Adem

Assoc. Prof.

The Ottoman takeover of Syria and Lebanon began with the Battle of Marj Dabiq in 1516. The Tanûkh/Buhturids had headed the Druze community until the Ottoman conquest of Syria and Lebanon in 1516, with the leadership gradually passing from the Bukhturids to the Ma’ns. The Druze rebellion between 1518 and 1697 continually preoccupied the governor of Damascus and the central authorities of the Ottoman state. In 1518, four Druze emirs, one from the Buhturid family and three from the Ma’nid family, were arrested after joining in the rebellion of Nasir al-Din Muhammad ibn al-Hanash. The first punitive expedition against the Druze was launched in 1522 and legitimized as a religious war by the Damascene ‘Ulama. In 929/1523, the governor of Damascus, Hürrem Pasha, had attacked the district of al-Shuf al-Hayti. The governor entered Damascus with copies of Druze religious books. During the second attack on al-Shuf, Hürrem Pasha burnt the village of Baruk, the seat of Korkmaz Ma’n.&nbsp;&nbsp;Sunni Scholars composed fatwas against the Druze. The fatwas regarding the Druze were issued by ‘ulama from every Sunni school of Islamic jurisprudence. On the occasion of the first Ottoman attack against the Druze, Shafi’i scholar Taqiyy al-Din al-Balâtunisî (d. 936/1529) issued a fatwa. The Damascene chronicler Ibn Jum’a al-Maqarri (d. after 1743) listed the names of 12 jurists and scholars. According to Ibn Jumʿa, among these scholars were Ibn Taymīya, Ibn Ḥajar al-ʿAsqalānī (d. 1448) as the most celebrated Hadith scholar and Shāfii jurist, and Ibn Qāḍī ʿAjlūn (d. 1548) as the Shāfii Chief Qadi of Damascus. A similar list of scholars can be found in al-Muḥibbī’s (d. 1699) biography of Fakhr al-Dīn Maʿn (d. 1635), the famous Druze emir who ruled Mount Lebanon. Al-Muḥibbī included the names of seven prominent Sunni jurists and scholars from all the schools of Sunni law: Hanafî, Mâlikî, Shâfiî, and Hanbalî. The Druzes had acquired a continuous supply of firearms from as early as the 1540s. These arms were superior to those held by the Ottoman military. At the time, a state of nearly constant warfare had existed between the Druze and the Ottoman-ruled government forces in Syria until Ibrahim Paşa’s punitive campaign in 1585. The tribal nature of Druze society, the ruggedness of the Druze mountains, and the arms the Druze had received were factors in the longevity of their rebellion.Under the leadership of Qurqmaz (d. 993/1585), the Emir of the Ma’nids, the Druze in Lebanon had not paid taxes regularly for a long time, and complaints were made against them about the firearms they’d acquired. Qurqmaz was the most rebellious leader, but other Druze chiefs were also involved in rebellious activities. In 993/1585, the Egyptian Governor Damad İbrahim Pasha (d. 1010/1601) organized an expedition to the region. Large numbers of rifles were seized and the unpaid taxes that had accumulated were collected. Qurqmaz died in his hiding place. During this time, Shafi’i/Ash’arî scholar Ismâîl b. Ahmad b. Ibrahim Nâblusî (d. 993/1585) wrote a book on the Druze. Many fatwas from different scholars had been issued against the Druze, and some of these were recorded in this book. In addition, the book contains information about the history of the Druze, their basic views, and the regions where they lived. Upon an order from the Damascus Governor Ali Pasha, the book was translated into Turkish by Lutfullah, ex-qadi of Nizip. Nâblusî came to be known as the owner of this risalah [treatise]. The information given in this treatise has not been used in research on the history of the Druze in the region. This study introduces the author of the book, Nâblusî, and explains the history of the Druze in the region and their relations with the Ottoman administration at the time the book was written, in particular the events that had led up to the Ottoman expedition. This study also discusses the writing process and content of the book by establishing relationships with these events.&nbsp;

The Ulama’s Support for Damad İbrahim Pasha’s (d. 1010/1601)  Struggle with the Druze: Ismail al-Nâblusî’s (d. 993/1585) Treatise  on the Druze

Muharrem

Assist. Prof.

The Hanafī madhhab is known to have been dominant in the implementation of Ottoman family law. This dominance gained an official identity beginning in the middle of the 16th century, especially in Anatolia and Rumelia, and exhibited a monopolistic character. This policy was important for legal security and stability and undoubtedly caused some problems, particularly with regard to family law. In the Ottoman family law, women in principle have no right to divorce. A woman obtaining a divorce through court was nearly impossible due to the extremely limited means and very strict procedural rules. Therefore, women were practically stuck in their marriage union in cases such as a husband being absent, being sick to the point of being unable to fulfill the requirements of marital life, leading an immoral life or committing domestic violence. Fatwa collections indicate that many women who were unhappy with their marriage and wanted a divorce employed tricks such as apostasy, using iddah as a retroactive marriage impediment and after getting married that they had been a minor when the marriage contract was initiated. This article focuses on the tricks women used who wanted to divorce and the attitudes of muftis had toward their tricks. Fatwa collections signify that some women who tried to escape from marriage did so by deliberately apostatizing with blasphemous expressions. The Ottoman muftis issued fatwas that apostate women were to be forcefully converted to Islam and remarry their ex-husbands. The purpose of this fatwa policy was to prevent apostasy from being made a common remedy for women want divorce. However, muftis were also found who issued fatwas where the apostate woman should not be forced to renew her marriage if her husband leads an immoral life. Thus, apostasy despite the worldly and otherworldly sanctions, functioned as a means of obtaining divorce when the husband led an immoral life.The issues in the Ottoman fatwa collections indicate that many women who were unhappy with their new marriages wanted to use iddah as a retroactive marriage impediment. Iddah is the legal period of waiting that a woman must observe after the death of her husband or after a divorce and considered as a continuation of the previous marriage in some ways and therefore prevents a new marriage. A marriage that occurs within iddah is invalid and subject to penal sanction. The Hanafī legal doctrine states that women are reliable about their iddah and their declarations will be approved unless they are beyond the legal periods. However, in many cases, the iddah period can be misstated, leaving this open to abuse. As a matter of fact, numerous questions asked to muftis signify that many women who remarried after confessing that their iddah had ended would later seek recourse to annul their marriage. However, Ottoman muftis do not take the woman’s recourse from her confession into consideration if the minimum period of iddah has passed between the divorce from or death of the previous husband and the new marriage. Once a woman observing iddah gives birth or suffers a miscarriage, her iddah is considered to be over. Some women who did not want to wait out their iddah for the widowed period of four months and ten days declared having given birth or suffering a miscarriage in order to annul the new marriage. Muftis did not respond positively to women who would act in this way.Another trick many Ottoman women would play to escape from marriage was to use their minor status as a retroactive marriage impediment. In Ottoman family law, girls who turn nine were considered past the age of a minor and able to marry of their own free will. The issues asked to the muftis indicate that some girls who’d gotten married at a very early age of their own free will would use their minor status as a reason for annulment. Some girls whose body structure signified that they may have passed the age of a minor and/or who’d consented to marriage by declaring themselves to no longer be a minor would sometimes years later deny their declaration and claim that their marriage had been invalid or wanted to use their right of choice to annul the marriage by expressing that they had just passed the age limit of being a minor. Muftis had negative attitudes toward these types of claims. This article describes these tricks through the reality presented by the fatwas of the Ottoman muftis who served in Anatolia and Rumelia between the 16th and 18th centuries and interprets them in the light of Hanafī legal doctrine. Using the fatwas related to real legal life as a data source, the article is a legal history study that sheds light on the unusual tricks woman employed in the face of Ottoman legal policy that had severely limited their ability to obtain a divorce.&nbsp;

Ottoman Women’s Tricks to Escape from Marriage and Muftis  (16th-18th Centuries)

Serpil

Sufism has been familiar to the people of Anatolia for a long time as a worldview and way of life. Sufi lodges are places for the Sufi lifestyle and were spread all over the Ottoman Empire. The presence of women in dervish lodges outside of the family of the postnişin [head of the dervish lodge] is an issue that has not been studied much. This article discusses the studies in the field and expresses their common features. Most of these studies are shown to have dealt with views on the Sufi worldview toward women. Beyond what is known and has been evaluated in the literature, this study aims to determine the number of women who were in the lodges and their duties as one of the reasons for being there. Therefore, this study attempts to show based on archival documents involving edicts, arzuhal, and Meclis-i Meşâyih notebooks whether women were present in dervish lodges and for what purpose if they were, whether they had duties and what they were if so, whether they were paid for these duties, and the extent to which they took part in the important decisions of dervish lodges. This study first evaluates the studies that have been conducted in this field according to their subjects and then examines the archival documents. The status of women in Sufism has been converted into data from the documents as women in a lodge. In order to do this, the study talks about the lodges that had been founded by women who had also established waqfs, schools, and madrasas. Some of these women were elites from the palace, and others were wealthy women who had connections to a dervish lodge.Moreover, Istanbul was determined to have dervish lodges just for women, as well as lodges with women’s names. These lodges are the Kadirî/Nakşî Karılar (Hâtuniye) Lodge in Eyüp, the Karılar Lodge in Fatih Horhor, and the Celvetî/Bacılar Lodge in Üsküdar. Based on a 19th-century population register, women were shown to have lived in dervish lodges. According to this and regardless of affiliation to any certain tariqah [Sufi school], female Sufis were found in almost all lodges, with their number being the main difference. Evidently, some of these women were members of the sheikh’s family, while the rest were dervishes, lodge employees, or women who’d been assigned specific duties.The study then strengthened this information with documents from other periods. In this context, the study identified the duties of women living in dervish lodges in different periods by scanning the edicts, arzuhal, and Meclis-i Meşâyih notebooks. As a result of the examination, these documents revealed women to have been present in lodges who carried out the duties of tekkenişîn [lodge resident], zâviyenişîn [hermitage/small lodge resident], duagû [prayer reader], as well as sheikh and mütevellî [fudiciary] in particular. Women were also observed to be present who received a salary and who had requested a salary and benefits from dervish lodges in return for their duties. Studies on the relationship between Sufi lodges and women indicate similar situations in the Mevlevi, Bektashi, and Alevism sects. This current study has documented women to have been present in other well-known sects such as the Halvetiyye, Nakşibendiyye, Bayramiyye, Celvetiyye, Kadiriyye, and Rıfaiyye lodges and to have carried out administrative and service duties. The pre-19th-century documents also showed women to have been assigned duties. The case shown in this study was not specific to the 19th century, a time when dervish lodges underwent a change. The relationship between women and Sufi lodges has been overlooked due to attention having only been given to female evliya [mystics/saints], who were very few and had extraordinary characteristics. Ordinary Sufi women became visible within the scope of this research through the documentation.&nbsp;

Women in Lodges and Their Duties in the 19th Century Based on  Archives

Murat

The createdness of essence/quiddity was problematized by Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī within the context of Avicennian absolute quiddity and has become a matter of debate over the centuries. Whoever runs the course of this debate in the history of Islamic thought will discern the link between the point in question and essential topics such as the theory of eternal contingent non-existents, the Sufi doctrine of permanent archetypes (al-aʿyān al-thābita), the issue of created and non-created disposition (al-istiʿdād al-majʿūl/ghayr majʿūl), the problem of will and freedom, the nature of divine knowledge, and the decree and destiny (al-qaḍā wa’l-qadar). Avicenna’s metaphysical comprehension of the distinction between essence and existence was not just a step towards grounding the necessary existent (i.e., God) but also had the intention of providing an explanation regarding the relationship between the necessary and contingent existents and the createdness of the latter. Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī’s critical reading of Avicenna through the status of quiddity in itself, the causes of existence and essence, existentialism of things, and how the related matters make the createdness of quiddity/essence is a problematic case in philosophical theology. If the createdness of contingent things is a non-controversial issue among all the schools of Islamic philosopy, kalam, and theosophy, then the question about what make this topic debatable is a starting point for analyzing the positions and arguments related to this discussion. Some scholars who’ve tackled the problem regarding the meanings of create (ca´l) and quiddity (māhiyya) contended that the opposing views had arisen from the various meanings assigned to these terms. According to these scholars’ points of view, the debate is not philosophical in itself but rather philological. According to some scholars, however,&nbsp;the problem should not be reduced to philological analyses as it has significant implications and is connected to important philosophical issues. Otherwise, the assertion that it only has a philological nature implies that the participants in the discussion had no idea what they were talking about. This means that they maintained a sterile discussion.The problem has been discussed in the philosophical and theological works of scholars in sections on general concepts (al-umūr al-ʿāmme) under the rubric of māhiyya, as well as separate treatises devoted to the point. Some of these works have examined the issue with an emphasis on the aforementioned topics, while others have aimed to clarify treatments with regard to the point and discuss whether the matter has any philosophical significance or is merely a pointless literal debate. The treatise of Ottoman Hanafite-Māturīdite scholar Hafīd al-Nithārī (d. 1188/1774) has mostly been ranked among the latter and contains passages that cover and evaluate al-Jurjānī’s (d. 816/1413) Sharh al-Mawāqif. The treatise is not outlined and was built to include a three-stage exposition. In the first step the author presents the basic approaches and their criticisms. The second phase includes the outlined remarks of al-Ījī (d. 756/1355) and al-Jurjānī. In the final stage al-Nithārī asserts the case in point to have important implications and evaluates the problem with regard to certain philosophical matters such as the additionality of existence to quiddity, the thingness of the non-existent, the partial unity of essence, the natural universal, and mental existence. Al-Nithārī’s attempts to associate the problem with various approaches in the context of these matters are worth considering in regard to seeing the implications of the case in point. However, addressing the problem within a limitation determined by the aforementioned philosophical matters would conceal the root of the problem and cause difficulties in analyzing the treatments. This article contains an evaluation of the treatise.

