. Yüzyıl Osmanlı Dai̇mî Takvim Örneği

Amila

Ötekilik İçinde Ötekilik: Habsburg Bosna'sının Hapishane Sistemi'nde Müslüman Kadın Mahkûmlara Yönelik Ayrımcılık

Semih

Res. Assist. Dr.

Osmanlı Dış Borçlarının Bi̇rleşti̇ri̇lmesi̇ Süreci̇nde Fransız Di̇plomasi̇si̇ ve Fi̇nans Kurumları

Demokrasi ya da İstikrar: ABD'nin Turkiye'nin Demokrasi Deneyimine Yönelik Politikası 1945-1980

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Vural

It is well known that many Iranian scholars and intellectuals traveled between Ajam and Rum towards the end of the 15th century, in order to secure wealthy and benevolent patrons. The reason for the mobility of scholars, which can be traced back to the reign of Murad the Second (1421-1451), was undoubtedly related to the changes occurred across the Islamic world. Of these changes, the conquest of Istanbul was the most important. Adding “the protector of Islam” to his extant titulatures with this conquest, Sultan Mehmed the Conqueror, proclaimed that he was the only representative of the Islamic world. The second reason was the decline of Timurid Empire after the demise of Shahrukh (d. 1447) who were the reputed patron of science and art like&nbsp;his father towards the second half of the 15th century. By exiling scholars and crafters from newly conquered lands to his capital Samarqand, Timur created a Renaissance era and bequeathed this cultural heritage to his successors. Timurid princes’ fights for the throne perpetuated in Iraq, Fars, Mazandaran, Mawara al-Nahr and Khurasan, and several handovers and plunders of Samarqand and Herat precipitated the exodus of Timurid scholars and craftsmen in order to secure wealthy patrons and safe places, after the demise of Shahrukh. This chaotic atmosphere pervaded in Iran and on the other hand Ottoman sultans’ patronage of science and art made the Ottoman lands a safe and inviting shelter for Iranian scholars and literary men. Based on the claims that they were the only representative of Islam, the Ottomans’ superiority over the Aqquyunlus who presented themselves as Timur’s licit heirs, led this competition to another phase. Reputed with his wealth, benevolence and power, Sultan Mehmed the Conqueror made his capital Istanbul a center of attraction for Iranian scholars and poets.&nbsp;His patronage of science and art had spread across Iran so much so that his palace was replete with Iranian scholars and encomiasts at the very beginning of his reign. Along with scholars and bureaucrats such as Şemseddin Fenârî, Molla Gürânî, Mevlana Şeyh Ebu İshak Tebrizî and Ali Kuşçu, encomiasts and man of letters such as Ma’âlî, Kâşifî, Hamidî, and Kabûlî presented their works to Sultan Mehmed and, made contributions to sultan’s imperial image from the viewpoint of Ajamness. It is also well known that Sultan Mehmed endeavored to take famous Iranian scholars under his patronage and, for this purpose he sends them enticing gifts.&nbsp;Benevolent and wealthy image of Sultan Mehmed the Conqueror and, his capital’s hallmark as a center for a multi-cultural junction, attracted another Ajam known as Riyâzî. He was less known among the Ajams in Sultan’s palace. Neither contemporary chroniclers nor collection of the biographies of poets mention him. Beside his Persian epistle, which he penned on the occasion of Sultan Mehmed’s conquest of Akçahisar and constitutes the subject of the present study, there are at least three copies of his Divan survived to this date. None of these primary sources provide any information concerning his migration from Ajam to Rum and his residence in Istanbul. According to his Divan, his full name was Mawlana Riyâzî-i Samarqandî. This specifies the fact that he was native of Timurids’ cultural center Samarqand. Most probably in order to escape the political chaos and seeking a new patron, he headed towards Istanbul, after the decline of the Timurid Empire in Iran and Mawara al-Nahr. In the patrimonial states of the 16th-century Islamic world, scholars and craftier were more depended on court patronage. Because of that sultans were the only resorts. When the scholars fell from the grace of their patron(s), they set on a journey seeking for welfare and patronage in another sultan’s court.&nbsp;Riyâzî’s venture was not different from the scholars and bureaucrats who lost their patronage and set out to secure a new one in 15th and 16th centuries Islamic world. Although it is not known how and when he managed, he might have come to Istanbul and secured Sultan Mehmed’s patronage prior to 1479. Beyond the Sultan Mehmed’s personal interest to attract many Iranians, this phenomenon should be supported with the role which sultan played himself. Eventually, patronizing Muslim scholars and craftsmen was an indispensable source of legitimacy for the sultan who had claims for superiority in the Islamic world.&nbsp;&nbsp;Although his contemporaries Ma’âlî and Kabûlî gave huge details on their journeys, observations on the palace and how they managed to secure Sultan’s patronage, neither in his Persian epistle presented to Sultan Mehmed nor in his Divan replete with poems of love and separation Riyâzî-i Samarqandî does not provide any information about himself and his personal experiences. In contrast to Ma’âlî, Kabûlî, and Hamidî, he has never presented a panegyric to his patron. The only information about his life in Istanbul was his disease, which he could not recuperate and finally died in 884/1479-80. Though he did not relate his observations on the palace and the Sultan, and how he behaved, accounts of other Ajam’s provide details about the perception of Ajamness in the Ottoman palace, which we can further elaborate on. Furthermore, it is well known that there was a competition of superiority between highly-educated Ajams and their rival Rumîs in Sultan Mehmed’s palace.Riyâzî-i Samarqandî penned his Persian epistle entitled with Risâle-i Tehniyet-i ‘Iyd ve Nevrûz Berây-ı Ebu’l-feth Sultan Mehmed or Tehniyet-i ‘Iyd ve Fethnâme-i Akçahisar in 1479 on the occasion of the conquest of Akçahisar in Albania and presented to the Sultan. The seal of Sultan Mehmed on the folios verifies that the epistle was accepted to the personal library of Sultan. The coincidence of Sultan Mehmed’s conquest of Akçahisar with Nawruz feast was a double occasion for Riyâzî to present himself to the Sultan. Unlike his fellows in this genre, he merely confined his epistle to create an imperial image for the Sultan with titles and titulatures, which he formulated for him. He furthermore explained the reason for giving these titles to the Sultan under each titulatures. It should also be specified that this Persian epistle penned and presented to the Sultan to proclaim Ottoman dynasty’s superiority over the other dynasties such as Aqquyunlu and Mamluk, and to show them how Ottomans were the only protectors of Islam.As a wealthy, powerful, benevolent and just sultan, Mehmed the Conqueror took many Iranian scholars, encomiasts, and craftsmen under his patronage. Thus, he commenced “Eastern Renaissance” which would last in his successor’s reign Bayezid the Second (1481-1512). Thanks to this cultural mobility, those who came from Ajam, penned and presented many epistles and panegyric to the Sultan. It should not be forgotten that Iranian shahnama-writers had major contributions for the creation of the imperial image of Sultan Mehmed, which would be imitated in Bayezid the Second’s reign as well. It can be concluded that like his Iranian contemporaries’ pieces, Riyâzî-i Samarqandî’s Persian epistle was also a contribution to create an imperial image for the Sultan from the viewpoint of an Ajam.

