Reyhan

This study seeks to explain the process by which the Jewish community in Turkey renounced rights granted under the Treaty of Lausanne to minorities in areas such as family law. It is generally accepted in the scholarship on minorities that the Jews were the one group who gave up their rights under the treaty without difficulty. However, the work of authors such as Rifat Bali and Avner Levi has demonstrated that this process was not as easy and quick for the Jewish community as once thought.&nbsp;The relevant literature contains significant deficiencies, errors, and consequent information confusion in its descriptions of the renunciation of Jewish rights in the Treaty of Lausanne. This study therefore aims to correct these deficiencies and errors so far as possible, relying on news published in the contemporary Turkish press as the main source of evidence. It is possible, however, that a more comprehensive study could be conducted in the future.&nbsp;The Jewish community first officially renounced the privileges granted to it under the 42nd article of the Treaty of Lausanne by application to the Ministry of Justice on September 15, 1925. However, the religious and secular powers of the Grand Rabbi’s office were not separated and its authority in worldly affairs was not completely removed. The renunciation application made by the Jewish community on September 15, 1925 should therefore have been deemed insufficient by the government, then in the process of adopting the Civil Law, in terms of the Jewish community having a secular government. Shortly thereafter, news appeared of a “loyalty telegram,” said to have been sent to Spain by Turkish Jews. It was first claimed on February 18, 1926 that 300 members of the Jewish community from Istanbul and Izmir had sent a telegram declaring loyalty to the Spanish Government. The claim appears in the Cumhuriyet, Milliyet, İkdam, Vakit and Son Saat newspapers of February 18 and 19, 1926 that 300 people from Istanbul and Izmir had written a “declaration of servitude” and “loyalty” telegram to the Spanish government. By contrast, Ankara’s Hakimiyet-i Milliye and Istanbul’s Halk Gazetesi newspapers approached the issue much more moderately. The press held talks about this telegram incident with the Police Chief and Governor of Istanbul and with Grand Rabbi Becerano Efendi. Jewish newspapers of the period reacted by denying that allegations about loyalty telegrams were true. Although these newspapers cannot be examined directly, their attitude towards the allegations pursued by the Turkish press is clear.Following the appearance of allegations / accusations in the press, a meeting was held on the evening of February 18, 1926 in the Rabbinate. In accordance with a decision taken at this meeting, Becerano Efendi sought to meet with the Governor of Istanbul together with the head of the community, Jak Nahmiyas Efendi. Becerano Efendi was able to meet with Istanbul Governor Süleyman Sami Bey on February 21, 1926 and subsequently made a statement to the press, as did the governor. The Jewish community administration, dissatisfied with the Chief Rabbi’s visit to the Governor of Istanbul, decided to send a delegation to Ankara in response to news in the press. It is understood that a delegation of five people (Nesim Mazliyah, Gad Franko, Shimon Levi, Hanri Soriano, and Avram Galanti) set out for Ankara on February 24, 1926 on behalf of the Jewish community. This delegation, chaired by Nesim Mazliyah Efendi, was received in Ankara by the Minister of Internal Affairs, Cemil Bey, on February 26/27, 1926 at the latest. The minister then made a statement to the press immediately after the Jewish delegation’s visit. The Hakimiyet-i Milliye newspaper first shared this statement with the public on February 28, 1926, after which it was also reported in some other newspapers. According to the statement, the delegation had informed the Minister of Internal Affairs that they waived the rights in Articles 42 and 44 of the Treaty of Lausanne and that they would separate the religious and secular affairs of the Grand Rabbi, depriving the latter of secular authority. They also stated that, in order for the Jewish Community to learn Turkish adequately, Turkish education would start in Jewish schools.The Jewish delegation, having met with the Minister of Internal Affairs in Ankara, returned to Istanbul on March 1, 1926. A large meeting was then held in the Grand Rabbinate on March 2, 1926. That same evening, news of the results of an investigation into the loyalty telegram allegedly sent to Spain also featured in the press. According to this news, the investigation was continuing.Finally, on August 1, 1926, the secular powers of the Grand Rabbinate were removed by making the necessary changes to the Rabbinate regulation that had been in effect since 1865, and the renunciation of rights in the Treaty of Lausanne was reiterated. On the basis of information published in the news media, it is clear that an important meeting was held at the Grand Rabbinate at 14:00 on August 1, 1926, under the chairmanship of Jak Nahmiyas Effendi. According to most newspapers, 80 people attended this meeting, although one newspaper claims that only 70 attended. In terms of the decisions taken, it is certain that the minority rights in the Treaty of Lausanne were completely waived and that the religious and secular powers of the Rabbinate were separated, with the latter being completely removed. The religious court called the “Meclis-i Rohani,” originally named “Bed Din,” was thus abolished. The administration of Jewish schools was left to the board of alderman in each neighborhood. Strikingly, the newspapers explicitly describe the decisions taken by the Jewish community as regulations, though only two newspapers (Akşam, İkdam) state that the regulation was composed of 31 articles. Remarkably, the full text of these 31 articles is not available either in&nbsp;newspapers or in the Republic Archives, nor did we encounter the relevant documents in the American Archive. While we did not have the opportunity to examine the Grand Rabbinate Archive, it is plausible that a copy of the regulation exists there.