The 18th-Century Ottoman Scholar Hafîd al-Nitharî’s Treatise  on the Createdness of al-Māhiyāt: An Examination and Critical Edition

Burak

Legal reasoning in the Ḥanafī School occurred using various methods such as qiyas [analogy], istihsan [considerations of juristic preference], and takhrīj [deduction]. Another method was intra-madhhab talfiq [amalgamation], which involved the creation of a new view by combining the views of two scholars within the same madhhab who’d expressed opposing views to one another. As stated in the relevant literature, intra-madhhab talfīq was used by Tarsūsī, the chief qadi of Damascus in the 14th century, as a method of legal reasoning. Tarsūsī used the intra-madhhab talfīq method in his fatwas to solve an issue related to endowment. Qāsim b. Qatlūbaghā, who lived a century after Tarsūsī, criticized some muftis who’d proclaimed fatwas using talfīq as a method of legal reasoning, stating talfīq to be an invalid legal method. As for the 16th century, Shelebī and Ibn Nujaym used talfīq similar to Tarsūsī to solve certain issues related to endowments. After pointing out the different approaches between Tarsūsī and Qatlūbaghā regarding talfīq, Shelebī used Tarsūsī’s views on talfīq as a reference and proclaimed a fatwā related to endowment. Shelebī also stated that his fatwā is applicable in courts. Likewise, Ibn Nujaym expressed the view that endowments could be sold for money by using the intra-madhhab talfīq method. To justify this view, Ibn Nujaym cited some of Ibn al-Humām’s statements on the subject. Also in the 16th century and parallel to the Cairo area, intra-madhhab talfīq was used as a method for resolving fiqh issues in the geography of Anatolia and Rumelia. Shaykh al-Islām Ebu’s-su‘ud Efendi and Birgivī discussed intra-madhhab talfīq in the context of the problem of cash waqfs. Shaykh al-Islām Ebu’s-su‘ud Efendi used the intra-madhhab talfīq method by combining the views of Zufer and Imāmeyn, and this fatwa was approved by the sultan and became binding over Ottoman judges. This shayk explained the theoretical aspect and justification of this fatwa in his treatise on cash waqfs. Although Ebu’ssu‘ud stated that to not be talfīq because the judge’s decision on the disputed issue would make it an agreed-upon issue, his fatwā on this case was understood as talfīq in the later literature. Birgivī criticized Ebu’s-Su’ud’s justification by using the talfīq method in his treatise on cash waqfs. By the 17th century, the two jurists of the period, Shurunbulālī and Ibn Bīrī, touched upon this issue deeply in the treatises they wrote on the subject of moving from one madhab to another and talfīq. Both scholars objected to talfīq, stated this method to be unusable for solving fiqh issues. These two scholars brought up many arguments, especially from Ḥanafī&nbsp;fatwā works, to show the invalidity of intra-madhhab talfīq. In particular, one of the most important arguments they used involved the ijma [consensus] regarding the invalidity of talfīq. Moreover, both scholars criticized Tarsūsī’s fatwā and arguments regarding intra-madhhab talfīq. Another Ḥanafī scholar Ibn ‘Ābidīn tried to distinguish between intra-madhhab and inter-madhab talfiq. He stated intra-madhhab talfīq to not be talfīq, but rather that the views expressed within the Ḥanafī madhhab had been attributed to Abū Hanīfa. According to Ibn ‘Ābidīn, intra-madhhab talfīq is not a problem with regard to fiqh, despite talfiq occurring among other madhhabs. Therefore, this study examines the historical course of the debates on whether or not intra-madhhab talfiq is a usable method of jurisprudence according to the Ḥanafī School as well as its status during the Ottoman era. This study will comparatively examine classical texts and chronologically discuss the place intra-madhhab talfiq has had in the history of fiqh. The main claim of the article and the conclusion it has arrived at is that intra-madhhab talfiq had been used as a method of legal reasoning for resolving fiqh issues in the Ḥanafī madhhab since the 8th century AH/14th century AD and that literature full of serious debate has emerged around this theme over time.&nbsp;&nbsp;

A New Method of Legal Reasoning in the Ḥanafī School: Intra Madhhab Talfīq

Hatice

A person who has been missing, who is not known to be dead or alive, and who has not been heard from for a long time is called mafqūd in the Hanafi fiqh literature. This article examines the marital status of the absent husband who has disappeared under normal circumstances without any danger such as war or accident as well as the husband who has left his family without leaving alimony and refuses to return. The muftā bih view of the Ottoman Hanafi school forces the wife to wait until the absent husband reaches the age of 90. However, the state of necessity for the wife who’d been abandoned without alimony forced the Ottoman-Hanafi jurists to give room to other madhabs’ solutions. This room was initially given indirectly through legal institutions such as istikhlāf [successorship] and niyāba [substitution] and eventually allowed a Hanafi judge to even follow other madhabs and make a divorce decision against the missing husband. Firstly, the Shāfiī view that considered the state of necessity for a wife without alimony as a valid reason for her to obtain a divorce was brought into the Ottoman legal system through the institution of tashaffu‘ [following the Shāfiī school]. The fact that this solution was produced by means of this Shāfiī view made the annulment of the marriage possible not only for a mafqūd but also for a husband who, despite being heard from, had left his family, started a life elsewhere, and had not fulfilled his responsibilities in terms of alimony. Secondly, this practice was officially finalized in the mid-16th century by the Sultan’s decree in the lands of Anatolia and Rumelia, but the process continued in Arab lands through the legal institutions of istikhlāf and niyāba until the 19th century. Thirdly, during the last decades of Ottoman legal history, exceptions for divorce were only made for marriage to a gāib or mafqūd, which were two primary valid reasons that came to mind throughout history when talking about the institutions of istikhlāf and tashaffu‘. Arab people living outside of Anatolia and Rumelia and who often belonged to different madhabs were also coerced by law to follow the Hanafi view regarding the marital status of the gāib or mafqūd. Fourthly, with the general notification issued by the Fatwa Office, the way for an abandoned wife to divorce her husband was opened again after 1915 for cases where no alimony was provided. In other words, all Ottoman judges were hence forth authorized to appoint a Shāf‘ī nāib for cases of marriage to a gāib/mafqūd regarding alimony and the needs of an abandoned wife. This meant that the practice was recommenced not only in Arab lands but also in the lands of Anatolia and Rumelia. The story did not end there, for in 1916 Hanafi qadis as the next step were also authorized to make decisions regarding cases of gāib/mafqūd to follow the Hanbali view on their own without any need for assigning a nāib. With the Family Law enacted October 25, 1917, another step further was taken by predicating all relevant solutions regarding the Mālikī view, which allows an abandoned wife to divorce her husband in the event of litigation even when no state of necessity existed regarding alimony.&nbsp;

In Search of a Remedy in Another Madhab: Marriage of an  Absent Husband in Ottoman Family Law

Adalet

Sufi works started being written in the 10th century and conveyed the written and verbal knowledge of previous centuries. Sufi correspondence has an important place in written knowledge. Al-Sarraj and al-Hargushi were 10th-century Sufi authors who have Sufi letters included among their works. Unlike al-Harguşi, however, al-Sarraj not only conveyed letters but also drew attention to their literary importance. Despite attributing special importance to the poems of his predecessors, the texts of letters have priority in analyzing and understanding the symbolic language peculiar to Sufis according to al-Sarraj. With this approach, he attributed special importance to a type of Sufi literature that has yet to be exhausted, due to the Sufi principles regarding privacy, namely protecting information from non-professionals, do not appear in the letters. Therefore, aside from their historical documental quality and literary value, the value of letters is indisputable in terms of being a source for the specific field of knowledge and unique methods of Sufism.The exact percentage of the Sufi literature that is composed of Sufi letters, which differ in terms of their content and addressees, is unknown. However, al-Sarraj talked about a numerical multiplicity enough to fill the volumes at that time. The texts from these letters, some of which are scattered among other works or lack a hard cover, cannot yet be said to have been compiled within the framework of certain criteria. A lack of scientific method is found in regard to examinations of the hardcover texts. During the current study, Arin Salamah Qudsi was noticed to have drawn attention to this issue.Ahmet Amiş Efendi was one of the most important representatives of the Kushadavi order, which had an enlightened disposition. In one study about him (author(s), year), Mehmed Ali Yitik Bey was determined to have been the original owner of the texts that A. Süheyl Ünver called Amişnâme and that contained his words. Information about Yitik Bey, a follower of Amiş Efendi, was initially only verbal. The article on Amiş Efendi led to the emergence of letters belonging to Yitik. The letters were written to Nuh Naci Erdem and also contained an interpretation of the letters’ texts confirming the authenticity of the words as belonging to Amiş Efendi. Naci Erdem was a follower of Arabacı İsmail Efendi, who was connected to the order of Muhammed Nuru’l-Arab, and Naci Erdem’s closeness with the Amiş Efendi environment is revealed through these letters. These letters are a continuation of the letter writing tradition&nbsp;of the Sha’bani-Nasuhi-Kushadavi path sheikh. In the post-Republican period in particular, Yitik’s letters were as valuable as the letters from Abdulaziz Mecdi Tolun, a contemporary and brother of Yitik, to S. Unver and other dervishes, particularly in terms of Sufis and the adventure of the Sha’baniyya order. For this reason, this study has deemed transferring to the literature by transcribing the Ottoman script to the Latin alphabet the letters that are written in Yitik’s own hand and that are in İsmail Ş. Güloğlu’s private library to be necessary and important.&nbsp;

Continuing the Tradition of Sha’bani-Kushadavi Correspondence:  The Letters from Mehmet Ali Yitik to Nuh Naci Erdem

Gülizar

The subject of this study is the place the Peripatetic tradition had in the philosophy of the Illuminist philosopher Qutb al-Dîn al-Shîrâzî. Shîrâzî was an Iranian philosopher born in 634 AH/1236 AD in Shîraz who belonged to a mystic family known for its distinguished physicians. Shîrâzî spent his childhood and youth in the city of Shîraz in Iran and left when he was 24 years old. He spent around 21 years of his life in Anatolia, where the Seljuks ruled under the yoke of the Ilkhanate. Shîrâzî performed various duties such as ambassador and judge and also attended classes and gave lectures while in Anatolia. He was appreciated and protected by the Anatolian Seljuks of the 13th century with his scientific personality and the duties he assumed. Shîrâzî is considered an important philosopher of that period and is among the scholars who’ve maintained their importance to the present with his knowledge of many branches of science and the works he left on these branches in addition to philosophy. These branches involve secular sciences such as medicine, astronomy, mathematics, optics, geography, physics, linguistics, music, and logic as well as religious sciences such as mysticism, tafsir, hadith, and fiqh. Among these sciences, however, the education Shîrâzî received in the field of medicine had a special place in his life, because Shîrâzî became acquainted with Avicenna’s work, The Canon of Medicine, due to the medical education he received in this period. This work is considered the most comprehensive medical book of his time, and Shîrâzî made scientific journeys throughout his life to solve the difficulties he encountered while commenting on this book. In order to find an authority to solve the difficult and incomprehensible aspects of The Canon of Medicine, Shîrâzî left Shîraz in 658 AH/1260 AD and resided in various places studying science, especially in Merâga.When considering Shîrâzî’s philosophical views, he can be said to have generally been an Illuminist philosopher. As a matter of fact, his philosophy has been associated with the Illuminist school as currently accepted withing the tradition of Islamic philosophy. The reason for this can be considered from two aspects. Firstly, Shîrâzî’s commentary on Suhrawardî’s Hikmat al-ishrâq revived Illuminism. Secondly, Shîrâzî’s metaphysics was an adoption of a light-based cosmology that characterized Illuminism. However, his philosophy was able to encapsulate different views through its versatility and uniqueness. For this reason, the Peripatetic school can be said to be another school of Islamic philosophy that took place both in the education and views of Shîrâzî, who is known as an Illuminist philosopher and succeeded at being the second most-referenced source after Suhrawardî. Shîrâzî’s Peripatetic aspects can be considered from three perspectives, with the first being his education phase, the second being in his philosophical views, and the third being the frequency with which and preference for using Peripatetic terminology in his expressions. Avicenna can be stated as the name from among the Peripatetic tradition in which Shîrâzî’s philosophy was most embodied. In this sense, Avicenna’s work The Canon of Medicine&nbsp;played a key role in terms of starting Shîrâzî’s educational life and was instrumental in his scientific travels. Shîrâzî started to take great interest not only in Avicenna’s medicine but also in his philosophy and spent most of his life living in various cities, mostly in Anatolia. In this journey Shîrâzî embarked on with a love for interpreting The Canon of Medicine and learning about science, he visited such cities as Kazvin, Merâga, Khorasan, Kuhistan, Baghdad, Konya, Sivas, Malatya, and Damascus. During this time, he took lessons from the leading teachers of the period and trained many students himself. Sadraddin Qonawi (d. 673/1274) and Naṣîr al-Dîn Ṭûsî (d. 672/1274), who was accepted as the representative of the İbnü’l-Arabî’s (d. 638/1240) oneness-of-being (Wahdat al-Wujud) school, have special significance. Due to Shîrâzî being a student of Sadraddin Qonawi, from whom he acquired the understanding of wahdat al-wujud present in Shîrâzî’s philosophy, and a student of Ṭûsî, who is considered one of the leading representatives of the Peripatetic tradition, the existence of different schools in Shîrâzî’s philosophy makes sense. In this respect, an important example of the reflection of the mental structure that was shaped in being a student of Tûsî, who’d come from the Peripatetic tradition and was also open to Illuminist views, can be seen in Shîrâzî’s philosophy and his amalgamation of Avicenna and Suhrawardî. Shîrâzî had taken lessons in philosophy and astronomy from Tûsî and was undoubtedly considered a favorite authority and the only personality of his generation among the students in Merâga. Knowing that Shîrâzî took lessons from Tûsî, who’d tried to interpret Avicenna’s philosophy in accordance with his own system and is considered an important representative of the Peripatetic philosophical tradition, makes understanding Shîrâzî’s knowledge of this tradition, Avicenna, and the Peripatetic aspect in his philosophy easier. When examining Shîrâzî’s philosophy in general and his work Durrat al-tâj in particular, Avicenna’s influence on Shîrâzî is seen more clearly with regard to certain issues. One subject in which this effect is clearly felt involves Shîrâzî’s approach to nafs [the soul]. In Shîrâzî’s work Sharh Hikmat alishrâq, he criticizes Aristotle and his followers because of their methods and saw them lacking on some points. According to Shîrâzî, this was because the Peripatetics had been deprived of the argument of Illuminism by rejecting zevk [pleasure] and keshf [discovery] as a method while relying entirely on demonstration. Although Shîrâzî criticized the Peripatetics because of their methods, he both benefited from them and used Peripatetic terminology when appropriate. Similar to Suhrawardî, Shîrâzî criticized the Peripatetics and Avicenna on some points while also benefitting from them. Despite all his criticisms of the Peripatetics, his reference to Aristotle as the first teacher, to Avicenna as the Sheikh al-Reis [Chief of Sheiks], and to Avicenna and alFarabi as two Sheikhs in Sharh Hikmat al-ishrâq demonstrates his acceptance of the Peripatetic.As state above, another point where Shîrâzî demonstrated Peripatetic thought was his preference and frequency of using Peripatetic terminology. Although this usage is seen in Sharh Hikmat al-ishrâq, Shîrâzî’s work Durrat al-tâj is a clearer and more specific example. Therefore, while Shîrâzî remained more loyal to Suhrawardî and the Illuminist language in Sharh Hikmat al-ishrâq, he can be said to have acted more freely in Durrat al-tâj and to have preferred the Peripatetic language more. In summary, Shîrâzî was a versatile scholar who was interested in various branches of science and also became a model for his successors who combined many understandings in a single system. He benefitted from different schools in the tradition of Islamic thought with his unique intellectual structure pertaining to these schools.&nbsp;

The Place of the Peripatetic Tradition in Qutb al-Din Shîrâzî’s  Illuminist Philosophy

Res. Assist.