FATİH’İN EMPERYAL İMAJINA BİR ACEM’İN KATKISI: RİYÂZÎ-İ SEMERKANDÎ

Arda

The efforts for founding an Israeli state in Palestine, which gained momentum with the Balfour Declaration issued in the end of World War I, constituted one of the most important problems causing instability in the Middle East during the interwar period. In this process, when Jewish immigration to Palestine increased and Arabs and Jews began to have serious conflicts in the region, Turkey did not get involved in the developments in Palestine. The conflicts became bitterer following World War II when the victorious USA began to back up the efforts for the establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine. The ambitions of Western countries and the Jews for Palestine became the prominent issue for Arab countries after World War II. Arab nationalists gathered around anti-Westernism and the Palestine issue.&nbsp;&nbsp;Unlike its passive position in the interwar period, Turkey began to take more active involvement in the Palestine issue after the war. Turkey’s increasing interest in the issue following 1945 was due to its convergence with Arab nations, rather than religious or nationalist considerations. Turkey was left alone against the Soviet Union by Western nations. With no alternative but to create stronger bonds with the states in the region against the Soviet threat, Turkey approached its Arab neighbours and realized that the Palestine issue was the first item on their agenda. When the Palestine issue was brought to UN, Turkey supported Arab nations due to its sense of solidarity with Arab nations and its concern that a Jewish state to be founded in the area might cause instability. Turkey’s support to Arab nations for the Palestine issue would come to an end with the improvements in Turkey’s relations with Western nations and the outbreak of the First Arab-Israeli War.As a result of its strategic alliance with Western nations against the Soviet Union threat, Turkey felt the need for acting in concert with its allies in the international area. Meanwhile, it became clear to Turkey during the First Arab-Israeli War that military alliance with Israel would be more beneficial than with Arabs. At this stage, the UN decided to set up a Conciliation Commission for resolution of the Palestine issue. Acting uniformly with Western nations in the Conciliation Commission and carrying out missions together with the USA and France, Turkey made it clear that it would no longer take an approach supporting Arab theses in the Palestine issue.The UN Conciliation Commission for Palestine was important in that it was the first multilateral attempt for resolution and Turkey’s first critical alliance with Western nations following World War II. Turkey was included in the conciliation commission with the USA and France due to its support for Arab countries in the conflict, but it did not maintain its support in the works of the commission. Commission membership increased Turkey’s diplomatic contact with Israel, and as a result&nbsp;of these interactions Turkey’s concerns over Israel disappeared and led Turkey to become the first Muslim country to recognize Israel.&nbsp;The Conciliation Commission was set up with great expectations and strong international support. At the time the Commission made serious efforts for resolution of the problem, the disagreement between the two parties was new and so there were suitable grounds for resolution. However, the biggest disadvantage of the Commission was its Western identity which caused lack of trust with Arab nations. France, a member of the Commission that aimed to provide suitable conditions for lasting peace following the First Arab-Israeli War, was known for its colonial past among Arab nations. Turkey’s membership was also met with mistrust due to memories from the Ottoman Empire period and the Hatay issue, which was seen as a conspiracy set against Arab countries by Turkey and Western nations. The USA was the only nation with no colonial past from the point of view of Arab nations. However, the USA’s strong support for the founding of a Jewish state in Palestine following World War II was known by the Arab public. For these reasons, the Commission’s neutrality was questioned by Arab nations.&nbsp;Between the Commission’s most active years of 1949 and 1952, Arab nations were devoid of strong governments that could sign a peace treaty with Israel, as they were struggling with political and military depression caused by the First Arab-Israeli War. Israel, on the other hand, had seen the weaknesses of Arab troops during the War, and aimed to extend and strengthen its boundaries through further conflicts rather than make peace with Arab nations. The works of the Conciliation Commission failed as they were trying to reconcile those with no power for making peace and those with no intention of doing so. After the Paris Conference of 1951, the Commission acknowledged that it would be unable to reach its aim of ensuring a peace accord, and decided to focus on the resolution of the problems of Arab refugees. However, it failed to gain effective results in its smaller targets because the parties of the Arab-Israeli conflict adopted more uncompromising attitudes as the Cold War began to influence the Palestine issue. During the course of the work of the Commission after 1952, the relations between some of the Arab nations that were expected to be made better through the joint efforts of the members, namely Turkey, the USA, and France, became even worse. With Arab nations being supported by the Soviet Union, and Israel by the USA in the international area, the parties of the conflict began to manifest their uncompromising attitudes more comfortably, which put the Conciliation Commission in a situation where it could no longer function.&nbsp;The Conciliation Commission was an unsuccessful experience on the part of Turkey. Turkish foreign policy pursued until the 1960s did more harm than good on&nbsp;the works of the Conciliation Commission. During the 1950s, Turkey formed closer economic and political relationships with Israel, while its relations with important Arab nations such as Egypt and Syria deteriorated. Such direct conflicts between Western and Arab nations as the Suez Crisis did not only worsen the relations between Western and Arab nations in the Conciliation Commission, but also caused Turkey to lose its role of mediator. With Cold War and the Soviet Union becoming more influential over Middle East, Turkey’s policies on Arab nations, especially Egypt and Syria, became stricter. When Turkey and Syria were on the brink of war in 1957, the two nations had no chance of cooperation and resolution under the Conciliation Commission. Egypt and Syria also sharpened their irreconcilable attitudes against Turkey both in terms of regional policies and of international relations with the support they received from the Soviet Union. Because Egypt perceived a Muslim state’s contribution to the resolution of the Palestine issue as interference in the internal affairs of Arab nations at a time when it saw itself as the protector of Arab nations, it did not support Turkey’s efforts for conciliation. The Conciliation Commission for Palestine was imbedded in history as another UN initiative that failed to provide solutions to international relations under the existing structure of the UN.

FİLİSTİN UZLAŞTIRMA KOMİSYONU VE TÜRKİYE

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Gökhan

Known as the Neo-Babylonian Chronicles, the cuneiform texts were compiled (copied) by Babylonian scribes and mostly concern the historical events of both the recent and distant past. Recorded concisely and chronologically, they detail events starting from the Babylonian king Nabunassar era in 747-734 BC and continue to the period just after the capture of Babylonia by the Persians in 539 BC. In this study, the records concerning the illnesses and disabilities of the Mesopotamian and Elamite kings in these chronicles will be discussed. We will attempt to determine the historical importance of these medical problems of the kings with regards to the medical history of Mesopotamia. Some assessments will be made concerning the relations between these records and the political, religious, and traditional aspects of Babylonian historiography. Additionally, other pieces of information in other chronicles such as Esarhaddon, Weidner, and Chronicle of Early Kings will be referred to when needed. Although numerous Babylonian and Assyrian kings are mentioned concerning political events in the Neo-Babylonian Chronicles, the only king whose illness is mentioned is the Neo-Assyrian king Esarhaddon (681- 669 BC). The king fell ill during one of his campaigns and subsequently died. There is not much detailed information about the king’s illness in the relevant chronicles. Similarly, the chronicles do not mention the illnesses of the Babylonian kings in much detail. While the Neo-Babylonian king Nabunassar (747-734 BC) died after becoming sick in his palace, another Babylonian king Nabonidus (555-539 BC) was also ill but recovered. In brief, it is observed that the medical backgrounds of some of the numerous Babylonian and Assyrian kings are mentioned in the Neo-Babylonian Chronicles and that these references are only superficial. However, it is very clear that the illnesses and disabilities of the Neo-Elamite kings, who reigned during the 1st millennium BC, are mentioned in more detail by the chronicle scribes. What is the reason behind the fact that no detailed information is given about the illnesses of the Assyrian and Babylonian kings, while the health situations and deaths of their contemporary Neo-Elamite kings include more details? There might be more than one answer to this question. One answer might be that the scribes could not find sufficient information in the ancient sources about these issues while compiling the chronicles. In addition, statements indicating that the demise of the kings did not result from an illness and particularly that some of them “died in the palaces” are either proof of&nbsp;the fact that there is not sufficient information about the cause of death of these kings or it is possible that these individuals were accepted as “well-remembered figures” in Babylonian history. However, another answer (and one which is the main focus of the study) should be sought in the relation between the medical knowledge and tradition of Babylonian historiography, in which political and religious ideologies are dominant. It is possible to find pieces of information about the health problems of kings such as Esarhaddon and Nabonidus in other cuneiform sources such as the royal inscriptions and correspondence. However, only in the chronicles is it possible to encounter details about the illnesses of the Elamite kings. The records of the death of two Neo-Elamite kings following a stroke and/or paralysis can be considered as an example of the reflection of a pro-Babylonian attitude towards historiography. It is certain that the scribe or scribes, who mentioned these pieces of information, are eager to leave no stone unturned about information and the details concerning the disabilities or deaths of the Elamite kings. It should be considered that a conscious preference in deciding which pieces of information to be recorded might be related to the world views of the scribes, the relevance of the kings, the form of the illnesses to be mentioned, divine background, and the political/ideological aspects of historiographical tradition. Similarly, this relation is conspicuous in the health problems of the Sargon of Akkad and Isin king Erra-imitti written in the records of the Chronicles of the Early Kings and Weidner as well.It is possible that some of the details concerning the illnesses of the kings might contain fabrications, exaggerations, or personal comments. However, even if these details are supported by information from other cuneiform sources or even if it is medically possible, it doesn’t change the possible views asserted in the study about the intentions behind adding them to the chronicles. Sometimes concise and sometimes relatively longer, the information provided by the chronicle writers about the illnesses of the Assyrian, Babylonian, and Elamite kings, and even about the Isin king Erra-imitti contribute to our knowledge about the medical history of ancient Mesopotamia. Independent from the individuals, since these medical cases (such as stroke, paralysis, fever, insomnia, and respiratory problems) are common in royal correspondence and literary texts and particularly in medical texts, they have no particular privilege. However, these medical details in the chronicles are important with regards to Babylonian historiography. It is observed in the chronicles that only the health problems of the kings are detailed with interest. However, some kings like the Neo-Babylonian King Nabonidus (who recovered after the illness), or kings who died without getting sick, are also discussed. Particularly in the latter case, it was also relevant that some of the scribes did not have knowledge about the causes of deaths of the kings. Additionally, it was recorded that some of the kings (like the Babylonian king Nabunassar) died in the palaces, even without getting sick. The Babylonian scribes were probably informed about the details of the illness of the Neo-Assyrian king Esarhaddon; however, they did not mention it. In fact, Esarhaddon was a Neo-Assyrian king, who was trying to revive the city of Babylonia and return it to its old magnificent days after his father, Sennacherib, wrathfully devastated the city. It can be considered that these kings were not remembered with ill feelings by later generations. However, this interpretation can involve problems, since it is a result of an overall general view about the whole life of the individual. It is also possible that they were punished with illnesses resulting in death by the gods due to their misconduct in any period of their kingdom or in any issue that might annoy (!) the gods.Therefore, all of these examples have great importance since they reflect the dominant understanding concerning the ancient Mesopotamian historiography: a religious belief that the illness is a divine punishment arising from the faults of an individual. The common trait of almost all of the kings, about whom the chronicles give detailed information concerning their illnesses, is that they were all remembered negatively with regards to the history of Babylonia. It is possible that there was an attempt to create a perception that the patron deity of the city of Babylon Marduk (Bel) punished these kings who were in the wrong. Illnesses and deaths related with these situations were remarkable events since they demonstrated the proof of the relation between the crime and the punishment. Thus, the motives behind the intention to abstain from recording the known or fabricated medical causes of deaths of some kings should not be examined, to a large extent, in the epistemological concerns. These motives should be investigated in the relations between historiography and its political, religious, and traditional aspects. For example, mentioning the insomnia problems of Sargon of Akkad doesn’t have a medical or historical importance in itself. This record reaches significance when there is an attempt to establish relations between the current ideologies and compilation of literary narratives, whose “reality is suspicious”, that are dated to the 1st millennium BC. It might also be mentioned that, sometimes while narrating, the role and influence of these relations are behind the inclusion of the themes and contents, which are thought to arouse curiosity and interest, with a high potential of speculation.