Türkiye’deki Musevilerin Lozan’daki Haklarından  Feragatı ve Hahambaşılık Makamının Yetkilerinin  Kısıtlanması

Hüseyin

Global climate change and melting glaciers confer a great impact on waterway transportation. With the melting of glaciers, new trade routes are emerging in areas opened in the sea and ocean regions. As the air temperature rapidly rises in the North Pole, thick ice layers are melting and thinning in the Arctic Region. Naturally, the impacts of climate change will spread to affect Asia, Europe, and Turkey. The warmer temperatures will raise the water level in some places, creating floods and overflowing, while causing water to recede in other areas. Alternative new routes will alleviate the traffic burden on existing canals and straits, saving time and distance for the transportation sector. The Russian Federation (RF) exists at the forefront of safer and more economical waterway transportation, compared to other types of transportation. With the longest seashore and inland waterway in the Arctic Region, the RF has prepared a strategic waterway transportation plan spanning to 2030. Using inland waterways, Russia will foreseeably connect with five seas: the White Sea, the Baltic Sea, the Azov Sea, the Black Sea, and the Caspian Sea. Thus, a ship may soon use the Arctic Sea routes and inland waterways from the Arctic Region to reach the Black Sea via Moscow. In almost every relevant period, transportation has occurred over streams and rivers with the observed opening of water channels. Due to the economic and ecological nature of the waterways, the development of the ship industry and technology has facilitated transportation. Rivers and streams such as the Danube, Nile, Rhine, Yenisei, Mississippi, and Amazon are important waterways. Many countries have directed their routes into canals and straits, aligned with Alfred Thayer Mahan’s idea that “to dominate the sea, you need to have strait and canals.” Leading canals of commercial value include the Panama Canal, Suez Canal, Don-Volga Canal, Moscow-Volga Canal, Kiel Canal, and Mittelland Canal. Russia, which has a large geographical area, features the longest artificial and natural channels in the world. While the total length of inland waterways was 64,000 km in the early 20th century, Russia has since developed the longest inland waterways in the world, exceeding 101,000 km. With a set goal for 2030, Russia has begun studies to increase its commercial volume and maintain its superiority in waterway transportation. Russia has long neglected the northern&nbsp;region where the climate is harsh and covered with vast forests. However, the country made a great breakthrough with the canal projects and construction successively carried out in the 18th and 19th centuries. The connection of the White Sea and the Baltic Sea was completed in 1933 and opened to traffic. The White Sea—Baltic Canal, one of the first five major projects of the Soviet period, provide an important strategic and security point. Gulag prisoners were used in the construction of the canal, which was completed in 20 months and cost the lives of many people. Additionally, important lakes, streams, and artificial channels connect the Baltic Sea to the White Sea. In Russia, geography is defined by an excess of lakes, streams, and rivers, which necessitate waterway transportation. Russia will maintain its superiority through the improvement and development of inland waterways, especially along the Northern Sea Route. The distance between Hamburg, one of the biggest ports of Europe, and the Shanghai port of China in Asia is approximately 20,000 km over the Suez Canal. Contrastingly, these two points are approximately 14,000 km apart over the North Sea Route. Due to the great reduction of distance and time, the Northern Sea Route serves as an expected alternative to important canals such as the Suez Canal and Panama Canal. In addition, the inland waterways may be opened to tourism by integrating the Northern Sea routes with the rivers, lakes, and streams in the Northern regions. This research focuses on the role of the inland waterways and the built water canals in the country’s economy, as well as the channels, rivers, and lakes that connect the Baltic Sea to the White Sea. First, the study will emphasize the importance of transportation activities and trade implications regarding the major inland waterways and canals of the world. The study will then examine the economic and ecological aspects of inland waterways in comparison to land, air, and railway transportation. Lastly, this study will explore the trade contributions of the RF’s inland waterways, channels, and lakes that connect the White Sea to the Baltic Sea. Within the framework of the research, the literature review includes books and articles from primarily Russian, Turkish, and English sources.