When concerned with the issue of methodology in the study of Islamic philosophy, usually the scope of Islamic philosophy becomes a matter of discussion. Along with this, it was suggested to consider this problem within the context of discussions on the historiography of thought. Based on this suggestion, the article aims to provide a theoretical basis regarding Islamic philosophy studies in Turkey by examining various historiography of thought approaches. Moreover, within the context of al-Ghazālī studies, this theoretical base is concretized based on evaluations of three groups of studies that represent the revisionist al-Ghazālī portrait.The first approach this article discusses was theorized by Jacob Brucker (1742-1744) and is known as the history of philosophy. This approach is also regarded as the basis of the modern history of philosophy discipline. Unlike previous doxographical history of philosophy studies, Brucker focused on the consistencies within the thoughts of each philosopher by instrumentalizing system of philosophy concept within his historiography of philosophy. He argued that the system of philosophy must be built in a way where some of the philosopher’s thoughts are central while others are peripheral. According to Brucker, in order to be considered a philosopher, one’s overall system of philosophy must be deduced from specific principles. Even though this history of philosophy approach is not applied so strictly, it has been influential in many studies written since the 18th century.The second approach belongs to Arthur Lovejoy (1936) and proposed in his work The Great Chain of Being. Lovejoy consciously differentiated his approach from the history of philosophy and proposed the history of ideas approach as an alternative in studies on the history of thought. Accordingly, one must not focus on philosophers’ idiosyncratic complex systems of philosophy but instead must focus on the unit ideas that have more distinctive meanings and are encountered in more numerous fields.&nbsp;Thirdly and finally, with the intellectual history approach, Quentin Skinner (1969) criticized the previous approaches, especially the history of ideas, and argued that one must primarily focus on the social and linguistic contexts in which the philosopher expresses their thoughts.Similar to all historians in general, the responsibility of the historian of thought is to provide relevant causal explanations after identifying the historical facts. Therefore, these three approaches may be regarded as three dimensions to benefit from while generating explanations about philosophers’ thoughts. For instance, even if authors had not explicitly mentioned them, these three approaches are able to be observed in revisionist al-Ghazālī studies. The history of philosophy approach is arguably more dominant in the studies of Richard Frank (1992, 1994) and Frank Griffel (2009) as they frequently focused on the consistencies among the thoughts of al-Ghazālī and tended to explain al-Ghazālī’s thoughts based on his other thoughts. The danger here is to approach one’s thoughts with prejudice due to the intense consideration of their other ideas.Alexander Treiger (2012) focused on al-Ghazālī’s theory of mystical cognition with an Avicennian basis, and the history of ideas approach is more dominantly observed in his study. However, the danger with this approach is to overlook the more recent version of the unit idea the philosopher adopted by reducing the idea to a previous context.Lastly, the intellectual history approach is easily recognized as being dominant in the Kenneth Garden’s (2014) work The First Islamic Reviver. More specifically, Garden proposed the need to focus on the socio-political context in which al-Ghazālī had formed his thoughts and his revivalist discourse in order to understand them. Overall, even if some previously ambiguous points become clarified by considering the social context, the feasibility of testing the validity of these arguments becomes weaker with the intellectual history approach.This study’s conclusion section includes several opinions about Islamic philosophy studies in Turkey based on the historiography of thought approaches and how they’ve been reflected in al-Ghazālī studies. One should note that the opinions of some pioneering Islamic philosophy researchers in Turkey resemble a flexible form of the history of philosophy approach. Ultimately, importance is had in stating that this article examines three historiography of thought approaches without purporting to suggest a specific approach and draws attention to their favorable and unfavorable consequences. For sure, all three approaches involve benefits. However, this article aims to serve the formation of an awareness of these approaches as they are adopted.&nbsp;

Methods in Islamic Philosophy Studies and Historiography of  Thought: An Evaluation Based on Revisionist al-Ghazālī Studies

Münzir

Mīr Baqir Dāmād (d. 1040/1631) was the founder of the Isfahan philosophical school and is considered one of the most influential personalities in the arena of philosophy in both Iran and the Indian Peninsula. In addition, the theory of hudūth dahrī [perpetual creation] is considered one of his most important of concepts for which he is famous and through which he is characterized.Through this theory, he tried to introduce a new and genuine interpretation of the relationship between the Creator and the world. Because Dāmād did not like the opinion of theologists regarding hudūth zamānī [temporal creation] of the world, he agreed with Avicenna (d.&nbsp;428/1037) regarding the concept of the world’s creation being impossible in zamān [time]. However, he was not content with the opinion of Peripatetic philosophers regarding the hudūth dhātī [essential creation] of the world, and due to priority in the world being essential and not dissociative regarding the exterior, Dāmād instead insisted that the world was preceded by sheer nonexistence and that God Almighty is exclusively preexistent and the only eternal being.What inspired him to innovate this theory was his insistence that God be deemed highly exalted over all others and that no preexistent nor eternal exists but God Almighty. Therefore, he developed the Peripatetic philosophers’ theory of hudūth dhātī [essential creation], combining their predicament of emanation with theologists’ concept of creation. He also tried to interpret the terms zamān [time], dahr [perpetuity], and sarmad [eternity] in order to innovate his theory of hudūth dahrī [perpetual creation].Perpetual creation means the priority of existence of quiddity with sheer nonexistence matching its existence in reality, and such priority is not essential, but rather a dissociative priority and non-temporal.Dāmād founded his theory of perpetual creation over two basic elements. The first element involves the concepts of priority and posteriority. According to Peripatetic philosophers, priority has five parts: priority in time, grade, honor, nature, and nobility. However, Dāmād added perpetual eternal priority and the priority in quiddity to these. Perpetual priority means the priority according to dissociation and standing alone between prior and posterior in reality, with posteriority lingering behind in such a state according to the exterior and not to the peculiarity of the essence’s mental degree of self per se. Meanwhile, priority in quiddity involves the priority of self of quiddity and its substantiation, not according to reality but rather to the mental degree. For example, the priority of four (cause) on duality (effect). Namely, whenever the quiddity of four is achieved, its inseparable effect is also achieved (the duality). However, Dāmād placed a restriction on this kind of priority, where the priority in quiddity is valid regarding the efficient cause, not other causes.The second element is God’s Quiddity is the Same as Inniyah [His Self]. This means the concept of the existence of God Almighty springs from Himself (i.e., the quiddity of the necessary existent is His existence per se). The genuine true existence in reality is the same as the degree of the self of the necessary existent Almighty, while the existence of contingent things is based on the action of its Creator. As such, the degree of existence of cause does not have the same degree of existence as the effect, as existence reaches the self of the effect from the cause. Meanwhile, according to Dāmād, the acknowledgment of the evidence of hudūth dahrī [perpetual creation] can be summarized as follows:On basis of the foregoing two foundations and due to Dāmād standing up for the genuineness of quiddity where existence is extra/supra, the Creator Almighty and the creature can never&nbsp;&nbsp;have the same degree of existence, because the Creator Almighty is the existent who lacks quiddity, namely His Self the Almighty is the absolute existence. Thus, the degree of His existence is different from all creatures. Hence, the degree of eternity is exclusive to His Self the Almighty. Likewise, creatures cannot be temporal, as time is related to variable things and this would lead to deeming the Creator to exist in the end of time. Therefore, Dāmād professed that all creatures were created in dahr [perpetuity], and God Almighty created all creatures all at once beyond time, or continuity in perpetuity. Because there is no continuity in perpetuity, and there is no prior or posterior in perpetuity.The most important scholar to oppose the theory of hudūth dahrī [perpetual creation] was the Indian scholar Mulla Mahmoud Jawnpūrī in his book Al Shams Al Baziqha, one of the most important philosophical texts taught in the Indian Peninsula. His critiques are summarized by the fact that the absolute prior and posterior that prevent meeting cannot be perceived except when continuity exists, whether substantiated or illusioned, because when continuity does not exist in the first place, one can imagine nonexistence then existence. This is because the priority of nonexistence and the posteriority of existence can only be imagined if there is something that has priority in one of its two ends without any posteriority, while the other end has the existence of posteriority. Any variation of the two ends or distinguishing between one another requires continuity, as absolute priority in terms of dissociation is unimaginable except for a continuity where one of its two ends has nonexistence or a certain status and the other end has existence or another status.As such, Jawnpūrī’s core objection was the impossibility of imagining priority and posteriority without continuity (i.e., time). In spite of Dāmād acknowledging the impossibility of imagining priority and posteriority in dahr [perpetuity], he insisted on the existence of external dissociation between cause and effect as well as the intermediacy of nonexistence between them. He professed dissociative priority and posteriority to be unrelated to zamān [time] and dissociative progress to be possible without zamān [time].&nbsp;

The Theory of “Perpetual Creation” (Hudūth Dahrī) and the  Critiques on it: The Book of Mulla Mahmūd Jawnpūrī Fārūqī  (d. 1062/1652) “al-Shams al-bāzigha” as an Example

Muhammed

Philosophy is basically divided into three main headings: existence, knowledge, and value. The problem is whether the information one considers relevant to a subject from these three areas is definable or not, and if so, how this definition will be made. Philosophers who believe knowledge to be definable carefully chose the elements they have included in their definitions. As a matter of fact, each element in the definition limits the field of knowledge and shows what can and cannot be knowledge in the eyes of the philosophers. In this sense, knowledge since the time of Plato has been defined as justified true belief in epistemology. Under this condition, some thinkers over time opposed this definition and questioned the basic elements that make up certain knowledge. One of those who oppose the definition is Edmund L. Gettier (d. 2021), and the issue he posed is known as the Gettier Problem. Gettier attempted to prove his idea that justified true belief could not create knowledge in people, asserting that some elements of luck could also contribute. Gettier showed that some wrong justifications can lead to a proposition that is actually true. In this sense, he expressed through examples that the components that constitute knowledge such as justification, truth, and belief, are insufficient. In this sense, he expressed through examples that the components that constitute knowledge, such as justification, truth, and belief are insufficient. In addition to these criticisms, Gettier did not reveal any way to reach information but was content with voicing the problem. After Gettier’s article, his examples in the epistemology literature were expanded upon for a long time within the framework of new scenarios and emphasis was made regarding the need to update the definition of traditional knowledge since Plato. Therefore, attempts have been made to present various definitions of knowledge. Meanwhile, Fârâbî (d. 339/950) showed in his works that it is possible to reach precise knowledge, especially in his Şerâʾiṭu’l-yaḳîn. In fact, the concept that Fârâbî used for certain knowledge is certitude (yakîn). The epistemic level of&nbsp;knowledge can be formed and the degree of certainty can be determined to the extent that the elements constituting the knowledge are fulfilled. In this sense, yakîn constitutes the highest epistemic level in the context of justified true belief. Belief is the first condition of yakîn, but it is also its genus; the basic conditions of knowledge are provided through the subsequent stages of truth and justification, and the last three conditions Fârâbî mentioned now made knowledge unchangeable and certain. As a matter of fact, the first five of the six conditions Fârâbî mentioned and that this article has included in detail are related to the content of yakîn, whereas the last condition is related to how knowledge is obtained. The last condition Fârâbî considerd with regard to obtaining certain knowledge is that the knowledge must be obtained peculiarly, not accidentally, and thanks to this condition he aimed to completely disable the element of luck in the knowledge. Thus, Fârâbî revealed through the six conditions he had enumerated that knowledge will involve certain knowledge to the extent that it fulfills these conditions. However, each condition coincides with an epistemic level, and one can see the relationship of one’s current knowledge through the highest level of certainty (i.e., yakîn). From this point of view, this study aimed to analyze the problem that Gettier attempted to prove in terms of Fârâbî’s perception and the claims and criticisms Gettier put forth to determine where Fârâbî coincided within Gettier’s understanding of knowledge and to determine the consistency of Gettier’s proofs through Fârâbî’s understanding of yakîn. At this point, the knowledge of the people in Gettier’s example was examined in terms of Fârâbî’s epistemic levels. In this way, the study will seek using Fârâbî’s yakîn theory a solution to the issue of eliminating the chance factor with regard to obtaining precise information, which has become a topic of discussion in the epistemological literature since Gettier.&nbsp;

The Gettier Problem: An Analysis in the Context of al-Fārābī’s  Epistemic Levels

Tuba

This article discusses the processes related to Islamic sciences with a focus on digital humanities, which has emerged as an area that goes beyond being a technical support for researchers, one that also aims to collect the mostly scattered data with its own methods in order to classify it systematically and to make comprehensive analyses and visualizations based on big data. In order to do this, the article first addresses the digital possibilities used in the literature of Islamic sciences up to the present based on Turkey, as well as the databases, digital libraries, and softwares used in the field. The article will then go on to present the definition and processes of digital humanities (DH) that are affiliated with Islamic sciences. The studies conducted in Islamic sciences in this context are seen to present a complex structure that involves the creation of large collections and large datasets based on these collections, as well as their analyses and visualizations, interdisciplinary collaborations, and backing from strong financial support.The article discusses knowledge production in the field of Islamic sciences within the scope of this transformation in related literature and the effect the transition to the digital age has had on this knowledge production in terms of the nature of sources. Accordingly, this process started with manuscripts, continued with printed texts and editorial publications, and then expanded with research based on this literature. The use of digital tools in the field has led to various transformations, and these tools have been used extensively in the digitization of Islamic literature. Databases and digital libraries have become widespread that provide access to handwritten texts and documents belonging to pre-printing press and printed main sources and research in the field of theology (ilahiyat). After this source digitalization-based process, the processes of transforming sources into data and analyzing them are seen to have occurred with studies generally carried out in the context of DH in Western academia. This article has attempted to reveal the literature produced in this field within the context of DH analytical processes as much as space allows.The evaluation section of the article involves the expansions that digital humanities have brought to the field of Islamic sciences as well as the possible problems that may be encountered in studies in this field. The article emphasizes how the opportunities and resources in the field will recirculate in a way that has never occurred before, with new questions and methods being included in the field, as well as a revision of methodology courses in education. The&nbsp;evaluation section also investigates the conceptualization of the Islamicate Digital Humanities, with emphasis on being able to talk about the field of Islamicate Digital Humanities requiring a work process based on the following three pillars. Islamic literature, field of theology (ilahiyat) and information technologies. Combining the sources of Islamic sciences with information technologies has created the databases discussed under the first heading of the article as well as ways for obtaining new data based on these sources. The combination of Islamic literature with the field of theology reveals the current Islamic sciences literature and Orientalist literature to have been built on the main sources. The first section discusses how combining the research fields in the field of theology that are not based on main sources such as sociology of religion, psychology of religion, and method requirements (e.g., creating a citation system, organizing information sheets) with information technologies involves the programs used in the field of theology (i.e., Kuramer, Isnad citation system, SPSS). Producing something at the intersection of all three clusters seems to be essential for being able to talk about a field with the name of Islamicate Digital Humanities. In this context, DH methods and the field of theology should be considered as being complimentary elements, as seen regarding issues such as using the terminology of the field in the process of text coding main sources using the technological opportunities, the discussion of the problems that may arise in the standardization of information with respect to the field, the reliability of the sources used, and the application of theology/ Islamic sciences expertise when checking data sets.&nbsp;

Islamic Studies in the Context of Digital Humanities

Mustafa

Political Thought in the Mamluk Period: A New Classification for  Political Themes

Ahmet

An Assesment of Orientalist, Modernist And Fundamentalist  Approaches on Sufism

Tradition of Knowledge in the Mamluk Period-I  (13th and 14th Centuries) 28-29 September 2021/Istanbul

Osman

Abdulhamit

Assist. Prof. Dr.