TIBBİ BİLGİNİN İDEOLOJİK KULLANIMI ÜZERİNE OKUMALAR: YENİ BABİL KRONİKLERİNDE HASTALIKLAR VE BABİL TARİH YAZICILIĞI

Ebru

Prof.

The Last Penetration of The Crusader Armies into the Seljuḳ Territory of Anatolia: Emperor Friedrich Barbarossa’s Crusade (1089-1190)In the 12th century, Anatolia witnessed the great struggles between the Crusaders and the Turks, and the Crusaders penetrated into Seljuḳ territory for the last time during the Third Crusade (1189–1192). By conquering Jerusalem in 1187, the Egyptian-Syrian ruler, Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn, put an end to the Crusaders’ domination in Jerusalem, which lasted 88 years. It was at this point that German Emperor Friedrich Barbarossa, who had accompanied his uncle Conrad III, King of Germany during the Second Crusade, once again agreed to participate in the Crusade—this time as a 70-year-old ruler. He formed an immense army with the goal of capturing Jerusalem from Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn. While the English and French kings traveled by sea to the Holy Land with their forces, Friedrich tried to reach the East through Anatolia. This paper discusses the march of the German Crusaders under the command of Friedrich Barbarossa in Anatolia, and the Seljuk-Crusader relations in this period.&nbsp;Emperor Friedrich, who started to prepare for the expedition after accepting the cross, sent ambassadors to Hungarian King Bela III, Byzantine Emperor Isaakios Angelos II, and Seljuk Sultan Ḳilidj Arslan II to ask for permission to pass through their countries. In response, Emperor Isaakios said that the Crusaders would be allowed to enter the territory of the empire if they promised not to take any action against the Byzantine State. When this stipulation was accepted by Friedrich, the Byzantine emperor agreed to provide guidance and suitable markets to the Crusaders during the transition from Anatolia. After that, Emperor Isaakios took the necessary measures in accordance with the agreement reached; however, Barbarossa’s contact with the enemies of Byzantine Serbs and Seljuks increased Isaakios’s concerns. Faced with such danger, Isaakios found it appropriate to contact Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn for the interest of his country. According to Ibn al-Asir, when Isaakios learned of the German emperor’s movement, he sent an envoy to Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn and promised that he would prevent Friedrich from passing through the Byzantine land.After the year-long preparations, Friedrich finally moved from Regensburg to the East in May 1189. His enormously large and well- organized army seemed almost invincible. Barbarossa passed Hungary, where he was welcomed by King Bela, and by crossing the Danube near Belgrade, he entered the Byzantine territory in 1189. The Crusader army was said to have 50,000 horsemen and 100,000 infantrymen. Meanwhile, the Serbs and Bulgarians’ attempt to form an alliance with the German emperor destressed the Byzantines.Because of the events in the Balkans, the relations between the two sides became so bad that Friedrich even contemplated attacking Istanbul. Eventually, Friedrich, who intended to arrive in Palestine after spending the winter months in Adrianople, went to Gallipoli in March 1190, and by crossing through the Dardanelles into Anatolia, he entered the path that Alexander the Great had followed about 15 centuries prior. After crossing the Granikos Stream and the Angelokomites River, the Crusaders followed a Byzantine military road between Miletopolis and today’s Balikesir (Akhyraous), and they moved southward through Balikesir-Ala Shehir before heading toward Seljuḳ territory after the Byzantine border town of Laodiceia (Denizli). The German emperor thought that he would easily pass from Anatolia, in accordance with the old friendship and the agreements between Ḳilidj Arslan II and him. In the last two years, he sent ambassadors to the sultan several times, and he stated that his intention was to go to Jerusalem. When the German army was in Adrianople, Sultan Ḳilidj Arslan and his son Malik Shah’s envoys had gone to Friedrich and promised to help him. Meanwhile, the Anatolian Seljuk State had lost its political unity. Sultan Ḳilidj Arslan did not actually have power. The feuds for the throne had begun among the Maliks soon after he allocated the country between his 11 sons in 1187. Because of these circumstances, the Turks were not in a position to openly fight against this enormous army, but they also did not want to let them pass through Anatolia. As a result, they followed the German Crusader army and harassed them. In the meantime, the Turkmens, who acted on their own at the borders, also pursued the Crusaders along the road from Denizli. The Turkmens initially retreated to the mountains and grazed large herds of animals (around 5,000) along the Germans’ way and therefore condemned the horses of the Crusaders to starvation. Then they suddenly attacked the Crusaders, who were devastated by fatigue and starvation. As&nbsp;a result of these attacks in the mountains and passages in the Uluborlu region, the Germans suffered great losses. While the attacks of the Turkmens continued along the way, the Germans were forced to carry out a series of fierce battles (from April 28 to May 18). The Turks also continued their activities around the Crusader camp at nights, shouting and shooting arrows until the morning, causing the Germans sleepless and troubled nights. In the meantime, under the rain of arrows that pierced the tents, the Crusaders were sometimes killed while they were asleep. For this reason, most of the Crusaders were unable to remove their armor at night for weeks. This situation created an exasperating impact on them. Also, the water resources along the way of the Crusader army were rendered unusable, all kinds of foodstuffs were destroyed, cities were evacuated, and the people hid in the forests and mountains.As a result of the war tactics applied by the Turks, the German army, which was miserable because of both the lack of food and water and the constant Turkish attacks, suffered heavy losses. They set Aḳshehir on fire and marched toward Iconium (Konya). After a fierce battle, Emperor Friedrich finally managed to enter Iconium by force on May 18th. However, after leaving Iconium, Friedrich drowned while crossing the Saleph River (Silifke /Salūḳiya). As a result of this, the German army disbanded (June 10, 1190), and only a small part of the army, led by his son Friedrich VI of Swabia, reached Acre.