Foundation deeds (waqfiyyas) are official and legal documents that constitute a primary source for the institutional history of the Islamic world. These texts provide information about the functioning of institutions, their financial resources, founders, foundation dates, purposes, and the political and social conditions of the period in which they were established. However, only a few of these texts, inscribed on stone or brick, have survived to this day in their authentic and complete form. Notable examples include the inscriptions of the Marjāniyya Madrasa in Baghdād and the Marjān Khān (Ortmah Khān), which was among its endowments. The inscriptions, fixed to the interior walls of the madrasa on the southwest façade, have survived almost perfectly. The six brick foundation inscriptions, of which four are rectangular and two are arranged in an arched form, are of particular significance not only for the text of the foundation but also for the high aesthetic value of the Jalī thuluth script used in the inscriptions.&nbsp;This study presents an in-depth analysis of the waqf inscriptions from the Marjāniyya Madrasa and Ortmah Khān in Baghdād, focusing on their textual and physical characteristics. It makes significant contributions to the broader fields of Islamic studies and historical epigraphy. The research aims to address key gaps in the literature by employing a multifaceted approach to analysing the inscriptions, guided by the following research questions: How do the inscriptions vary in content and style based on their placement within the madrasa complex? What are the linguistic, calligraphic, and structural characteristics of the inscriptions? How have external factors such as erosion and damage affected their readability and interpretation?The present study is constrained to the analysis of the inscriptions containing information about the foundations (waqfs) of the Marjāniyya Madrasa, in addition to the epigraphic material that is identifiable in the madrasa and its affiliated institutions. The scope of the study does not extend to the decoration elements, parts of the madrasa, or its architectural features.The Marjāniyya Madrasa was founded in 758 (1357) by Amīn al-Dīn Marjān b. Abd Allah b. ‘Abd al-Rahman al-Sultānī al-Oljeitī, who was the governor of Baghdād during the reigns of Sheikh Hasan (Hasan Buzurg), the founder of the Jalāyirid dynasty, and his son Sheikh Uwais. The construction of the Marjāniyya Madrasa, a complex that also incorporated the Dār al-Shifā’ and the inn (Ortma Khan), is estimated to have been completed within a period of six&nbsp;years, from 752 to 758 (1351 to 1357). The madrasa was situated at the Badr Gate, one of the northern gates of the Dār al-Khilāfa city wall. Centrally located on the eastern side of Baghdād, the madrasa is situated in the Marjāniyya Quarter, which was known by this name in the 16th and 17th centuries. In the 19th century, the area where the madrasa was located was known as the Bāb al-Agha (Agha Gate) Quarter.The madrasa remained under Ottoman rule for nearly four centuries (1534–1917). However, no comprehensive chronological record exists of the restorations undertaken during this extensive period. The first known restoration under Ottoman rule was carried out in 1785 by Sulaiman Pasha, the governor of Baghdād. Archival documents from the Ottoman period indicate that educational activities in the madrasa continued until the end of Ottoman rule in Iraq, albeit with intermittent interruptions.Despite its long history under Ottoman rule, scholarly interest in the madrasa’s inscriptions emerged primarily through the accounts of 18th- and 19th-century Western travelers. The earliest recorded mention of the endowment inscriptions of the Marjāniyya Madrasa is that of Carsten Niebuhr in the 18th century. Although the German traveler praised the content of the endowment, he stated that he was unable to provide the full text of the inscription for certain reasons. In the first volume of his Archäologische Reise im Euphrat- und Tigris-Gebiet, Max van Berchem assessed the endowment inscriptions at Marjāniyya. Another pioneering researcher interested in waqf inscriptions was Louis Massignon. His analysis of the endowment inscriptions, along with other inscriptions in the madrasa for the Corpus Inscriptionum Arabicarum, was conducted with the assistance of Hajī ‘Alā al-Dīn b. Nu‘mān al-Ālūsī, who was the madrasa’s professor at the time. However, significant discrepancies were later identified between Massignon’s readings and subsequent analyses. The text of the endowment was later meticulously examined by F. Sarre and E. Herzfeld, who not only pointed out the differences between Berchem’s and Massignon’s readings but also provided explanations for the place names and concepts found in the text. In addition to Western travelers and historians, the extraordinary endowment of the Marjāniyya Madrasa has also been studied by scholars such as Mahmūd Shukrī al-Ālūsī, Mustafa Jawād, Kurkīs ‘Awwād, ‘Abbās al-‘Azzāwī, Nāṣir al-Naqshibandī, Tāriq Jawād al-Janābī, and Roberto Parapetti. The foundation inscriptions were first read by Bülent Yılmaz in his doctoral thesis, “Celayirliler Kabile-Devlet”, which was translated into Turkish but left incomplete. However, both the Arabic text and the Turkish translation of this study contain certain deficiencies and errors, including the omission of the “hamdala” and “salwala” sections at the beginning of the text. Furthermore, the concepts and place names within the inscription were not analyzed. In contrast, Abdüsselam Uluçam’s analysis focused exclusively on the Arabic text, providing both a transcription and a Turkish translation of the inscription on the portal of the Marjāniyya Madrasa.The text of the waqfiyya consists of 975 words, distributed across six inscriptions, two arranged in seven lines and four in five lines. It is written in an elegant style of Jalī Thuluth, typically in double-stacked lines. The rectangular inscriptions contain five lines, each averaging 20 words, whereas the arched inscriptions comprise seven lines, with the first line averaging five words and the final lines containing up to 45 words. The first inscription is located above the mihrab, the second to its left, and the third opposite the second. The inscriptions continue in a counterclockwise direction along the inner walls of the mosque. The arrangement of the lines and the sophistication of the lettering closely resemble the distinctive style of the Yāqūt al-Mustaʿṣimī school.

Living Witnesses of a Lost Heritage: An Analysis of the Inscriptions of the Baghdād Marjāniyya Endowments

Harun

Assoc. Prof. Dr.

The emergence and spread of madrasas in the Islamic world were initially associated with theologic motives, focusing particularly on strengthening Ashʿarī thought and combating movements such as Bāṭinism and Shīʿism. However, later studies emphasized the strong connections of madrasas not so much with theological doctrines but with schools of law (madhhabs) and the teaching of Islamic law (fiqh). The classical Islamic scholarship established a strong relationship between madrasas and schools of law by indicating that madrasas functioned not only as educational institutions but also as centers for transmitting the fiqh traditions of specific madhhabs. In this context, al-Nuʿaymī’s work al-Dāris fī tārīkh al-madāris, written during the Mamluk period, stands out as a significant source for understanding the history of madrasas, their madhhab affiliations, and their connection with the discipline of fiqh. It is a detailed reference source on the history and organization of waqf-based educational institutions in Damascus. The work classifies the Damascene educational institutions from the 5th (11th) century to the 10th (16th) century according to their functions and provides detailed data about them. However, the most striking part of the work is the extensive section where al-Nuʿaymī classifies the madrasas according to their fiqh affiliations.In the article, madrasas established in Damascus during the Seljuk (1075–1104), Tughtiginid (1104–1154), Zangid (1154–1174), Ayyubid (1174–1260), and Mamluk (1260–1516) periods were examined in the context of madhhab affiliations. Although al-Dāris provides a vast pool of data on madrasas, the study evaluates only the information related to the madhhab identities of the madrasas. Additionally, to better understand the distribution of madrasas within the city, Damascus was divided into seven main regions. The location of each madrasa was identified&nbsp;and plotted on a map of Damascus. This method facilitated a clearer understanding of the geographical and socio-cultural placement of madrasas within the city and revealed general trends regarding the relationship between madrasas and madhhab affiliations.In the research, Geographic Information Systems (GIS) were used to analyse the spatial relationships of the madrasas. The data regarding the location and madhhab affiliation of the madrasas obtained from al-Dāris were mapped with the help of specialized software, allowing for the visualization of the spatial distributions of the madrasa locations and their relationships with one another. The analysis of the madrasas focuses on the social status of the endowers, the dynastic periods during which the madrasas were established, and their madhhab identities. By correlating the collected datasets, maps and graphs illustrating the madhhab identities of Damascene madrasas were produced. By this way, the study provides an important spatial analysis of the madhhab connections of Damascus madrasas.Between the 5th and 10th (11th–16th) centuries, the number of madrasas established in Damascus was 126. The Shāfiʿī madhhab became the predominant school of law with a total of 56 madrasas, followed by the Hanafī madhhab, which had 47 madrasas. The Hanbalī madhhab was represented by 11 madrasas, while the Malikīs had only 3. Additionally, 6 madrasas were endowed for joint use by both the Shāfiʿī and Hanafī schools, and 1 madrasa was shared by all four madhhabs. Additionally, al-Nuʿaymī’s work mentions 3 institutions endowed specifically as medical madrasas.&nbsp;When looking at the locations of the madrasas, the district around the Umayyad Mosque emerged as the center of intellectual life in Damascus with 71 madrasas. This area was followed by the Sālihiyya district, which gained importance especially from the Zangid period onwards.The research demonstrates that the scholarly activities in Damascus were supported by various political and social groups. In the article, madrasa endowers are classified into four main categories: members of the ruling dynasties, military elites (umarāʾ), scholars (ulamāʾ), and the notables (ashrāf). The military elites established the most madrasas in the city, followed by members of the ruling dynasties, scholars, and the notables respectively. It is noteworthy that the madrasas belonging to the Shāfiʿī and Hanafī madhhab received regular support from the ruling dynasties and military elites, whereas Hanbalī madrasas were deprived of such systematic patronage. This situation suggests that the Hanbalī madrasas were mostly endowed by individuals affiliated with this school of law. Rulers and military elites supported not only their own madhhabs but also other madhhabs for patronizing the entire Sunni scholarly community, considering the madhhab diversity of the territories they ruled. In this regard, the madhhab affiliations of the madrasas significantly correspond to the demographic distribution of madhhabs in the city. For instance, although the Zangids were a Hanafī dynasty, most of their madrasas were established for the Shāfiʿīs. Similarly, during the predominantly Shāfiʿī Ayyubids founded both Shāfiʿī and Hanafī madrasas, particularly through the efforts of their military elites. However, during the Mamluk period, it is notable that only one madrasa was established by the ruling dynasty, who made Cairo their political, military, and economic center instead of Damascus.

Madrasa-Madhhab Relationship: Spatial Distribution and Typologies of Damascus Madrasas in Nuaymī’s al-Dāris

Orhan

In this article, I have tried to focus on the people, events, and phenomena in which Hasan Kāfī al-Aqhisārī, the qādī of Bosnia-Akhisar, emphasized his self-narrative. At the center of the study was al-Aqhisārī's Nizām al-ulamā ilā khātam al-anbiyā, a work on the lineage of knowledge that includes his partial self-narrative. I also used the fragmental data included in his self-narrative at the beginning and end of some of his works. In Nizām al-ulamā, which also includes his autobiography, al-Aqhisārī gives the lineage of knowledge up to the Prophet in 28 layers and then mentions himself in the 29th layer and a few of his students in the 30th and last layers. When this part of the book and the information he provides at the beginning and end of his other works are analyzed in terms of his self-narrative, it is seen that he emphasizes the ulema in his scientific lineage, his family, his educational life, the teachers he took lessons from, his activities as a qādī and mudarris, the works he wrote, his relations with the sultan and pashas of the period, the campaigns and wars he participated in with them, and the political, economic and social problems experienced for various reasons. al-Aqhisārī thus presents a scholarly self-narrative centered on the teacher-student-work as seen in classical works of the fehresesebet-icāzetnāme-silsilenāme genre. His self-narrative does not include all the experiences we encounter in the genres of writing that in the past were referred to as cerīde, mecmua, sohbetnāme, sergüzeştnāme, and today as diary, memoir, autobiography, etc. His feelings and thoughts, joys, sorrows and anxieties about his wife, children, property, health and well-being, relations with other people around him (neighbors, friends, enemies), which today are more commonly referred to as “cultural history”, are almost never included in his narrative.However, when we read his self-narrative in his own language, we could see many details that are not included in the second-hand sources that mention him and correct some errors and omissions about his life and works. For example, we can draw a general chronology of his life. This is how we learn about the scholars in his scholarly lineage and the teachers from whom he&nbsp;studied. During his 40 years of life as a mudarris and qādī in Aqhisar and its environs, he wrote basic texts and commentaries on logic, rhetoric, usūl al-fiqh and al-aqāid, all of which were part of the madrasa curriculum, and which students could easily understand and memorize. It is possible to see these works and their dates of composition in his partial and fragmentary selfnarrative, which is still remembered more than 500 years after his death.Another noteworthy aspect of al-Aqhisārī’s self-narrative is his mention of the conquest of Egri Castle, the Battle of Hacova, and the second conquest of Esztergom Castle, which he participated in with the statesmen in the region and Sultan Mehmed III during the long OttomanAustrian wars between 1593 and 1606. Among these statesmen were the Bosnian-born Grand Vizier Damat Ibrahim Pasha, the husband of Murad III’s daughter Aisha Sultan, to whom he dedicated his work Nizām al-ulamā ilā khātam al-anbiyā, the Albanian-born Beylerbeyi of Bosnia Hadım Hafiz Ahmad Pasha, to whom he dedicated his work Usūl al-hikam fī nizām al-ālam, and another Bosnian-born Lala Mehmed Pasha, grand vizier of the reign of Ahmad I, known as the “Conqueror of Esztergom” to whom he dedicated his work Nūr al-yakīn fī usūl al-dīn.al-Aqhisārī's partial and fragmented self-narrative also includes important historical data such as the internal turmoil caused by the Ottoman-Austrian wars, epidemics, and the cost of living, which deeply affected social, economic, military, and political life. Despite all these difficulties in this period between the ages of 50 and 64, al-Aqhisārī did not hold back from his educational and literary activities, composing his best works in this period and writing his famous work on state and social order, Usūl al-hikam fī nizām al-ālam, which earned him a well-deserved reputation among the ulama and umāra, in accordance with the saying “difficult times raise strong men”, He left texts and commentaries written at the introductory level of sciences such as rhetoric, aqāid and usūl al-fiqh, some of which are read and studied in classical educational activities even today.