HAÇLI ORDULARININ ANADOLU’DA SELÇUKLU TOPRAKLARINA SON GİRİŞİ: İMPARATOR FRIEDRICH BARBAROSSA’NIN HAÇLI SEFERİ (1189-1190)

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Tarih Dergisi (Turk J Hist), İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi’nin çift-kör hakemli açık erişimli bilimsel yayın organıdır. Dergi Şubat, Haziran ve Ekim aylarında olmak üzere, yılda üç sayı olarak yayınlanır. Yayın dili Türkçe ve İngilizce’dir.
Tarih Dergisi (Turk J Hist); ulusal, bölgesel tarih ve dünya tarihiyle ilgili her konuyu kapsayan araştırma makalesi ve çeviri makaleler yayınlamaktadır. Dergide aynı zamanda eleştiri ve değerlendirme yazılarına da yer verilmektedir.
Tarih Dergisi (Turk J Hist); ulusal, bölgesel tarih ve dünya tarihiyle ilgili her konuyu kapsayan nitelikli makaleler yayınlayarak, literatüre katkıda bulunmayı amaçlar. 
Tarih Dergisi (Turk J Hist); ulusal, bölgesel tarih ve dünya tarihiyle ilgili araştırma makalesi ve çeviri makaleler yayınlamaktadır. Dergide aynı zamanda eleştiri ve değerlendirme yazılarına da yer verilmektedir.

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Tarih Dergisi (Turk J Hist); ulusal, bölgesel tarih ve dünya tarihiyle ilgili her konuyu kapsayan nitelikli makaleler yayınlayarak, literatüre katkıda bulunmayı amaçlar. Tarih Dergisi (Turk J Hist); ulusal, bölgesel tarih ve dünya tarihiyle ilgili araştırma makalesi ve çeviri makaleler yayınlamaktadır. Dergide aynı zamanda eleştiri ve değerlendirme yazılarına da yer verilmektedir.

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SCOPUSWeb of Science Emerging Sources Citation Index (ESCI)TÜBİTAK ULAKBİM TR Dizin  EBSCO Historical AbstractsEBSCO Historical Abstracts with Full TextDOAJERIH PLUSSOBİAD<a href="https://go.gale.com/ps/dispAdvSearch.do?userGroupName=anon~84c5a0c7&amp;prodId=AONE" target="_blank">Gale Cengage</a>

Dizinler

Dergi yayın etiğinde en yüksek standartlara bağlıdır ve <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a> ve <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> tarafından yayınlanan etik yayıncılık ilkelerini benimser; Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing başlığı altında ifade edilen ilkeler için: <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a> Gönderilen makaleler derginin amaç ve kapsamına uygun olmalıdır. Orijinal, yayınlanmamış ve başka bir dergide değerlendirme sürecinde olmayan, her bir yazar tarafından içeriği ve gönderimi onaylanmış yazılar değerlendirmeye kabul edilir. Makale yayınlanmak üzere Dergiye gönderildikten sonra yazarlardan hiçbirinin ismi, tüm yazarların yazılı izni olmadan yazar listesinden silinemez ve yeni bir isim yazar olarak eklenemez ve yazar sırası değiştirilemez.İntihal, duplikasyon, sahte yazarlık/inkar edilen yazarlık, araştrma/veri fabrikasyonu, makale dilimleme, dilimleyerek yayın, telif hakları ihlali ve çıkar çatışmasının gizlenmesi, etik dışı davranışlar olarak kabul edilir. Kabul edilen etik standartlara uygun olmayan tüm makaleler yayından çıkarılır. Buna yayından sonra tespit edilen olası kuraldışı, uygunsuzluklar içeren makaleler de dahildir.İntihal Ön kontrolden geçirilen makaleler, iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal/kendi kendine intihal tespit edilirse yazarlar bilgilendirilir. Editörler, gerekli olması halinde makaleyi değerlendirme ya da üretim sürecinin çeşitli aşamalarında intihal kontrolüne tabi tutabilirler. Yüksek benzerlik oranları, bir makalenin kabul edilmeden önce ve hatta kabul edildikten sonra reddedilmesine neden olabilir. Makalenin türüne bağlı olarak, bunun oranın %15 veya %20'den az olması beklenir.Çift Kör Hakemlikİntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir. Editör, makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakemlikten geçmesini sağlar ve makale biçimsel esaslara uygun ise, gelen yazıyı yurtiçinden ve /veya yurtdışından en az iki hakemin değerlendirmesine sunar, hakemler gerek gördüğü takdirde yazıda istenen değişiklikler yazarlar tarafından yapıldıktan sonra yayınlanmasına onay verir. *Akademik alanda herhangi bir üniversiteye mensubiyeti olmayan yazarların ve lisansüstü eğitimi devam eden öğrencilerin çalışmalarına dergide yer verilmemektedir. *Dergide yazısı yayınlanan bir yazarın iki seneden önce başka bir makalesine yer verilmemektedir.

Politikalar

Dergi açık erişimlidir ve derginin tüm içeriği okura ya da okurun dahil olduğu kuruma ücretsiz olarak sunulur. Okurlar, ticari amaç haricinde, yayıncı ya da yazardan izin almadan dergi makalelerinin tam metnini okuyabilir, indirebilir, kopyalayabilir, arayabilir ve link sağlayabilir. Bu <a href="https://www.budapestopenaccessinitiative.org/translations/turkish-translation" target="_blank">BOAI</a> açık erişim tanımıyla uyumludur. Derginin açık erişimli makaleleri Creative Commons Atıf-GayrıTicari 4.0 Uluslararası (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.tr" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) olarak lisanslıdır.

Derginin tüm giderleri İstanbul Üniversitesi tarafından karşılanmaktadır. Dergide makale yayını ve makale süreçlerinin yürütülmesi ücrete tabi değildir. Dergiye gönderilen ya da yayın için kabul edilen makaleler için işlemleme ücreti ya da gönderim ücreti alınmaz.

Yazarlar dergide yayınlanan çalışmalarının telif hakkına sahiptirler ve çalışmaları  Creative Commons Atıf-GayrıTicari 4.0 Uluslararası (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.tr" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) olarak lisanslıdır. CC BY-NC 4.0 lisansı, eserin ticari kullanım dışında her boyut ve formatta paylaşılmasına, kopyalanmasına, çoğaltılmasına ve orijinal esere uygun şekilde atıfta bulunmak kaydıyla yeniden düzenleme, dönüştürme ve eserin üzerine inşa etme dâhil adapte edilmesine izin verir.

Editörler, yayınlanan makalede, bulguları, yorumları ve sonuçları etkilemeyen küçük hatalar tespit edilirse düzeltme yayınlamayı düşünebilirler. Editörler, bulguları ve sonuçları geçersiz kılan büyük hatalar / ihlaller söz konusu olduğunda, makaleyi geri çekmeyi düşünmelidir. Yazarlar tarafından araştırma veya yayını kötüye kullanmaya yönelik olasılık söz konusu ise; bulguların güvenilir olmadığına ve yazarların kurumlarının olayı soruşturmadığına dair kanıtlar var veya olası soruşturma haksız veya sonuçsuz görünüyor ise, editörler endişe ifadesi yayınlamayı düşünmelidir. Düzeltme, geri çekme veya endişe ifadesi ile ilgili olarak <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/flowcharts/complete-set-english" target="_blank">COPE</a> ve <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/" target="_blank">ICJME</a> yönergeleri dikkate alınır.Geri ÇekmeDergi geri çekme durumunda <a href="https://publicationethics.org/sites/default/files/retraction-guidelines-cope.pdf" target="_blank">COPE Retraction Guidelines</a>’ı izler. Editör, aşağıdaki durumlarda bir makaleyi geri çekme hakkına sahiptir: <ul><li>Büyük bir hata (örn. yanlış hesaplama veya deneysel hata), uydurma öğeler  (örn. veri) veya tahrifat (örn. görüntü manipülasyonu) gibi bulguların güvenilmez olduğu sonucunu çıkarmaya dair açık kanıtlar varsa; </li><li>İçerikte intihal varsa; </li><li>Uygun atıf yapılmadan başka bir yerde yayınlanmışsa;</li><li>Kullanım izni olmayan materyal veya veri içeriyorsa;</li><li>Telif hakkı ihlali veya başka bir ciddi yasal sorun varsa;</li><li>Etik olmayan araştırma içeriyorsa; </li><li>Hakem değerlendirme sürecinin bozulduğuna veya manipüle edildiğine dair kanıt varsa;</li><li>Yazar(lar), editörün görüşüne göre, çalışmanın yorumlanmasını veya editörlerin ve hakemlerin tavsiyelerini önemli derecede etkileyebilecek, kritik bir çıkar çatışmasını açıklamamış ise.</li></ul>Geri çekme durumunda aşağıdaki adımlar izlenir:<ul><li>Makale başlığını da içeren geri çekme bildirimi derginin bir sonraki sayısında yayınlanır. Geri çekme bildirimi  içindekiler tablosunda sayfa nosu verilerek listelenir. </li><li>Elektronik versiyonda geri çekme bildirimi ile orijinal makale arasında link sağlanır. </li><li>Online makaleden önce geri çekme bildirimini içeren sayfa gelir; okuyucu daha sonra makalenin kendisine geçebilir.</li><li>Orijinal makale, her sayfadaki .pdf üzerinde “geri çekildiğini” belirten bir filigran dışında değişmeden kalır.</li></ul>Yasal Nedenlerle Makalenin KaldırılmasıAşağıdaki durumlarda, üst veriler (başlık ve yazarlar) hariç olmak üzere, makale metni kaldırılır ve makalenin yasal nedenlerle kaldırıldığını bildiren bir sayfa makalenin yerini alır. <ul><li>Makalenin karalayıcı içerik ihtiva ettiği veya başkalarının yasal haklarını ihlal ettiği tespit edilir ve geri çekmenin yeterli bir çözüm olmadığı düşünülürse;</li><li>Makale bir mahkeme kararına konu olmuşsa veya olacağına dair makul bir neden varsa;</li><li>Kamu sağlığı açısından önemli bir risk söz konusu ise;  </li></ul>

Dergide yayınlanan tüm yazıların korunmasını ve kalıcı olarak erişilebilir olmasını sağlamak için makaleler, ulusal bir arşiv sitesi olarak hizmet veren ve aynı zamanda LOCKSS'in içeriği toplamasına, korumasına ve sunmasına izin veren Dergipark'ta saklanmaktadır.Ek olarak, yazarların kendilerinin makalelerinin son PDF sürümünü Open Archives Initiative (<a href="https://www.openarchives.org/" target="_blank">https://www.openarchives.org/</a>) standartlarına uygun açık elektronik arşivlerde arşivlemeleri önerilir. Yazarlar, yayınladıkları arşiv versiyonundan, İ.Ü. Yayınevinin dergi web sitesinin URL'sine bağlantı sağlamalıdır.

Tarih Dergisi (Türk J Hist), yayın etiğinde en yüksek standartlara bağlıdır ve <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a> ve <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> tarafından yayınlanan etik yayıncılık ilkelerini benimser; Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing başlığı altında ifade edilen ilkeler için: <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a> Gönderilen tüm makaleler orijinal, yayınlanmamış ve başka bir dergide değerlendirme sürecinde olmamalıdır. Her bir makale editörlerden biri ve en az iki hakem tarafından çift kör değerlendirmeden geçirilir. İntihal, duplikasyon, sahte yazarlık/inkar edilen yazarlık, araştrma/veri fabrikasyonu, makale dilimleme, dilimleyerek yayın, telif hakları ihlali ve çıkar çatışmasının gizlenmesi, etik dışı davranışlar olarak kabul edilir.Kabul edilen etik standartlara uygun olmayan tüm makaleler yayından çıkarılır. Buna yayından sonra tespit edilen olası kuraldışı, uygunsuzluklar içeren makaleler de dahildir.

Etik

Tarih Dergisi araştırma etiğinde en yüksek standartları gözetir ve aşağıda tanımlanan uluslararası araştırma etiği ilkelerini benimser. Makalelerin etik kurallara uygunluğu yazarların sorumluluğundadır.<ul><li>Araştırmanın tasarlanması, tasarımın gözden geçirilmesi ve araştırmanın yürütülmesinde, bütünlük, kalite ve şeffaflık ilkeleri sağlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma ekibi ve katılımcılar, araştırmanın amacı, yöntemleri ve öngörülen olası kullanımları; araştırmaya katılımın gerektirdikleri ve varsa riskleri hakkında tam olarak bilgilendirilmelidir.</li><li>Araştırma katılımcılarının sağladığı bilgilerin gizliliği ve yanıt verenlerin gizliliği sağlanmalıdır. Araştırma katılımcıların özerkliğini ve saygınlığını koruyacak şekilde tasarlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma katılımcıları gönüllü olarak araştırmada yer almalı, herhangi bir zorlama altında olmamalıdırlar.</li><li>Katılımcıların zarar görmesinden kaçınılmalıdır. Araştırma, katılımcıları riske sokmayacak şekilde planlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma bağımsızlığıyla ilgili açık ve net olunmalı; çıkar çatışması varsa belirtilmelidir.</li><li>Deneysel çalışmalarda, araştırmaya katılmaya karar veren katılımcıların yazılı bilgilendirilmiş onayı alınmalıdır. Çocukların ve vesayet altındakilerin veya tasdiklenmiş akıl hastalığı bulunanların yasal vasisinin onayı alınmalıdır.</li><li>Çalışma herhangi bir kurum ya da kuruluşta gerçekleştirilecekse bu kurum ya da kuruluştan çalışma yapılacağına dair onay alınmalıdır.</li><li>İnsan öğesi bulunan çalışmalarda, “yöntem” bölümünde katılımcılardan “bilgilendirilmiş onam” alındığının ve çalışmanın yapıldığı kurumdan etik kurul onayı alındığı belirtilmesi gerekir.</li></ul>

Makalelerin bilimsel ve etik kurallara uygunluğu yazarların sorumluluğundadır. Yazar makalenin orijinal olduğu, daha önce başka bir yerde yayınlanmadığı ve başka bir yerde, başka bir dilde yayınlanmak üzere değerlendirmede olmadığı konusunda teminat sağlamalıdır. Uygulamadaki telif kanunları ve anlaşmaları gözetilmelidir. Telife bağlı materyaller (örneğin tablolar, şekiller veya büyük alıntılar) gerekli izin ve teşekkürle kullanılmalıdır. Başka yazarların, katkıda bulunanların çalışmaları ya da yararlanılan kaynaklar uygun biçimde kullanılmalı ve referanslarda belirtilmelidir.Gönderilen makalede tüm yazarların akademik ve bilimsel olarak doğrudan katkısı olmalıdır, bu bağlamda “yazar” yayınlanan bir araştırmanın kavramsallaştırılmasına ve dizaynına, verilerin elde edilmesine, analizine ya da yorumlanmasına belirgin katkı yapan, yazının yazılması ya da bunun içerik açısından eleştirel biçimde gözden geçirilmesinde görev yapan birisi olarak görülür. Yazar olabilmenin diğer koşulları ise, makaledeki çalışmayı planlamak veya icra etmek ve / veya revize etmektir. Fon sağlanması, veri toplanması ya da araştırma grubunun genel süpervizyonu tek başına yazarlık hakkı kazandırmaz. Yazar olarak gösterilen tüm bireyler sayılan tüm ölçütleri karşılamalıdır ve yukarıdaki ölçütleri karşılayan her birey yazar olarak gösterilebilir. Yazarların isim sıralaması ortak verilen bir karar olmalıdır. Tüm yazarlar yazar sıralamasını <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/BCBF605901234F42B7485526E85D55E1" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formunda</a> imzalı olarak belirtmek zorundadırlar.Yazarlık için yeterli ölçütleri karşılamayan ancak çalışmaya katkısı olan tüm bireyler “teşekkür / bilgiler” kısmında sıralanmalıdır. Bunlara örnek olarak ise sadece teknik destek sağlayan, yazıma yardımcı olan ya da sadece genel bir destek sağlayan, finansal ve materyal desteği sunan kişiler verilebilir.Bütün yazarlar, araştırmanın sonuçlarını ya da bilimsel değerlendirmeyi etkileyebilme potansiyeli olan finansal ilişkiler, çıkar çatışması ve çıkar rekabetini beyan etmelidirler. Bir yazar kendi yayınlanmış yazısında belirgin bir hata ya da yanlışlık tespit ederse, bu yanlışlıklara ilişkin düzeltme ya da geri çekme için editör ile hemen temasa geçme ve işbirliği yapma sorumluluğunu taşır.

Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden,  uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirir. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar. Gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalacağını garanti eder. Baş editör içerik ve yayının toplam kalitesinden sorumludur. Gereğinde hata sayfası yayınlamalı ya da düzeltme yapmalıdır.Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemlerin araştırmayla ilgili, yazarlarla ve/veya araştırmanın finansal destekçileriyle çıkar çatışmaları olmamalıdır. Değerlendirmelerinin sonucunda tarafsız bir yargıya varmalıdırlar. Gönderilmiş yazılara ilişkin tüm bilginin gizli tutulmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar. Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir. Bazı durumlarda editörün kararıyla, ilgili hakemlerin makaleye ait yorumları aynı makaleyi yorumlayan diğer hakemlere gönderilerek hakemlerin bu süreçte aydınlatılması sağlanabilir.

Daha önce yayınlanmamış ya da yayınlanmak üzere başka bir dergide halen değerlendirmede olmayan ve her bir yazar tarafından onaylanan makaleler değerlendirilmek üzere kabul edilir. Gönderilen ve ön kontrolü geçen makaleler iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir.Seçilen makaleler en az iki ulusal/uluslararası hakeme çift taraflı kör hakemlik ile değerlendirmeye gönderilir; yayın kararı, hakemlerin talepleri doğrultusunda yazarların gerçekleştirdiği düzenlemelerin ve hakem sürecinin sonrasında baş editör tarafından verilir.

Hakemlik Hakkında

Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirirler. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar. Gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalacağını garanti eder. Baş editör içerik ve yayının toplam kalitesinden sorumludur. Gereğinde hata sayfası yayınlamalı ya da düzeltme yapmalıdır. Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemler, araştırma, yazarlar ve/veya araştırmaya fon sağlayanlarla çıkar çatışması içinde olmamalıdır. Hakemler değerlendirmelerinin sonucunda tarafsız bir yargıya varmalıdırlar. Gönderilmiş yazılara ilişkin tüm bilginin gizli tutulmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar. Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir. Bazı durumlarda editörün kararıyla, ilgili hakemlerin makaleye ait yorumları aynı makaleyi yorumlayan diğer hakemlere gönderilerek hakemlerin bu süreçte aydınlatılması sağlanabilir.

Daha önce yayınlanmamış ya da yayınlanmak üzere başka bir dergide halen değerlendirmede olmayan ve her bir yazar tarafından onaylanan makaleler değerlendirilmek üzere kabul edilir. Gönderilen ve ön kontrolü geçen makaleler iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir.Baş Editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirir. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar.Seçilen makaleler en az iki ulusal/uluslararası hakeme değerlendirmeye gönderilir; yayın kararı, hakemlerin talepleri doğrultusunda yazarların gerçekleştirdiği düzenlemelerin ve hakem sürecinin sonrasında baş editör tarafından verilir.Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemlerin değerlendirmeleri objektif olmalıdır. Hakem süreci sırasında hakemlerin aşağıdaki hususları dikkate alarak değerlendirmelerini yapmaları beklenir.-Makale yeni ve önemli bir bilgi içeriyor mu?-Öz, makalenin içeriğini net ve düzgün bir şekilde tanımlıyor mu?-Yöntem bütünlüklü ve anlaşılır şekilde tanımlanmış mı?-Yapılan yorum ve varılan sonuçlar bulgularla kanıtlanıyor mu?-Alandaki diğer çalışmalara yeterli referans verilmiş mi?-Dil kalitesi yeterli mi?Hakemler, gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar. Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir.

Dil Dergide Türkçe ve İngilizce makaleler yayınlanır. Gönderilen makalelerde makale dilinde öz, İngilizce öz olmalıdır. Yazıların Hazırlanması ve Gönderimi Makaleler sadece <a href="https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/iutarih" target="_blank">https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/iutarih</a> adresinde yer alan derginin online makale yükleme ve değerlendirme sistemi üzerinden gönderilebilir. Diğer mecralardan gönderilen makaleler değerlendirilmeye alınmayacaktır. Gönderilen makalelerin dergi yazım kurallarına uygunluğu ilk olarak Editoryal Ofis tarafından kontrol edilecek, dergi yazım kurallarına uygun hazırlanmamış makaleler teknik düzeltme talepleri ile birlikte yazarlarına geri gönderilecektir. Yazarların; <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/BCBF605901234F42B7485526E85D55E1" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu’nu</a> ilk gönderim sırasında online makale sistemine yüklemeleri gerekmektedir. Tarih Dergisi’ne gönderilen tüm yazılar, A4 boyutunda MS Word uyumlu programda Times New Roman yazı karakterinde 11 punto olarak yazılmalıdır.Türkçe hazırlanan makalelerde TDK yazım kılavuzu esas alınır. <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/F358B490D3384A8383B44DD531C9EF9B" target="_blank">Kapak sayfası</a>: Gönderilen tüm makalelerle birlikte ayrı bir kapak sayfası da gönderilmelidir. Bu sayfa; • Makalenin başlığını ve 50 karakteri geçmeyen kısa başlığını, • Yazarların isimlerini, kurumlarını ve eğitim derecelerini, • Yazarların ORCID numaralarını • Finansal destek bilgisi ve diğer destek kaynakları hakkında detaylı bilgiyi, • Sorumlu yazarın ismi, adresi, telefonu (cep telefonu dahil), faks numarası ve e-posta adresini, • Makale hazırlama sürecine katkıda bulunan ama yazarlık kriterlerini karşılamayan bireylerle ilgili bilgileri • Makale daha önceden bir bilimsel toplantıda sunulduysa, ilgili bilimsel toplantının detaylı bilgilerini içermelidir. Özet: Özgün araştırma makalelerinde 80-100 kelime Türkçe ve İngilizce özet bulunmalıdır. Özet bölümü alt başlık içermeyecek şekilde hazırlanmalıdır.İngilizce genişletilmiş özet: Türkçe yazılan makalelerin uluslararası platformda görünürlüğü ve atıf oranını arttırmak amacıyla, yalnızca araştırma makaleleri için 1.000 kelimelik İngilizce geniş özet hazırlanıp sisteme yüklenmelidir. İngilizce geniş özet makalenin hipotezini, çıkarımlarını ve yorumların kapsamlı bir biçimde özetleyecek şekilde hazırlanmalıdır. Anahtar Sözcükler: Araştırma makaleleri en az 3 en fazla 6 anahtar kelimeyle birlikte gönderilmelidir. Anahtar kelimeler İngilizce ve Türkçe olarak hazırlanıp ilgili özetin altına yazılmalıdır. Makale Türleri Araştırma Makalesi: Ana metin, araştırmanın konusuna uygun şekilde alt başlıklara ayrılmalıdır. Alt başlıklar konusunda yazarlar serbest bırakılmışlardır. Çeviri: Çeviri türündeki yazılarda, orijinal makalenin yazarından alınan izin ile orijinal makalenin bir kopyası ve asıl metnin tam bibliyografik künye bilgilerini içeren dosyalar da online makale sistemine yüklenmelidir. Tablolar Tablolar ana dosyaya eklenmeli, kaynak listesi sonrasında sunulmalı, ana metin içerisindeki geçiş sıralarına uygun olarak numaralandırılmadır. Tabloların üzerinde tanımlayıcı bir başlık yer almalı ve tablo içerisinde geçen kısaltmaların açılımları tablo altına tanımlanmalıdır. Tablolar Microsoft Office Word dosyası içinde “Tablo Ekle” komutu kullanılarak hazırlanmalı ve kolay okunabilir şekilde düzenlenmelidir. Tablolarda sunulan veriler ana metinde sunulan verilerin tekrarı olmamalı; ana metindeki verileri destekleyici nitelikte olmalılar Resim ve Resim Altyazıları Resimler, grafikler ve fotoğraflar (TIFF ya da JPEG formatında) ayrı dosyalar halinde sisteme yüklenmelidir. Görseller bir Word dosyası dokümanı ya da ana doküman içerisinde sunulmamalıdır. Alt birimlere ayrılan görseller olduğunda, alt birimler tek bir görsel içerisinde verilmemelidir. Her bir alt birim sisteme ayrı bir dosya olarak yüklenmelidir. Resimler alt birimleri belli etme amacıyla etiketlenmemelidir (a, b, c vb.). Resimlerde altyazıları desteklemek için kalın ve ince oklar, ok başları, yıldızlar, asteriksler ve benzer işaretler kullanılabilir. Makalenin geri kalanında olduğu gibi resimler de kör olmalıdır. Bu sebeple, resimlerde yer alan kişi ve kurum bilgileri de körleştirilmelidir. Görsellerin minimum çözünürlüğü 300DPI olmalıdır. Değerlendirme sürecindeki aksaklıkları önlemek için gönderilen bütün görsellerin çözünürlüğü net ve boyutu büyük (minimum boyutlar 100x100 mm) olmalıdır. Resim altyazıları ana metnin sonunda yer almalıdır. Makale içerisinde geçen tüm kısaltmalar, ana metin ve özette ayrı ayrı olmak üzere ilk kez kullanıldıkları yerde tanımlanarak kısaltma tanımın ardından parantez içerisinde verilmelidir. Tüm kaynaklar, tablolar ve resimlere ana metin içinde uygun olan yerlerde sırayla numara verilerek atıf yapılmalıdır. Revizyonlar Yazarlar makalelerinin revizyon dosyalarını gönderirken, hakemlerin istediği düzeltmeleri ve hakemlerin sorularına yanıtlarını ana metin içerisinde renklendirerek belirtmelidir. Revize makaleler karar mektubunu takip eden 30 gün içerisinde dergiye gönderilmelidir. Makalenin revize versiyonu belirtilen süre içerisinde yüklenmezse, revizyon seçeneği iptal olabilir. Yazarların revizyon için ek süreye ihtiyaç duymaları durumunda uzatma taleplerini ilk 30 gün sona ermeden dergiye iletmeleri gerekmektedir. Yayına kabul edilen makaleler dil bilgisi, noktalama ve biçim açısından kontrol edilir. Yayın süreci tamamlanan makaleler, yayın planına dahil edildikleri sayıyla birlikte yayınlanmadan önce erken çevrimiçi formatında dergi web sitesinde yayına alınır. Kabul edilen makalelerin baskıya hazır PDF dosyaları sorumlu yazarlara iletilir ve yayın onaylarının 2 gün içerisinde dergiye iletilmesi istenir.