Self-Narrative of Bosnia-Aqhisar Judge Hasan Kāfī al-Aqhisārī on the Axis of His Autobiographical Work Named Nizām al-Ulamā ilā Khātam al-Anbiyā

Nail

The works that compile the biographies of important figures who specialized in a science or art and contributed to the birth, development and continuity of this science/art, and detail their related contributions are known as tabaqāt. Although the systematics and structure of these works vary, they all follow a certain order and sequence. Some of them are organized chronologically, others alphabetically, and some based on city or regional distinctions. In Islamic history, the first examples of the writing of tabaqāt can be found in the second half of the second century after the Hegira, paralleling advancements in various fields of knowledge. The initial tabaqāt texts focused on the companions of the Prophet, transmitters, reciters of al-Qur’ān, hadīth scholars, and poets. These texts serve as foundational sources, documenting not only the distinguished scholars of the early generations but also the developments within their respective fields. The first tabaqāt on scholars of Islamic law (fuqahā) were produced later. Tabaqāt al-Fuqahā wa al-Muhaddithīn by al-Haytham b. ‘Adī (d. 207/822), Tārīkh al-Fuqahā by al-Wāqidī (d. 207 AH), Tabaqāt al-Fuqahā by Muhammad b. Khālid (d. 220/835), and al-Shāzekūnī’s (d. 234 AH) Tārīkh, which is said to be devoted to the faqīhs, are recorded as the first texts in this field. The earliest surviving tabaqāt on jurists is the Andalusian scholar Ibn Habīb al-Sulamī’s (d. 238/853) Tabaqāt al-Fuqahā. Ibn Zanjūya’s Tabaqāt al-Fuqahā wa al-Muhaddithīn and Ibn Sa‘d’s Kitāb al-Ṭabaqāt al-Kabīr are also deserves to be considered among the first sources. Although Ibn Sa‘d’s work aims to document all the prominent figures of the early period, its sections on scholars renowned for their fatwās serve as a source for the writings of the tabaqāt of faqīhs.The tabaqāt texts vary significantly depending on their authors’ scholarly backgrounds, competence and perspectives. Notably, the earliest tabaqāt on faqīhs were authored by scholars proficient in hadīth and transmission sciences, reflecting the Ahl al-Hadīth mentality. This affiliation influenced the categorization of jurists, the selection of individuals included, and their ranking across generations. The prominence of the identity of the faqīh and the place where fiqh as a field of knowledge and expertise was attempted to be conveyed in the earliest tabaqāt texts were shaped according to the expectations of Ahl al-Hadīth. Since these authors belonged to a certain camp in the Ahl al-Ra’y - Ahl al-Hadīth distinction, which was one of the most decisive themes in the process of the formation of fiqh, they shaped the texts according to their own affiliation and either ignored the Ahl al-Ra’y jurists, whose contributions to the development of fiqh were much more prominent and decisive, or included them by downplaying their position and sphere of influence. The historiography of fiqh in the earliest tabaqāt texts sought to align the development of fiqh with that of hadīth, portraying it as a discipline centered on the transmission of inherited knowledge.&nbsp;The earliest tabaqāt texts were concerned with the improvement and transmission of religious knowledge in parallel with the spread of Islam. In this respect, the texts that center on Madina expand by following other regions and cities where religious knowledge spread in the first generations. After Madina, some authors immediately mention Mecca, while others continue with Kūfa, where jurisprudential activity was more intense. With the inclusion of Basra, Damascus, Egypt, Khorasān, and, from a certain date onwards, Andalusia among the centers of knowledge, jurists were also classified with reference to these regions/cities. In other words, not only do the tabaqāts present us with the influential jurists of the first generations, but they also provide us with a comprehensive map of jurisprudence in the first generations by indicating in which cities these jurists practiced.Another aspect to which the authors of tabaqāt texts attach particular importance is the teacherdisciple relationship between the jurists. The idea of ranking the faqīhs through generations/ degrees manifests itself precisely here, and the teacher-disciple lines presented through various cities make clear the lines of development of fiqh in the first two centuries AH. Ibn al-Madīnī’s ‘Ilal and al-Nasāī’s Tasmiya Fuqahā al-Amsār stand out for tracing scholarly/jurisprudential lineages from the companions to the era of the mujtahid eponyms. The narrative in these works gained widespread acceptance and later authors presented the scholarly progress of the first generations by referring to these lineages. However, since the early writers were not yet very warm to the idea of affiliation to a certain school of law and were especially distant from the Kūfa-centered fiqh of ra’y, they often neglected the central importance of jurists like Abū Hanīfa and Mālik b. Anas.This article examines the role of early tabaqāt works as sources for the historiography of Islamic law from various perspectives. For this purpose, it begins by exploring the first sources that provide information about the faqīhs, analyzes the criteria used to select the included figures, and discusses the authors’ intellectual frameworks. Additionally, it considers how the scholarly developments and especially the jurisprudential progression due to the expansion of Islamic lands were reflected in these texts, and trace how the major areas of debate that accompanied the emergence of Islamic law were reflected in the first tabaqāt texts.

Early Tabaqāt Books as the First Sources of Islamic Law Historiography

Ahmad

This study, titled Beyond the Isnads: Analyzing the Structure of Shiite Narratives Through the Interactions of Abū Hāshim al-Ja‘farī, explores the narrations attributed to Abū Hāshim al-Ja‘farī, one of the prominent figures in the Shiite tradition during the third century AH. By examining the scientific, social, historical, and geographical interactions surrounding his isnads (chains of transmission) and their corresponding texts, the research aims to uncover the coherence and consistency of these narrations and their alignment with external historical data. The overarching objective is to enhance the understanding of the Shiite narrative system, particularly its originality and reliability, by analyzing the underlying framework of Abū Hāshim’s narrations.The study adopts a focused approach, choosing Abū Hāshim al-Ja‘farī as a case study due to his significant status among narrators of his era and the centrality of his narrations to Shiite thought. Given the breadth of the Shiite narrative corpus and its extensive temporal&nbsp;and geographical span, the study narrows its focus to examine Abū Hāshim’s narrations in depth, treating him as a representative case to derive broader implications. The research raises critical questions about the scientific, social, historical, and geographical interactions evident in the isnads and texts transmitted by Abū Hāshim. These questions include whether such interactions demonstrate the robustness of the Shiite narrative structure or highlight its potential vulnerabilities.The research is divided into three major sections:1. Conceptualizing “Beyond the Isnads” as a Tool for Systemic Analysis: This section establishes the theoretical framework of the study, defining the concept of “beyond the isnads” as an analytical tool to evaluate narrative systems. It highlights how isnads are not merely chains of transmission but reflect a web of interactions —scientific, social, historical, and geographical—that can validate or challenge the reliability of a narrative system. The analysis demonstrates that a robust narrative system requires coherence both internally (within the isnads and texts) and externally (with independent historical data). This methodological approach challenges earlier studies that focused solely on internal criteria, emphasizing the need for broader contextual validation.2. Historical and Biographical Insights on Abū Hāshim al-Ja‘farī: This section provides a comprehensive account of Abū Hāshim al-Ja‘farī’s life, relationships, and contributions to Shiite thought. Abū Hāshim is positioned as a pivotal figure who transmitted narrations from five imams, with particularly strong relationships with four of them. The research categorizes his narrations, noting their predominance in theological and doctrinal themes, particularly in reinforcing Shiite beliefs such as the designation of twelve imams and the miraculous attributes of the imams. The study also examines the geographical distribution of his narrations, identifying an unexpected concentration among Qom-based transmitters, despite his residence in Baghdad. The limited transmission of his significant narrations raises questions about the dissemination dynamics within the Shiite narrative system. 3. Analyzing the Interactions Behind Abū Hāshim’s Isnads: This section delves into the scientific, social, historical, and geographical dimensions of Abū Hāshim’s narrations. The analysis reveals critical gaps in the isnads, including inconsistencies in the transmission patterns and a lack of corroborative historical evidence. For instance, the study identifies instances of narrations being transmitted by singular or ambiguous transmitters, raising questions about the authenticity and reception of these narrations in their contemporary context. Furthermore, the study highlights the absence of broader societal interactions, such as the minimal involvement of other members of the Ahl al-Bayt in transmitting pivotal narrations, and the lack of tangible geographical markers in Abū Hāshim’s narrations.The research also explores the issue of narrative consistency, identifying examples where internal contradictions or historical inaccuracies challenge the coherence of Abū Hāshim’s narrations. These inconsistencies point to potential ideological motivations in the construction of certain isnads, which may have been shaped to serve specific theological agendas rather than reflect historical realities.The study concludes that many of Abū Hāshim’s isnads appear to serve as formal structures rather than reflections of actual social, scientific, or historical interactions. The lack of corroborative evidence from external sources and the absence of critical scrutiny of these narrations in early Shiite scholarship raise concerns about the reliability of the narrative system. Additionally, the research highlights the methodological limitations of relying solely on internal evaluative criteria, advocating for a more interdisciplinary approach that incorporates historical, social, and geographical analysis.By focusing on Abū Hāshim al-Ja‘farī, the study provides a framework for future research to evaluate other narrators and broader narrative systems within Islamic historiography. It underscores the importance of moving beyond traditional isnad-based analyses to consider the wider contextual factors that shape the transmission and reception of narratives.

Beyond the Isnads: A Structural Analysis of Shiite Narration through the Scholarly and Social Interactions of Abū Hāshim al-Ja‘farī

Fatma

Sümeyye

In the history of exegesis and the Qurʾān, there have been debates about the nature of the language of the Qurʾān, and there is still no common opinion on this issue today. This requires new approaches to the issue. Approaches that are based on scientific and real early period data. The main objective of this article is to map the dialect density of the Qurʾān based on the oldest surviving work in this field; narrations of ʿAṭā b. Abī Rabāḥ (d. 114/732), which are included in the early Gharīb al-Qurʾān literature and attributed to Ibn ʿAbbās. Dialects have different dimensions that refer to sound, grammar, and word changes, and since it is in the center of Gharīb al-Qurʾān, the word level that refers to meaning is taken as the center. The aim of this article is to construct a theory that reveals the structure and nature of the Qurʾānic language by identifying and mapping the different dialects in ʿAṭā b. Abī Rabāḥ’s Gharīb al-Qurʾān, which is based on the early Ibn ʿAbbās. The assumption of this study is that the Qurʾān constructs a meta-language covering different dialects. In accordance with the subject and purpose of this study, a literature review and content analysis based on phenomenology and grounded theory designs of the qualitative research method were conducted.&nbsp;As a result of the literature review, it is seen that there are few studies on ʿAṭā b. Abī Rabāḥ’s Gharīb al-Qurʾān and dialect. It is thought that this study will fill an important gap in the field since none of the studies in the field have processed and mapped the dialects in the Qurʾān in line with the subject and purpose of this article. Andrew Rippin’s “Ibn ʿAbbās’s al-Lughāt fi’l-Qurʾān” approaches the subject from a problematic point of view and examines the chain of narration of the copies. However, Rippin does not have the copies of Atıf Efendi and Esad Efendi. In addition, unlike this article, Rippin’s work did not focus on the content of the copies, nor did it present the dialect density through tables, graphs, genealogies, and maps, or center on the problem discussed in the article. In a section of Muhammad Salim Muhsin’s al-Muqtabas min al-Lahajāt al-ʿArabiyyah wa-al-Qurʾāniyyah, the tribes to which gharīb words are attributed are tabulated based on the copy in the annex to Jalālayn. However, no analysis was made based on this table and no map was created. Another study that can be associated with this article due to its title is Soner Gündüzöz’s article titled “Kur’ân’da Yerleşik Gramer&nbsp;Kurallarına Aykırı Dil Yapıları ve Kur’ân’ın Lehçe Haritası Üzerine İnceleme (I-II)”. The article, which does not geographically map the dialects, focuses on the grammatical dimension of dialectal differences in the Qurʾān, not the meaning dimension.In this study, all kinds of data that can be associated with the dialects in ʿAṭā’s narrations have been processed and the claims about the language of the Qurʾān have been tested based on quantitative and qualitative data. First of all, six different manuscript versions of ʿAṭā’s narrations are identified and these versions are shown in the isnad tree. Subsequently, the table of gharīb words of the narrations in three copies, namely Esad Efendi, Atıf Efendi and Zayl of Jalālayn, is given. From this table, content analysis was made on the nature of the Qurʾānic language based on the common words used by more than one tribe. Then, 35 tribes and 7 regions are mentioned and the percentage graphs of the references to tribes are given. Then, the position of these tribes in the genealogical tree of the Arabs of the ʿĀriba and Mustaʿriba is shown with the number of references. Finally, the geographical locations of 35 tribes and 7 regions in the Arabian Peninsula were determined and analyzed in terms of the language of the Qurʾān. As a result of the processed data, a lot of valuable information was obtained. As a result of the data obtained, it was determined that two-thirds of the Qurʾānic language in the context of dialects is in the Muḍar dialect, which includes the Quraysh dialect, and the remaining third is in the dialect of the ʿĀriba Arabs. According to the analyzed data, it was seen that a conscious meta-language was constructed in the Qurʾān by pursuing an inclusive policy. In addition, since this project is based on the sources of Gharīb al-Qurʾān, it has been concluded that the nature of the first period Gharīb al-Qurʾān in the project is the first period Qurʾānic lexicography and mostly refers to dialects.

Mapping the Dialect Density of the Qurʾān: In the Context of ʿAṭā b. Abī Rabāḥ’s Gharīb al-Qurʾān

Constructing Imperial Authority: Fazıl Ahmed Pasha’s Governorships in Erzurum and Damascus (1659-1661)

Furkan

This study examines the arguments developed by Ibn Sīnā (Avicenna, d. 1037) against the possibility of actual infinity in nature and the evaluations of these arguments by Fakhr alDīn al-Rāzī (d. 1210). The three main arguments under scrutiny are the collimation argument (burhān al-muwāzāt), the ladder argument (burhān al-sullamī), and the mapping argument (burhān al-taṭbīq). Before delving into the specifics of these arguments, the study first defines how infinity is conceptualized by Ibn Sīnā and identifies the types of infinity addressed by these arguments.Ibn Sīnā’s works, including al-Najāt, Uyūn al-ḥikma, al-Shifā’: al-Tabīiyāt (Physics), and al-Ishārāt wa’l-Tanbīhāt, as well as his treatise Fī ḥaqīqat mā lā nihāyat lahu (On the Reality of the Infinite), reveal his in-depth treatment of the topic. According to Ibn Sīnā, infinity is defined as something that, regardless of what portion is taken from it, always leaves more behind. This definition applies primarily to quantities and inherently implies inexhaustibility. Ibn Sīnā’s nuanced view distinguishes between different types of infinities, such as quantitative, spatial, and temporal infinities, each of which requires separate consideration within his arguments.&nbsp;Ibn Sīnā’s arguments against actual infinity specifically target entities that are sequentially ordered by nature or position. He does not reject the existence of potential infinity, such as the divisibility of bodies, time, or motion. Moreover, he does not deny the possibility of infinite time or motion, as their parts do not coexist simultaneously but instead unfold successively. His rejection of actual infinity focuses on objects that are simultaneously present and sequentially ordered by their nature or position. Ibn Sīnā’s careful delineation between potential and actual infinity is critical, as it allows for infinite divisibility in theory while maintaining the impossibility of infinite magnitudes in practice.&nbsp;The collimation argument asserts the impossibility of infinite dimensions by illustrating the contradictions that arise when imagining a finite ray intersecting an infinite line. Ibn Sīnā argues that such an intersection would require the identification of a specific point on the infinite line, which is inherently contradictory. Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī critiques this argument, suggesting that its premises fail to conclusively demonstrate the impossibility of infinity. He raises questions about the logical coherence of the assumptions underlying the argument and points to alternative interpretations of infinite dimensions.Ibn Sīnā uses the ladder argument to show that dimensions cannot extend infinitely in space. He constructs a scenario where an infinite series of dimensions leads to contradictions regarding the measurement and addition of finite increments. Al-Rāzī identifies weaknesses in the premises of the argument, particularly questioning the necessity of equal increments&nbsp;in an infinite series. He concludes that the ladder argument is invalid unless its premises are supplemented with additional proofs. Al-Rāzī further notes that the argument’s reliance on hypothetical constructs undermines its applicability to real-world scenarios.The mapping argument is the most comprehensive, addressing not only the impossibility of infinite physical bodies but also infinite numerical sequences. Ibn Sīnā employs this argument to demonstrate that infinite magnitudes lead to logical inconsistencies when compared or mapped. Al-Rāzī largely supports this argument, defending it against hypothetical objections and extending its application to both physical and conceptual infinities. He acknowledges the robustness of the mapping argument in addressing not only the impossibility of infinite bodies but also its implications for mathematical and metaphysical infinity.While Al-Rāzī critiques the collimation and ladder arguments, he acknowledges the validity of the mapping argument. He also engages with objections raised by earlier philosophers and theologians, such as the differentiation between infinite voids and infinite bodies. Al-Rāzī argues that the mapping argument applies equally to voids and bodies, dismissing the distinction made by theologians as inconsistent. Al-Rāzī’s broader critique reflects his philosophical rigor in addressing the foundational assumptions underlying each argument. His engagement with theological perspectives further highlights the interdisciplinary implications of the debate on infinity.As a result Ibn Sīnā’s three arguments collectively aim to demonstrate the impossibility of actual infinity in nature, with a specific focus on sequentially ordered entities. Al-Rāzī’s critiques reveal significant weaknesses in the collimation and ladder arguments while affirming the robustness of the mapping argument. Ultimately, the study underscores the philosophical depth of both Ibn Sīnā and Al-Rāzī in addressing one of the most challenging concepts in metaphysics and natural philosophy. By examining the strengths and limitations of each argument, this study contributes to a deeper understanding of the intellectual legacy of these two prominent thinkers and their enduring relevance in contemporary philosophical discourse.

Arguments Against the Actual Infinity in Nature: A Study Focusing on Ibn Sīnā and Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī

Hava

The sixteenth century was a period during which the concepts of spices, trade, and imperial dominance gained immense significance, and the competition among major powers intensified. In this era, the struggles for control of maritime routes and economic resources extended beyond trade, encompassing religious, cultural, and political conflicts. The Ottoman Empire, seeking to extend its Mediterranean victories to the Indian Ocean, found its place in a setting marked by competition between galleys and galleons. As the leading power of the Islamic world, the Ottomans aimed to defend the holy lands and maintain control over vital sea routes. This period witnessed a series of violent clashes between the Cross and the Crescent. Conflicts in the Red Sea, Indian Ocean, and Persian Gulf were often portrayed in contemporary sources with exaggerated expressions or inflammatory rhetoric.Catholic Portugal, in its pursuit of control over Eastern trade routes, also viewed the spread of Christianity in these regions as a key mission. By reaching India and securing control over the spice trade route, the Portuguese sought not only economic gain but also the spread of Catholicism and the establishment of Christian dominance in the East. However, this mission led to significant religious and political tensions, particularly with powerful Muslim states such as the Mamluks and the Ottomans. Portuguese chronicles frequently presented these struggles from a biased perspective, shaped by deep-seated prejudices against Islam. Historians such as João de Barros, Diogo do Couto, Gaspar Correia, and Fernão Lopes de Castanheda celebrated only Portuguese victories and the successes of their commanders, while framing their depictions of Islam and Muslims in ways that emphasized Christian superiority and lacked objectivity.The hate speech found in these works was often directed at the life and teachings of Prophet Muhammad. Portuguese writers employed derogatory terms, such as “false prophet”, to describe Muhammad, portraying him as a heretical and misguided figure. Given the religious and political context of the time, it is evident that these portrayals were deliberately crafted to reflect a biased viewpoint. Writers like João de Barros and Damião de Góis sought to depict Muhammad as a heretical leader, and such narratives can be interpreted not only as attacks on a religious figure but also as attempts to justify Portugal’s colonial mission.Portuguese hostility toward Islam intensified after the capture of the port of Jeddah. Aiming to reach and control the holy cities of Mecca and Medina, the Portuguese began to take increasingly radical actions. Allegations, such as plans to steal the remains of Prophet Muhammad, reflected the discomfort Portuguese colonial authorities felt regarding Jerusalem being under Muslim control. However, these plans proved unsuccessful and only served to create more enemies. Portuguese governors in India, following royal directives, sought to eliminate Muslim presence in the region. In this context, the Portuguese efforts in the Red Sea and their plans to desecrate Prophet Muhammad’s tomb were ultimately thwarted. This failure only further fueled Portuguese animosity, and ships sent from India began to explore new maritime routes. Based in Goa, the Portuguese state occasionally exploited the rivalries between Muslim states to its advantage. One such strategy involved establishing friendly relations, gaining trust, and then betraying that trust to inflict harm. This tactic was not only aimed at achieving economic gain but also at expanding Portugal’s political influence.The aim of this article is to explore how the perception of Muslims was shaped in Western literature, particularly in a period when Portuguese sources were underutilized in Turkish scholarship. These observations will be presented in the form of direct translations, without intervention, and the expressions related to Muslims in the Portuguese chronicles will be examined, sometimes supported by Portuguese archival documents. The relationships with Muslims in regions spanning from the Red Sea to the Indian Ocean will be analyzed in detail in the context of religious factors. In this context, we can assert that the perception of Islam created by the Portuguese and the gaps in their historical narratives hold great significance in contemporary historiography

Some Observations on the Perception of Muslims in 16th Century Portuguese Chronicles

Sedat

Bilge

With the Ottoman conquest of Constantinople, Hagia Sophia entered a new cultural and ideological context, where it was reinterpreted within the evolving framework of Ottoman perceptions. This process, initiated in the early Ottoman period, marked the empire’s first direct engagement with Hagia Sophia, shaping impressions that were subsequently articulated in texts, primarily historical chronicles. The portrayal of Hagia Sophia in these chronicles reflects the emergence of an “Ottoman Hagia Sophia,” shaped by political decisions, patronage networks, the roles of historians, and the legendary Byzantine historical narratives that preceded them. Each chronicle, composed by different authors, reflects diverse perspectives influenced by the sources they drew upon and the political environment in which they were written.The policies pursued during the reigns of Mehmed II (r. 1451–1481) and Bayezid II (r. 1481–1512) played a decisive role in shaping the attitudes of chroniclers. During this period, the Ottoman rulers sought to establish a new empire to replace Byzantium while simultaneously positioning themselves as leaders of the Islamic world. Though a common practice in conquered territories, Mehmed II’s conversion of Hagia Sophia into a mosque played a crucial role in constructing an imperial image. The transformation of Hagia Sophia served to transfer its religious and political significance from Byzantine to Ottoman sovereignty, reinforcing the legitimacy of the new empire.The chronicles that emerged between the mid-15th and early 16th centuries were written under the influence of these political developments and often reflected the interests of ruling elites. As historiography developed as an extension of political authority, chroniclers presented differing narratives based on their affiliations. From Mehmed II’s reign onward, Ottoman chronicles became divided into pro-imperial and anti-imperial accounts, reflecting tensions between the central administration and the frontier begs, gazis, and dervishes. One of the&nbsp;central points of contention was Mehmed II’s decision to establish Istanbul as the imperial capital, a move that reshaped political power structures.In pro-imperial Ottoman chronicles, the monumental and architectural transformation of Hagia Sophia played a key role in legitimizing Ottoman rule. These texts sought to appropriate the imperial legacy of the structure by embedding it within an Islamic framework, mirroring the Christian connotations attributed to Hagia Sophia in Byzantine historiography. Ottoman chroniclers thus imbued Hagia Sophia with Islamic significance, reinforcing the empirebuilding policies of the period. This shift represents a crucial turning point in Hagia Sophia’s historical trajectory, as the narratives constructed in this period significantly influenced its later perception as an Ottoman imperial mosque.Conversely, anti-imperial chronicles treated Hagia Sophia’s association with the emperor and the empire in a more superficial manner. While they acknowledged the building’s incorporation into an Islamic framework, they also emphasized its Byzantine Christian past, preserving narratives that were sometimes incongruous with Ottoman-Islamic interpretations.Focusing on the Early Classical Period, when the Ottoman conceptualization of Hagia Sophia took shape, this study examines its historical evolution through the chronicles of Yazıcıoghlu Aḥmed Bīcān, Ṭūrsūn Beg, Oruç Beg, Idrīs Bitlīsī, İbn Kemāl, and the Anonymous Tevārīkh-i Āl-i ʿOthmān. By analyzing early Ottoman chronicles, this research investigates the processes through which Hagia Sophia’s architectural identity was constructed and transformed in the half-century following the conquest. The central question guiding this study is: How was Hagia Sophia historicized through architectural concepts and approaches in Ottoman chronicles between 1451 and 1512?In this context, the study explores how Hagia Sophia was represented in historical texts, both immediately after the conquest and in the period following the construction of monumental structures such as the Fātiḥ Mosque, which symbolically “rivaled” it. The interplay between various sources also forms a key dimension of this research. Accordingly, the study examines the influence of Byzantine historical texts, particularly ninth-century works such as the Diegesis, and analyzes how Ottoman authors adapted and reinterpreted these sources within the intellectual framework of Ottoman and Islamic thought in composing their own historical narratives.

Historicizing Hagia Sophia: The Conception of Hagia Sophia in Early Classical Ottoman Chronicles (1451–1512)

Şaban

Maḥmūd al-Fanārī introduces himself in his Risāla fī bayān faḍīlat al-‘ilm as Mahmūd ibn Pīr Muḥammad ibn ‘Alī ibn Yūsuf b. al-Fanārī. His father is Pīr Muḥammad who is the son of a former qāḍīaskar ‘Alā al-Dīn al-Fanārī. Maḥmūd al-Fanārī’s birthdate is unknown even though he is a member of one of the most prominent ulamā families in the Ottoman Empire. According to his own notes on al-Shaqāiq al-Nu‘māniyya, his first teacher is Muḥy al-Dīn al-Muḥammad, imām of Kalenderhane Cami. After completing his education, he became a professor (mudarris) in İsa Bey Medresesi. He became a judge in Maraş at 1000/1592. He died at 1007/1099 while he was the judge of Ṭrāblūs al-Shām. He has two sons: Shāh Muḥammad and Shaykhī Muḥammad. After the seventeenth century, the descendants of the Fanārī family are mentioned to have continued through Maḥmūd al-Fanārī. He was also a khalīfa of Üftāde Efendi and his son married a granddaughter of Üftāde Efendi.Maḥmūd al-Fanārī, in the introduction of his treatise on discretionary punishment (ta‘zīr), allocates a significant section to explain the reason for writing the work, which sets it apart from other treatises on the same subject written during the same period. According to the author’s statements, during his time, turmoil and corruption have become widespread, with an increase in attacks on people’s honor, making their dignity a target. The crimes requiring discretionary punishment have increased, but the penalties that should be imposed for these crimes have decreased. Due to the circumstances prevailing at that time and the author’s desire to assist religion and remain committed to sharī‘a, he was inspired to write a treatise that combines issues related to discretionary punishments and crimes prescribed by shar‘īa. The author has gathered related matters from fatwā, wāqi‘āt, fiqh, and hadīth books and mentioned them along with their evidence. After citing various verses and the opinions of prominent jurists regarding the legitimacy of discretionary punishment, Maḥmūd al-Fanārī proceeded to the main part of the treatise, which deals with crimes subject to ta‘zīr. Among the discretionary crimes that al Fanārī addressed are the following: Forgery in documents, showing frivolity in religious matters, deflowering a virgin girl through force, cutting off someone’s horse’s tail or a slave girl’s hair, forcing someone into murder or adultery, blasphemy and debauchery becoming habitual, changing one’s religious sect, engaging in corruption and mischief as a habit, inflicting harm upon a Muslim through words or actions, involvement in sorcery and causing someone’s death by poisoning. Maḥmūd al-Fanārī has not mentioned anything other than a narration related to the topic in the Hanafī tradition regarding the fine, which was one of the most common forms of discretionary punishment during his time. al-Fanārī's complaint about the increase in discretionary crimes mentioned in the introduction of the treatise and the decrease in punishments for these crimes &nbsp;can be understood in connection with the practices existing during his time regarding the fine. The legal understanding of discretionary punishment, which was determined by the state in the legislation enacted from the time of Fatih, involved converting corporal punishments into fines. However, al-Fanārī's silence on the issue of fines and his failure to provide any interpretation regarding the narration he cited eliminate this possibility.The main source Maḥmūd al-Fanārī used in his treatise is al-Fatāwā al-Tātārkhāniyya. In fact, it would not be an exaggeration to say that the treatise is a partial summary of the ta‘zīr section of the aforementioned book. The quotations from different books that al-Fanārī cited are actually taken from al-Tātārkhāniyya through paraphrasing. Since al-Fanārī does not mention his main source in these instances, al-Tātārkhāniyya often goes unnoticed. Sometimes, when al-Fanārī quotes from other works without directly citing them, it gives the impression that he personally accessed the sources mentioned in those quotations. However, it is thanks to the primary work, which is the main source, that l-Fanārī had access to these materials in his treatise.

Maḥmūd al-Fanārī’s Life and His Treatise on Ta‘zīr

Yasir

Review of “Tradition of Knowledge in the Mamluk Period – II”

Copyright in Islamic Law Project

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Şahabettin

This study aims to investigate the utterance and meaning properties of augmented (mezîd) verbs expressing reflexivity (mutâva‘at) in the Arabic Language. In this study, dictionary definitions of the word ‘mutâva'at’, reflexivity measures of triliteral (sülâsi) verbs, augmented (mezîd) verbs expressing reflexivity (mutâva‘at), usage characteristics of the verbs expressing reflexivity, the opinions of grammarians about reflexivity and comparison of the verbs stating reflexivity with intransitive and passive verbs will be examined in the light of examples from the Qur’an, Arabic poetry and proverbs.Verbs play a significant role in Arabic grammar. Expressing judgment with verb sentences forms the basis of expressing thoughts in Arabic. Arab grammarians, from the time of Sîbeveyhî to the present day, have given special importance to verb patterns and their meanings whether they are mücerred (pure) verbs or mezîd (augmented) verbs. Understanding Arabic texts correctly and translating them appropriately in Turkish is closely related to knowing verb measures and their meanings. In grammar books, verbs have been dealt with under various sub-titles. Active-passive (ma‘lûm-meçhûl), transitive-intransitive (müte‘addî-lâzım), soundweak (sahîh-mu‘tel) and declinable-indeclinable (mutasarrıf-câmid) can be given as examples of these titles. Another important sub-topic of verbs is augmented (mezîd) verbs and their meanings. Verbs in Arabic are divided into two parts depending on whether their letters are original or not. The first category is pure (mücerred) verbs all letters of which are original, and the second one is augmented (mezîd) verbs to which letters are attached. In the Arabic language there are different meanings that augmented verbs express and reflexivity is one of them. Verbs which carry the meaning of reflexivity were used both in religious texts and in Arabic poetry and proverbs during the time before Islam (Câhiliyya).This study uses the scanning method, one of the data collection methods, to analyze and evaluate the collected data, and the views of the Arab grammarians on the subject were included. In order to better understand the subjects, the Qur'an, Arabic poetry and proverbs were quoted. In our preliminary research, it was found that there was no academic study on verbs expressing reflexivity in Arabic. Thus, we decided to prepare this study under the title of “Verbs Expressing Reflexivity in Arabic Language” to close this gap, even if only slightly.In the Arabic language, “infi‘âl” is the basic measure in terms of reflexivity. The measure of “infi‘âl”, which is one of the augmented verbs, is always intransitive and it never takes a direct object (mef‘ûlün bih). While other augmented verbs express other meanings beside reflexivity, the measure of “infi‘âl” only expresses reflexivity. In the Arabic language, there&nbsp;also some other augmented measures expressing reflexivity. Verbs that express reflexivity are not a different notation of intransitive verbs since there are also some transitive verbs with the meaning of reflexivity which take a direct object. However, intransitive verbs can never receive direct objects. Verbs that express reflexivity are divided into two in terms of transitiveness. The first category is that of reflexive (mutâvî‘) verbs that are always intransitive and the other is that of reflexive verbs which are transitive. Other augmented verbs stating reflexivity are also intransitive most of the time.&nbsp;While the topic of verbs is covered along with nouns and letters in grammar books, some books are dedicated only to verbs like the example of Kitâbu fa‘altü ve ef‘altü of Ebû İshâk ez-Zeccâc. In the words of Ibn Hisham, the meaning of reflexivity (mutâva‘at) is that the first of the two verbs creates an effect and the agent of the second verb accepts this effect. Agents of the verbs that express reflexivity have the meaning of object (mef‘ûl). In other words, agents of the verbs expressing reflexivity are not real agents which create an effect because these agents do not describe an action, state or occurrence, but on the contrary they are affected by the action.As a basic fact of grammar taught by Arab grammarians, verbs expressing the meaning of reflexivity are not regular. Radıyüddîn al-Esterâbâdî also says that the use of augmented verbs is irregular, and that those things that are heard from the Arabs should be taken as a basis when deciding which pure triliteral verb comes in which augmented verb measure.&nbsp;Arab grammarians included the style of reflexivity in their works and explained their conditions and features of their usage by giving examples from verse and poetry. There is no significant difference of opinion among the grammarians on the subject of reflexivity. The first grammarian who dealt with reflexivity was Sîbeveyhî. Later grammarians followed in his footsteps. Definitions of reflexivity given by later grammarians such as Radıyyüddîn elEsterâbâdî ve İbn Hişâm el-Ensârî were clearer and more precise, and their way of dealing with the issue was more systematic. Verbs expressing reflexivity are active in terms of utterance and passive with regard to meaning. Some grammarians, such as Sîbeveyhî, evaluate the verbs that express reflexivity in the same category as passive verbs in terms of meaning.