Yazım Kuralları

Referans Stili ve Formatı Yayınlara atıf yapılırken en son, en güncel yayınlar tercih edilmelidir. Kaynakların doğruluğundan yazar(lar) sorumludur. Referanslar dip not sistemine uygun olarak belirtilmelidir. Metin içi referansları ve kaynakça bölümü için dikkat edilmesi gereken detaylar aşağıda belirtilmiştir. Metin içi referanslar üst simge ile 1’den başlayarak gösterilmelidir. Dipnotlar, Times New Roman yazı karakterinde, 9 punto tek aralık yazılmalıdır. Tüm noktalama işaretlerinden sonra bir boşluk bırakılmalı ve tüm dipnotların sonuna, mutlaka nokta konulmalıdır. Metin içindeki atıflar sayfa altına dipnot şeklinde 1’den başlayarak numaralandırılmalıdır. Bunun dışında metin içinde atıf yapılmamalıdır. Dipnotlarda kaynaklar verilirken, kitap ve dergi ismi italik olmalı, makale isimleri tırnak içerisinde düz olarak verilmelidir. Dipnotlarda, ilk geçtiği yerde yazar ismi ve kaynak künyesi tam olarak verilmeli, daha sonra sadece yazar soyadı ve a.g.e., a.g.m., veya a.g.t. gibi yazarın belirlediği kısaltmalarla yazılmalıdır. Bir yazarın birden fazla kitap ve makalesi kullanılıyorsa ikinci eserin ilk kullanımından sonra, yazarın soyadı, sonra kitap veya makalenin kısaltılmış adı verilmelidir. Çok yazarlı kaynakların ilk geçtiği yerde yazarların tümü yazılmalı, daha sonrakilerde kısaltılarak verilmelidir. Dipnotlarda makale, kitap içinde bölüm veya ansiklopedi maddesinin tamamına yönelik bir atıf mevcutsa, başlangıç ve bitiş sayfaları gösterilmelidir. Örnekler: Kitap: Mübahat S. Kütükoğlu, Menteşe Sancağı 1830 (Nüfus ve Toplum Yapısı), TTK Yay., Ankara 2010, s. 115. Sonraki atıflarda: Kütükoğlu, a.g.e., s. 123 ya da Kütükoğlu, s. 123. Bir yazarın birden fazla yayınına atıf yapılacak ise, ilk atıfta tam künye verilmeli; daha sonra yine kullanılacaksa nasıl kısaltılacağı parantez içerisinde gösterilmelidir: Arzu Terzi, Hazine-i Hassa Nezareti, TTK Yay., Ankara 2000, s. 98 (Terzi, Hazine-i Hassa). Eserin cildine işaret etmek için (cilt ya da c. yazılmadan) sadece Romen rakamıyla cilt sayısı yazılmalıdır: Hoca Sa‘deddin Efendi, Tâcü’t-tevârîh, I, İstanbul 1279, 25. Tayyâr-zâde Atâ, Osmanlı Saray Tarihi Târîh-i Enderûn, haz. Mehmet Arslan, Kitabevi, III, İstanbul 2010, 138. Çeviri eserler: Philippe du Fresne-Canaye, Fresne-Canaye Seyahatnamesi 1573, çev. Teoman Tunçdoğan, İstanbul 2009, s. 51. Ansiklopedi maddeleri: Feridun M. Emecen, “Başmukataa Kalemi”, DİA, V, 135. Bir yazarın iki ayrı çalışması aynı dipnotta peş peşe gösterilecekse: Mustafa Akdağ, Celali İsyanları, 1550-1603, Anlara 1963, s. 110; keza büyük kaçgunluk için bk. ayn. yzr. ya da ayn.mlf., “Celâlî İsyanlarından Büyük Kaçgunluk, 1603-1606”, Tarih Araştırmaları Dergisi, II/2-3 (Ankara 1964), 1-50. Birden çok yazarlı bir eser kullanılacaksa: Robert Anhegger-Halil İnalcık, Kānūnnāme-i Sultānī Ber Mūceb-i ‛Örf-i ‛Osmānī, II. Mehmed ve II. Bayezid Devirlerine Ait Yasaknāme ve Kānūnnāmeler, TTK Yay., Ankara 2000, s. 25. Aynı eser daha sonraki kullanımlarda sadece yazar soyadlarına yer verilmelidir: Anhegger-İnalcık, a.g.e., s. 36. Makale: Mübahat S. Kütükoğlu, “Osmanlıdan Günümüze Yer Adları”, Belleten, LXXVI/275 (2012), 149. Bekir Kütükoğlu, “Ahmed Cevdet Paşa, Ma‘rûzât”, Güney-Doğu Avrupa Araştırmaları Dergisi, sayı 10-11, İstanbul 1983, s. 251. Mücteba İlgürel, “Şer‘iyye Sicillerinin Toplu Kataloğuna Doğru”, Tarih Dergisi, sayı 28-29 (1975), s. 164.Kitap İçinde Bölüm:Ayten Altıntaş, “Dârüşşifâlar Hakkında”, Karşılıksız Hizmetin Muhteşem Abideleri İstanbul Şifahaneleri, haz. Abdullah Kılıç, İstanbul 2009, s. 19-38.Christoph K. Neumann, “XVIII. Yüzyıl Osmanlı Saray Mutfağında Baharat”, Soframız Nur Hanemiz Mamur, Osmanlı Maddi Kültüründe Yemek ve Barınak, ed. Suraiya Faroqhi - Christoph K. Neumann, İstanbul 2016, s. 145-183.İdris Bostan, “Osmanlı Bahriyesinde Sağlık Hizmetleri”, Osmanlılarda Sağlık, ed. Coşkun Yılmaz-Necdet Yılmaz, İstanbul 2006, c. I, s. 111-115.Sempozyum Tebliğleri: İdris Bostan, “Kuyûd-ı Mühimmat Defterlerinin Osmanlı Teşkilât Tarihi Bakımından Önemi”, OsmanlıTürk Diplomatiği Semineri, 30-31 Mayıs 1994, İstanbul 1995, s. 145. Birden çok yazarlı bir makale: Kayhan Orbay-Hatice Oruç, “Sultan II. Murad’ın Edirne Câmi‘-i Şerîf ve Dârü’l-hadîs Vakfı (1592-1607)”, Tarih Dergisi, sayı 56 (2012/2), İstanbul 2013, s. 10. Aynı makalenin daha sonraki kullanımlarında sadece yazar soyadlarına yer verilmelidir: Orbay-Oruç, a.g.m., s. 15. Çeviri yazıları: Géza Dávid, “XVI. Yüzyılda Osmanlı-Habsburg Mücadelesinin Bir Kaynağı Olarak Mühimme Defterleri”, çev. Özgür Kolçak, Tarih Dergisi, sayı 53 (2011/1), İstanbul 2012, s. 295-349. Aynı soyadlı iki yazarın makalelerinin gösterilmesi: Mübahat S. Kütükoğlu, “Osmanlıdan Günümüze Yer Adları”, Belleten, LXXVI/275 (2012), 149. Bekir Kütükoğlu, “Ahmed Cevdet Paşa, Ma‘rûzât”, Güney-Doğu Avrupa Araştırmaları Dergisi, sayı 10-11, İstanbul 1983, s. 251. Daha sonraki kullanımlarda: M. S. Kütükoğlu, a.g.m., s. 160 ya da B. Kütükoğlu, a.g.m., s. 250. Tez atıflarında; tezi yapan, tez adı (italik), kurum ismi sırasıyla verilmelidir: Sinem Serin, Yıldız Çini/Porselen Fabrikası, İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Tarih Anabilim Dalı Osmanlı Müesseseleri ve Medeniyeti Tarihi Bilim Dalı, Yayınlanmamış Yüksek Lisans Tezi, İstanbul 2009, s. 146.Arşiv Belgelerinin Kullanımı: Arşiv belgeleri dipnotta kullanılırken öncelikle arşivin adı, sonra tasnifin adı, dosya ve evrak numarasına sırasıyla yer verilecektir. Tasnif için arşivlerin kullandıkları kısaltmalar kullanılabilir. Kaynakçada bunların açılımı yapılmalıdır. Mesela: BOA, A.MKT, nr. 145/629. Arşivden defter tasnifinden bir bilgi kullanılacaksa: BOA, Maliyeden Müdevver Defterler (MAD), nr. 9146, s. 200. BOA, Mühimme Defteri, nr. 120, s. 103, h. 250. Kaynakça: Makalelerde kullanılan kaynak ve araştırmalar makale sonunda bu başlık altında gösterilmelidir. Kaynakça, bu başlık altında yeni bir sayfadan başlamalı ve 11 punto yazılmalıdır. Sadece dipnotlarda kullanılan kaynaklar yer almalı ve yazarların soyadına göre alfabetik olarak düzenlenmelidir.  Kütükoğlu, Mübahat S., Menteşe Sancağı 1830 (Nüfus ve Toplum Yapısı), TTK Yay., Ankara 2010.Hoca Sa‘deddin Efendi, Tâcü’t-tevârîh, I-II, İstanbul 1279-80.Birden çok yazarlı bir esere yer verilecekse:Anhegger, Robert -Halil İnalcık, Kānūnnāme-i Sultānī Ber Mūceb-i ‛Örf-i ‛Osmānī, II. Mehmed ve II. Bayezid Devirlerine Ait Yasaknāme ve Kānūnnāmeler, TTK Yay., Ankara 2000.Sadece editör veya yayına hazırlayanlar var ise bu isimler kitap adından sonra yer almalıdır:Osmanlı Uygarlığı, yay. haz. Halil İnalcık-Günsel Renda, Kültür Bakanlığı Yay., I-II, Ankara 20093.Kitap içinde bölüm olarak geçen makaleler: Terzi, Arzu, “II. Abdülhamid’in Emlakı ve Irak Petrolleri”, Sultan II. Abdülhamid ve Dönemi, ed. Coşkun Yılmaz, İstanbul 2014, s. 181-188.Çeviri eserler:Fresne-Canaye, Philippe du, Fresne-Canaye Seyahatnamesi 1573, çev. Teoman Tunçdoğan, İstanbul 2009.Kitabın kaçıncı baskısı olduğunu belirtmek üzere basım tarihinin üzerine üst simge şeklinde basım sayısı yazılmalıdır:Terzi, Arzu, Sultan Abdülhamid’in Mirası, Petrol ve Arazi, Timaş Yayınları, İstanbul 20142.Kaynakçada yer alan makalelerde makalenin başlangıç ve bitiş sayfalarına yer verilmelidir:Kütükoğlu, Mübahat S., “Osmanlıdan Günümüze Yer Adları”, Belleten, LXXVI/275 (2012), 147-165.Sempozyum Tebliğleri: Bostan, İdris, “Kuyûd-ı Mühimmat Defterlerinin Osmanlı Teşkilât Tarihi Bakımından Önemi”, Osmanlı-Türk Diplomatiği Semineri, 30-31 Mayıs 1994, İstanbul 1995, s. 143-163.Ansiklopedi maddeleri: Emecen, Feridun M., “Başmukataa Kalemi”, DİA, V, 135.Kaynakçada teze yer verirken; tezi yapan, tez adı (italik), kurum ismi sırasıyla verilmelidir:Arşiv Belgelerinin Gösterilmesi:Kaynakçada dipnotlarda kullanılan arşiv tasnifleri açık bir şekilde yazılır, kısaltma kullanıldıysa bunlar parantez içinde belirtilir. Farklı arşivlerden kaynak çalışması var ise bu arşivler tasniflenir. Dipnotlarda kullanılan arşiv belgelerinin numaraları burada sıralanmalıdır. Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi (BOA)Cevdet Bahriye Evrakı (C.BH), 123/3500; 350/8560.Şura-yı Devlet (ŞD), 21350; 103953.Deniz Tarihi Arşivi (DTA)Bahriye Nezareti (BN), 180/4050; 181/4063; 333/11830.Makale dipnotlarında kullanılacak kısaltmalarTürkçe makaleler için:                                        çev.     :         çeviren                                        trc.      :         tercüme eden                                        yay.     :         yayınlayan                                        haz.     :         hazırlayan                                        sad.     :         sadeleştiren                                        nşr.     :         neşreden                                        ed.      :         editör                                        a.g.e.   :         adı geçen eser                                        a.g.m.  :         adı geçen makale ya da madde                                         a.g.t.    :         adı geçen tez                                        ayn.yzr.         :     aynı yazar                                        ayn.mlf.         :     aynı müellifYabancı Dildeki makaleler için:                                        id.        :         aynı yazar                                        ibid., loc.cit, op.cit., passim      : aynı yerdea.g.e., s. 27; a.g.m., s. 28; a.g.t., s. 29 şeklinde kullanılmalıdır.