Augmented Verbs Expressing Reflexivity (Mutâva‘at)  in the Arabic Language

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Serhan

Religion, which means “path, faith, tradition, bond, servitude” in all cultures, is a phenomenon that changes individual and social life with very strong influences. From this point of view, religion plays an important role in the formation of an individual's personality by contributing to their level of consciousness. We can also say that each religion has established a common ‘language of religion’ to form a common perception. In this respect, revelation is a sign this common language of religion and a state of communication in which God himself addresses in a language that humans speak. In other words, the revelation -word of God- that determines an individual's relationship with themselves, their surroundings, and God is presented to human understanding using the Qur'an's own linguistic and stylistic characteristics within the possibilities and limits of the Arabic language. Hence, in order to actualize this addressaddressee dialectic, the Qur'an takes into account the perceptions and concepts of the society it was revealed to and forms a common world view formed by the values of the society such as language, faith, culture, and history. Moreover, it actualizes the most beautiful transformation and change of the individual's mindset and identity by using the Qur'anic Style, which is the language's own style of expression, in verse and language form. Indeed, the correct understanding of the divine word is made possible by taking into account its distinctive Quranic language, its style, and its ikhbari (pronouncement) and inshai (constructive) sentence structures in parallel with its style of expression. In this way, it contains the transitivity in which one can be included in the context of the other from time to time in the course of the Qur'anic style, and it turns into the inshai structure, which is a higher style of the ikhbari form, and drives its addressees to change their actions.&nbsp;This study aims to identify the main subject of Surat Al-Infitar by taking into account the relationship between the addressees and the environment in light of the methods that are unique to the Qur'anic style offered as a linguistic method of understanding the Qur'an and the style of the language of religion that encompasses the whole of the Qur'an. In this sense, our study takes into account the constructional (inshai) structure that plays a role in manifesting&nbsp;and turning the warning (ikhbari) expressions for doomsday -like the sky will break apart, the stars will fall- into action mostly "here-now", beyond the informing of the future apocalypse. Therefore, the study tries to address the surah as a whole within the framework of the specific language structure of the divine word and the Qur'anic style. Thanks to this information that forms the basis of the method of the Qur'anic style, the verse(s) and/or the surah turns the gayb (invisible) sphere like the apocalypse, the judgement day, the hereafter into an active "event" and a new "action" happening "here-now" through the issues of the testimonial sphere of this world in a style that can be understood by all. As it were, the surah creates the comprehension of the truth of the revelation, which is first and foremost the first stage of the God-man relationship, through the reality of the change in the cosmic structure. And it also creates the understanding of "the hereafter with the consciousness of reckoning". Accordingly, it lays the burden of personal responsibility to the individual and it shows how the will and power of the divine truth manifests.&nbsp;In this context, the surah talks about the cosmic changes that took place during the events of doomsday which transforms into kalami action through Allah's taqwini laws and turns this action into morality. The surah begins with "doomsday" scenes that can be described as "the sudden occurrence of an event and/or the beginning of cosmic change" as if to show a new era is about to begin. The word infitar, which gives its name to the Surah, means "splitting, disturbing the existing order, interfering with something". And in this context, it is interpreted as "without knowing its nature, the revelation of the commandments of God to the Earth either through the descent of the Angels or by the greatness of the Lord". In our opinion, these events are aimed at drawing attention to the reality, nature, and possibility of the divine revelation, as well as emphasizing to their addressees that the old corrupt order will be replaced by a new one. As a matter of fact, when we take into account the revelation course of the Qur'an, we see that it conveys its divine message to a society where the majority were illiterate and thought it impossible for Allah to send his divine message to its addressees by means of a human being who also was illiterate. In addition, the context of forward-looking ikhbari statements reveals to us the inshai structure of the issues towards this world. In this sense, the surah builds a religious and moral consciousness through taqwini/qawni verses beyond just giving information. The point that draws attention here is that the qawni verses are both verses themselves, and that they are accepted as signs, prognostics, that is, intellectual evidence of the truth that exists in their own selves. It reflects the greatest evidence for the positioning of the revelation the fact that all beings, including the earth, sky, and man, with their apparent–known features witnessed by themselves are a verse. And it plays a role in the comprehension that they are all parts of the same whole, including this revelation. Moreover, in the minds of the addressees, who thought that it was impossible for Allah to send his message through the Prophet Muhammad Who was ontologically human, the entity to which they ascribe sanctity gains a new meaning and the actions created by this meaning explain the possibility of such revelation.&nbsp;Thus, a&nbsp;consciousness about everything that the Allah-universe relationship represents is created in the addressees and the absolute creative power behind this truth is pointed out. Therefore, the main subject of the surah is the creation of the awareness of the day of reckoning and the understanding of the hereafter, which is put forth with a style that is simultaneous with the possibility of the divine revelation, its nature and its reality.In line with this perspective, our work offers to read the depictions of the doomsday which belongs to the gayb for humans, the topics concerning the hereafter like the awareness of the day of reckoning in inshai form in the context of Qur'anic style. In this respect, our article attempts to understand and explain the effects of the Qur'anic style that are reflected in this world and which turn it into action and morality here and now, not in terms of the “reality and/or awareness of the scenes of the apocalypse”. Of course, this study, taken in the context of the Qur'anic style, is an effort aimed at basing not the style itself but only its method and, in parallel, determining the main idea of the surah.

Surat Al-Infitar in Terms of Qur’anic Style

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Journal of Islamic Review - İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi is the publication of Institute of Islamic Studies at Istanbul University. It is an open access, scholarly, peer-reviewed journal published biannually in March and September. Manuscripts submitted for publication should be in Turkish, English or Arabic.

The Journal of Islamic Review, is a double-blinded peer-reviewed journal that includes national and international scientific studies that apply disciplinary, interdisciplinary and multidisciplinary methods in the field of Islamic sciences such as Major Islamic Sciences, Philosophy and Religious Sciences, and Islamic History and Arts.

The journal publishes research papers, research notes, book reviews, symposium promotions and manuscripts.   Articles submitted to the Journal of Islamic Review are evaluated according to the double blind review system.

Brief History

With the closure of İstanbul Dârulfünun (University) Faculty of Theology in 1933, the Institute of Islamic Studies, established within the Faculty of Literature, was closed down in 1941, and it was reopened again in 1953 under the direction of its director Zeki Velidi Togan and deputy director Fuat Sezgin. The Institute, whose status was changed to a research center in 1982, became affiliated to the rectorate of Istanbul University in 2018. Despite the change in its status, a peer-reviewed scientific journal has continued to operate within the Institute since its establishment.

The journal was published as “The Journal of the Institute of Islamic Studies” between 1953 and 1982, and as “The Journal of Islamic Studies” between 1982 and 1995 in nine volumes and fourteen different issues. The journal resumed publication in March 2020.

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Journal of Islamic Review

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The Journal of Islamic Review aims to contribute to the accumulation of knowledge in the field of Islamic sciences by publishing studies with scientific qualifications at national and international level.The Journal of Islamic Review is a double-blinded peer-reviewed journal that prioritizes research in the history of Islamic science, culture, and civilization.The journal publishes research articles, review articles, research notes, book reviews, symposium/workshop promotions, etc. in Turkish, English and Arabic.

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The journal is committed to upholding the highest standards of publication ethics and pays regard to Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing published by the <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, the <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, the <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a>, and the <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> on <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a> The subjects covered in the manuscripts submitted to the Journal for publication must be in accordance with the aim and scope of the Journal. Only those manuscripts approved by every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Changing the name of an author (omission, addition or order) in papers submitted to the Journal requires written permission of all declared authors.Plagiarism, duplication, fraud authorship/denied authorship, research/data fabrication, salami slicing/salami publication, breaching of copyrights, prevailing conflict of interest are unethical behaviors. All manuscripts not in accordance with the accepted ethical standards will be removed from the publication. This also contains any possible malpractice discovered after the publication. Plagiarism Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. If plagiarism/self-plagiarism will be found authors will be informed. Editors may resubmit manuscript for similarity check at any peer-review or production stage if required. High similarity scores may lead to rejection of a manuscript before and even after acceptance. Depending on the type of article and the percentage of similarity score taken from each article, the overall similarity score is generally expected to be less than 15 or 20%. Double Blind Peer-Review After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by the editors-in-chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope. The editor provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles and hands over the papers matching the formal rules to at least two national/international referees for evaluation and gives green light for publication upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.

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The Artificial Intelligence Policy, prepared in light of developments in artificial intelligence (AI) and practices in scholarly publishing, sets out the editorial and ethical principles that authors, reviewers, and editors should follow when using such technologies. The following sources have been considered in the preparation of the AI policy:Committee on Publication Ethics <a href="https://publicationethics.org/guidance/cope-position/authorship-and-ai-tools" target="_blank">(COPE) - Authorship and AI tools</a>; International Committee of Medical Journal Editors <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/browse/roles-and-responsibilities/defining-the-role-of-authors-and-contributors.html#four" target="_blank">(ICMJE) - Artificial Intelligence (AI)-Assisted Technology; World Association of Medical Editors  (WAME) Chatbots, Generative AI, and Scholarly Manuscripts</a><a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/browse/roles-and-responsibilities/defining-the-role-of-authors-and-contributors.html#four"></a>AI-assisted technologies (such as large language models [LLMs], chatbots, or image generators) can develop and produce a wide variety of content, including text, images, audio, and synthetic data. When used ethically and safely, these capabilities can increase productivity and foster innovation, but when used without human guidance, they pose risks such as inaccurate and biased results, omissions and errors in citations, deficiencies in protecting privacy and intellectual property rights, and potential violations of authors' and publishers' rights. IUPress adopts the following core principles to avoid these risks in the use of AI:  <ul><li>Details of any AI used in the production of content (including but not limited to text, figures, images, and code) must be declared and clearly explained in the appropriate section of the paper (as an acknowledgement and/or in the methods section). </li><li>No AI tool may be listed as an author in any scientific paper. </li><li>Authors are responsible for the accuracy, completeness, and originality of their work, even if AI is used in any way; they are responsible for the proper referencing and attribution of others' ideas, data, words, or other materials. </li><li>Reviewers and editors must not upload submitted work, in whole or in part, to any generative AI application.</li></ul>In the editorial processes of IUPress publications, tools are available to assist editors in identifying AI-generated content. On the other hand, it is common to use AI tools that provide suggestions for improving and enhancing readability, language, and grammar, and such AI tools can be used in IUPress publications under the supervision of editors and authors.

Artificial Intelligence Policy

<ul><li>Authors are required to declare if they have used AI-assisted technologies (such as large language models [LLMs], chatbots, or image generators) in the creation of their submitted work. </li><li>Authors should explain, both in the cover letter and in the appropriate section of the submitted paper (as a footnote and/or in the methods section), which AI tool and which version of it they have used and for what purpose. </li><li>Authors should also indicate how they used the AI tool and how they assessed the validity of the results obtained using this technology, and what aspects of the paper, manuscript content, data or supporting files were influenced by the use of the AI tool or were generated by AI.</li><li>It is the authors' responsibility to ensure the accuracy, validity and appropriateness of content and citations generated by AI-assisted technologies and to eliminate potential errors, inconsistencies and biased results. </li><li>Authors should always check the original sources to eliminate possible plagiarism, recognising that there is a potential for plagiarism in texts produced with AI-assisted technologies. They should confirm that they have checked and that the sources are original.  </li><li>AI-assisted tools (such as ChatGPT) cannot be listed as authors because they cannot be responsible for the accuracy, integrity, and originality of the work, and these responsibilities are essential to authorship. Therefore, authors are responsible for all material involving the use of AI-assisted technologies. Authors should ensure that all statements in the article that state the hypotheses, interpretations, conclusions, limitations, and implications of the study represent their own opinions.  </li><li>Studies created by authors using AI tools in the following ways, which substitute for the basic researcher's and author's responsibilities, violate the principles of scientific publishing and publication ethics, and such studies are not eligible for inclusion in publications: </li></ul><ul><ul><li>Generation of text or code without rigorous review, </li><li>Generation of synthetic data to replace missing data without a robust methodology, </li><li>Creation of any inaccurate, synthetic content, including abstracts or supplementary materials, </li><li>Creation and manipulation of images and figures (pictures, graphs, data tables, medical images, image snippets, computer codes and formulae) or original research data (enhancing, hiding, moving, removing or adding a particular feature within an image or figure) using AI.</li></ul></ul>

It is essential to maintain confidentiality in the peer review process and not to share or use the reviewed work in this process. <a href="https://publicationethics.org/sites/default/files/ethical-guidelines-peer-reviewers-cope.pdf" target="_blank">(COPE – Ethical Guidelines for Peer Reviewers</a>)<ul><li>Reviewers should not upload a manuscript or part of a manuscript submitted to them for review to generative AI tools or large language models to assist in the review, evaluation or decision-making process, as uploading content to such AI tools by reviewers violates the authors' privacy and property rights.  </li><li>Reviewing a scientific paper is a responsibility that can only be undertaken by human beings. The critical thinking and original evaluation required for peer review is beyond the scope of this technology, and there is a risk that the technology will produce inaccurate, incomplete or biased conclusions about the paper. The peer review report and decision letters should reflect the personal assessment of the reviewers and editors of the submitted content. The reviewer is responsible and accountable for the content of his/her report. </li><li>AI tools may be used in a limited way to improve the quality of the language of the peer review report (for translation or language editing) in the context of peer review. If such use is made, the reviewer must declare the use when submitting the report. </li><li>Reviewers who suspect inappropriate or undisclosed use of generative AI in a submission should report their concerns to the editor.</li></ul>

Editors are obliged to ensure that the confidentiality of the manuscripts submitted to the journal is maintained during the evaluation process, and it is essential that the peer-reviewed work is not shared or used outside the parties involved in that process. (COPE - Code of Conduct and Best Practice Guidelines for Journal Editors) <a href="https://publicationethics.org/files/Code_of_conduct_for_journal_editors_Mar11.pdf" target="_blank">(COPE – Code of Conduct and Best Practice Guidelines for Journal Editors)</a>.<ul><li>Editors should not upload a submitted article, or any part of it, to generative Artificial Intelligence tools or Big Language Models to assist in the review, evaluation or decision-making process, as this may violate authors' privacy and property rights. </li><li>Managing the editorial review of a scientific article implies responsibilities that can only be attributed to humans. Generative AI or AI-assisted technologies should not be used by editors to assist in the evaluation or decision-making process of an article, as the critical thinking and original evaluation required for this task is beyond the scope of this technology and there is a risk that the technology will produce inaccurate, incomplete or biased conclusions about the article. The editor is responsible and accountable for the editorial process, the final decision and its communication to the authors.</li><li>Editors should not use generative AI tools to compose decision letters or abstracts of unpublished research. </li><li>Editors may use generative AI tools to help find appropriate reviewers.</li><li>If editors suspect the use of generative AI in a submitted manuscript or a submitted referee report, they should conduct an editorial review of the matter and consider the policy.</li></ul>

General Principles A maximum of two articles produced from graduate theses can be published in each issue. It is essential that the articles conform to the article format with a new arrangement.An author whose article is published in our journal will not have another article published in the following issue.Ethical PrincipleJournal of Islamic Review - İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi is committed to upholding the highest standards of publication ethics and pays regard to Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing published by the <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, the <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, the <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a>, and the <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> on <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a>Submitted manuscripts must be in accordance with the aim and scope of the journal. Only those manuscripts have not been published before or are not in the evaluation process in another journal and whose content and submission have been approved by each author are accepted for evaluation.Changing the name of an author (omission, addition or order) in papers submitted to the journal requires written permission of all declared authors.Plagiarism, duplication, fraud authorship/denied authorship, research/data fabrication, salami slicing/salami publication, breaching of copyrights, prevailing conflict of interest are unethical behaviors. All manuscripts not in accordance with the accepted ethical standards will be removed from the publication. This also contains any possible malpractice discovered after the publication.

Ethics

The journal adheres to the highest standards in research ethics and follows the principles of international research ethics as defined below. The authors are responsible for the compliance of the manuscripts with the ethical rules.<ul><li>Principles of integrity, quality and transparency should be sustained in designing the research, reviewing the design and conducting the research.</li><li>The research team and participants should be fully informed about the aim, methods, possible uses and requirements of the research and risks of participation in research.</li><li>The confidentiality of the information provided by the research participants and the confidentiality of the respondents should be ensured. The research should be designed to protect the autonomy and dignity of the participants.</li><li>Research participants should participate in the research voluntarily, not under any coercion.</li><li>Any possible harm to participants must be avoided. The research should be planned in such a way that the participants are not at risk.</li><li>The independence of research must be clear; and any conflict of interest or must be disclosed.</li><li>In experimental studies with human subjects, written informed consent of the participants who decide to participate in the research must be obtained. In the case of children and those under wardship or with confirmed insanity, legal custodian’s assent must be obtained.</li><li>If the study is to be carried out in any institution or organization, approval must be obtained from this institution or organization.</li><li>In studies with human subject, it must be noted in the method’s section of the manuscript that the informed consent of the participants and ethics committee approval from the institution where the study has been conducted have been obtained.</li></ul>

It is authors’ responsibility to ensure that the article is in accordance with scientific and ethical standards and rules. And authors must ensure that submitted work is original. They must certify that the manuscript has not previously been published elsewhere or is not currently being considered for publication elsewhere, in any language. Applicable copyright laws and conventions must be followed. Copyright material (e.g. tables, figures or extensive quotations) must be reproduced only with appropriate permission and acknowledgement. Any work or words of other authors, contributors, or sources must be appropriately credited and referenced.All the authors of a submitted manuscript must have direct scientific and academic contribution to the manuscript. The author(s) of the original research articles is defined as a person who is significantly involved in “conceptualization and design of the study”, “collecting the data”, “analyzing the data”, “writing the manuscript”, “reviewing the manuscript with a critical perspective” and “planning/conducting the study of the manuscript and/or revising it”. Fund raising, data collection or supervision of the research group are not sufficient roles to be accepted as an author. The author(s) must meet all these criteria described above. The order of names in the author list of an article must be a co-decision and it must be indicated in the <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/1B163C33EBDD4AC68B3BAB7341ABAB15" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form.</a> The individuals who do not meet the authorship criteria but contributed to the study must take place in the acknowledgement section. Individuals providing technical support, assisting writing, providing a general support, providing material or financial support are examples to be indicated in acknowledgement section.All authors must disclose all issues concerning financial relationship, conflict of interest, and competing interest that may potentially influence the results of the research or scientific judgment.When an author discovers a significant error or inaccuracy in his/her own published paper, it is the author’s obligation to promptly cooperate with the Editor to provide retractions or corrections of mistakes.

Manuscripts are pre-evaluated by the editorial board prior to the reviewing process. The editorial board evaluates the manuscripts independently of the ethnicity, gender, nationality, religious beliefs and political philosophy of the authors. In the evaluation, the journal’s areas of interest, journal writing rules, word limit, academic style, language-grammar rules, adequacy of analysis and comments, use of sources and originality of the subject are taken into consideration. Due to the high volume of manuscript submissions, a detailed report is not provided for manuscripts that are returned or rejected as a result of the preliminary evaluation.Plagiarism ScanSubmitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. If plagiarism/self-plagiarism will be found authors will be informed. Editors may resubmit manuscript for similarity check at any peer-review or production stage if required. High similarity scores may lead to rejection of a manuscript before and even after acceptance. Depending on the type of manuscript, the similarity rate is expected to be at most 20%.Double Blind Peer-Review The editor ensures that the manuscripts go through a fair double blind peer-review process, and if the manuscript fulfills the formal requirements, the editor submits the manuscript to at least two external national/international reviewers, and if the reviewers deem it necessary, they approve the manuscript for publication after the requested changes are made by the authors.

Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, sexual orientation, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors. He/She provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted manuscripts for publication and ensures that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential before publishing. Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers. Only he has the full authority to assign a reviewer and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the journal.Editor-in-Chief is responsible for the contents and overall quality of the publication. He/She must publish errata pages or make corrections when needed.Editor-in-Chief sends the manuscripts to at least two national/international external reviewers for evaluation; after the reviewing process, the decision on publication is made by the Editor-in-Chief.Editor-in-Chief guarantees that all information about the manuscripts will remain confidential until the article is published; he/she takes care to keep the identity of the reviewers confidential.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with third parties.In particular situations, the editor may share the review of one reviewer with other reviewers to clarify a particular point.Reviewers should not have any conflicts of interest with the authors and/or financial supporters of the research.

Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by editor-in-chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope.The editor hands over the papers matching the formal rules to at least two national/international referees for double-blind peer review evaluation and gives green light for publication upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.

Peer Review

Reviewers’ judgments must be objective. Reviewers’ comments on the following aspects are expected while conducting the review:<ul><li>Does the manuscript contain new and significant information?</li><li>Does the abstract clearly and accurately describe the content of the manuscript?</li><li>Is the problem significant and concisely stated?</li><li>Are the methods described comprehensively?</li><li>Are the interpretations and consclusions justified by the results?</li><li>Is adequate references made to other Works in the field?</li><li>Is the language acceptable?</li></ul>Reviewers must ensure that all information about submitted manuscripts remains confidential until the manuscript is published and should report to the editor if they detect copyright infringement or plagiarism in the manuscript. If the reviewer does not consider himself/herself competent in the subject matter of the article or feels that he/she cannot provide timely feedback, he/she should inform the editor and ask him/her not to involve him/herself in the reviewing process.

Language The language of the journal is both Turkish, English and Arabic.Manuscript Submission All correspondence will be sent to the corresponding author unless otherwise specified. Manuscpript is to be submitted online via the “Submit a Manuscript” tab at <a href="https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/journal/42/submission/step/manuscript/new" target="_blank">https://dergipark.org.tr/en/pub/iuislamtd</a>Manuscripts should be submitted with a <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/7FD684C112CB4FA78C89E3B3137F1134" target="_blank">Title Page</a> specifying the article category and and including information about the manuscript (see Submission Checklist), an electronic text file of the manuscript written in Microsoft Word 2003 and upper versions, and a <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/1B163C33EBDD4AC68B3BAB7341ABAB15" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a> signed by all authors.Manuscript Template and Spelling RulesDue to double blind peer review, manuscript file must not include any information about the author.The manuscripts should contain mainly these components: title, abstract and keywords; sections, references, tables and figures.Double quotation marks should not be used in the title selection to avoid confusion in citation, and single quotation marks or italicization should be preferred if necessary.The abstract must be between 150–250 words and written as one paragraph. Please ensure that abstract reads well and is grammatically correct.Underneath the abstract, 5-8 keywords that inform the reader about the content of the study should be specified.Keywords should be ordered from general to specific and the first letters of the words should be capitalized. See <a href="https://www.isnadsistemi.org/en/guide/isnad2-2/academic-writing/5-keywords/" target="_blank">https://www.isnadsistemi.org/en/guide/isnad2-2/academic-writing/5-keywords/</a>.The main sections of the manuscript (excluding Abstract, References, etc.) should not exceed 9000 words.In the main sections of the manuscript, except for the Introduction and Conclusion, the headings should be numbered sequentially as 1., 1.1.1., 1.1.1.1.Accuracy of citation is the author’s responsibility. All references should be cited in text.The English spelling of proper names and concepts in Arabic, Persian, Turkish and Ottoman Turkish is based on <a href="https://www.isnadsistemi.org/en/guide/isnad2-2/academic-writing/23-transliteration/" target="_blank">The ISNAD Citation Style for Transliteration Alphabet</a>.

Author Guidelines

Research Article: Original research articles are studies that have academic value and present original and scientific results on subjects appropriate to the scope of the journal.Review Article: Articles that describe, discuss and evaluate the latest level of knowledge or topic and are expected to guide future studies.Research Note: Manuscripts in which a topic is discussed in a scope and quality that does not reach the size of an article. Research notes are expected not to exceed 4000 words. Manuscripts in the research note type are not taken into the reviewing process; they are evaluated by the editor and taken into the publication process. A research note does not include a abstract. In addition to the title, the manuscript should include 5-8 keywords.Book Review: Reviews of works published in the last 5 years are prioritized. Book reviews are expected to be prepared by experts in the field. Only introductory and summarized manuscripts are not accepted. In book reviews, an original title separate from the title of the book being reviewed and 5-8 keywords should be determined.Symposium/Workshop Promotion: Manuscripts that include the evaluation of national or international academic meetings. In promotional manuscripts, especially the academic contribution of the meeting should be addressed.

Journal of Islamic Review - İslam Tetkikleri Dergisi complies with ISNAD 2nd Edition (Author-Title System) for referencing and quoting. For more information: <a href="https://www.isnadsistemi.org/en/" target="_blank">https://www.isnadsistemi.org/en/</a> All quotations, except block quotations, should be enclosed in quotation marks; quotations within quotation marks should not be italicized.The titles of the cited sources and the spelling in quotations should be preserved exactly as they are.

Ensure that the following items are present:● Main Manuscript DocumentImportant: Please avoid mentioning the author(s) names in the manuscript<ul><li>The title of the manuscript</li><li>Abstract (150-250 words) </li><li>Keywords: 5-8 words</li><li>Main text sections of the article (should not exceed 9000 words)     </li><li>References </li><li>All tables, illustrations (figures) (including title, explanation, captions)</li></ul>● <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/1B163C33EBDD4AC68B3BAB7341ABAB15" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a> ● Permission of previous published material if used in the present manuscript● <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/7FD684C112CB4FA78C89E3B3137F1134" target="_blank">Title Page</a>The category of the manuscript<ul><li>The title of the manuscript</li><li>All authors’ names, affiliations (institution, faculty/department, city, country) and e-mail addresses</li><li>Corresponding author’s email address, full postal address, telephone and fax number</li><li>ORCIDs of all authors</li><li>Grant support (if exists)</li><li>Conflict of interest (if exists)</li><li>Acknowledgement (if exists)   </li></ul>● <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/5F97BA2A57D846F7AC7CC54FF960A15F" target="_blank">Author Contribution Form</a>Important: In case of multiple authors, the contribution of each author should be indicated and signed by the corresponding author.

<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/1B163C33EBDD4AC68B3BAB7341ABAB15" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/7FD684C112CB4FA78C89E3B3137F1134" target="_blank">Title Page</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/5F97BA2A57D846F7AC7CC54FF960A15F" target="_blank">Author Form</a>

Issue Type	Regular
Editor(s)	Osman Sacid Arı
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Journal of Islamic Review

VOLUME 12, ISSUE 2, 2022

The Ulama’s Support for Damad İbrahim Pasha’s (d. 1010/1601) Struggle with the Druze: Ismail al-Nâblusî’s (d. 993/1585) Treatise on the Druze

Ottoman Women’s Tricks to Escape from Marriage and Muftis (16th-18th Centuries)

Women in Lodges and Their Duties in the 19th Century Based on Archives

The 18th-Century Ottoman Scholar Hafîd al-Nitharî’s Treatise on the Createdness of al-Māhiyāt: An Examination and Critical Edition

A New Method of Legal Reasoning in the Ḥanafī School: Intra Madhhab Talfīq

In Search of a Remedy in Another Madhab: Marriage of an Absent Husband in Ottoman Family Law

Continuing the Tradition of Sha’bani-Kushadavi Correspondence: The Letters from Mehmet Ali Yitik to Nuh Naci Erdem

The Place of the Peripatetic Tradition in Qutb al-Din Shîrâzî’s Illuminist Philosophy

Methods in Islamic Philosophy Studies and Historiography of Thought: An Evaluation Based on Revisionist al-Ghazālī Studies

The Theory of “Perpetual Creation” (Hudūth Dahrī) and the Critiques on it: The Book of Mulla Mahmūd Jawnpūrī Fārūqī (d. 1062/1652) “al-Shams al-bāzigha” as an Example

The Gettier Problem: An Analysis in the Context of al-Fārābī’s Epistemic Levels

Islamic Studies in the Context of Digital Humanities

Political Thought in the Mamluk Period: A New Classification for Political Themes

An Assesment of Orientalist, Modernist And Fundamentalist Approaches on Sufism

Tradition of Knowledge in the Mamluk Period-I (13th and 14th Centuries) 28-29 September 2021/Istanbul

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