Aşağıdaki listede eksik olmadığından emin olun:<ul><li>Makalenin türünün belirtilmiş olduğu</li><li>Başka bir dergiye gönderilmemiş olduğu</li><li>Sponsor veya ticari bir firma ile ilişkisi varsa, bunun belirtildiği</li><li>İngilizce yönünden kontrolünün yapıldığı</li><li>Referansların derginin benimsediği sistemin kurallarına uygun olarak düzenlendiği</li><li>Yazarlara Bilgide detaylı olarak anlatılan dergi politikalarının gözden geçirildiği</li></ul>● <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/BCBF605901234F42B7485526E85D55E1" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a>● Daha önce basılmış materyal (yazı-resim-tablo) kullanılmış ise izin belgesi● <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/2315C9D1C8BB44849A41C6542283288A" target="_blank">Kapak sayfası</a><ul><li>Makalenin kategorisi</li><li>Makale dilinde ve İngilizce başlık</li><li>Yazarların ismi soyadı, unvanları ve bağlı oldukları kurumlar (üniversite ve fakülte bilgisinden sonra şehir ve ülke bilgisi), e-posta adresleri</li><li>Sorumlu yazarın e-posta adresi, açık yazışma adresi, iş telefonu, GSM, faks nosu</li><li>Tüm yazarların ORCID’leri</li><li>Finansal destek (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Çıkar çatışması (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Teşekkür (varsa belirtiniz)</li></ul>● Makale ana metni<ul><li>Önemli: Ana metinde yazarın / yazarların kimlik bilgilerinin yer almamış olması gerekir.</li><li>Makale dilinde ve İngilizce başlık</li><li>Öz: 80-100 kelime</li><li>Anahtar Kelimeler: 3-6 adet makale dilinde ve 3-6 adet İngilizce</li><li>İngilizce Genişletilmiş Özet (Extended Summary) 800-1000 kelime (İngilizce olmayan makaleler için)</li><li>Makale ana metin bölümleri</li><li>Kaynaklar</li><li>Tablolar-Resimler, Şekiller (başlık, tanım ve alt yazılarıyla)</li></ul>

<div><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/BCBF605901234F42B7485526E85D55E1" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/39CA4BB00C8447BFB6DE791FDFF2B4AA" target="_blank">Kapak Sayfası</a></div>

Sayı Türü	Regular
Editör(ler)	Arzu Terzi
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