Rusya Federasyonu’nda Baltık Denizi’nden Kuzey Buz  Denizi’ne İç Su Yolları ile Ulaşımının Dünü, Bugünü ve  Yarını

Ömer

Assist. Prof.

In accordance with the expansionist colonist policy of Russian Czarism, the interest in Central Asia began during the period of Peter the Great. Peter the Great had an expedition to Turkestan, proving his interest. The expeditions led to gains such as improving the understanding of the region, building a fortified line, establishing outposts and fulcrum points. Perceiving Peter the Great’s interest in Turkestan as a political testament, he invaded the region in favor of czarism nearly 150 years later to please his successors who ascended the Russian throne. Czarist Russia invaded and annexed the Turkestan region until the last quarter of the 19th century, with the policy of taking, isolating, and dividing the Kazakh Juzes and then the Turkestan Khanates.In accordance with the expansionist colonist policy of Russian Czarism, the interest in Central Asia began during the period of Peter the Great. Peter the Great had an expedition to Turkestan, proving his interest. The expeditions led to gains such as improving the understanding of the region, building a fortified line, establishing outposts and fulcrum points. Perceiving Peter the Great’s interest in Turkestan as a political testament, he invaded the region in favor of czarism nearly 150 years later to please his successors who ascended the Russian throne. Czarist Russia invaded and annexed the Turkestan region until the last quarter of the 19th century, with the policy of taking, isolating, and dividing the Kazakh Juzes and then the Turkestan Khanates.Turkestan was captured by Czarist Russia, leading to its policy in the region collapsing in 1916. This collapse is one of the signs that the collapse of czarism is imminent. Notably, the Russian Czarist Era ended in 1917. However, this is not our point. The main point is the activities of Russia, which invaded Turkestan after the second half of the 19th century. To hold the dominance of the Turkestan Region, the Russians conducted ongoing activities to intervene in the habitats, management styles, economies, lands, and religious lives of nonRussian people. The response to the interventions of Czarist Russia manifested nearly 50 years after the invasion. The grudge and the sense of independence accumulated by the non-Russian people in Turkestan during this 50-year period against the oppressive authority manifested with the riots in July 1916. In August and September of the same year, the riots turned into a rebellion and reached their peak. The new decisions taken by the czarist government on the region are one example of the reasons that prepared the environment for these feelings to explode and the silence in the region to break down. As a result, the effects of the activities of the Russians, which started after 1867, against the ancient inhabitants of Turkestan, caused the events called the riot or the Urkün massacre in Turkestan. Our work is based on three reports on the Turkestan region prepared for czarism and the post-czarist provisional government:1. The Turkestan General Governor and Turkestan Regional Military Commander sent to the Ministry of War for the presentation of the Czar by the Governor-General of Turkestan, the start of the rebellion, the financial losses in the places where the riot spread, the military measures implemented during the riot, the losses in the revolt, the treatment applied to the participants in the Turkestan revolt, and a detailed report. 22 февраля 1917 г.Копия.РГВИА. Ф. 400. Оп. 1. Д. 4548. Л. 1–15 об.Опубл: Восстание 1916 г22 fevralya 1917 g. Kopiya. RGVİA.F.400.op.1.D.4548.L.1-15 ob.2. The Police-Director of Verni and Semireçe: The process of Turkestan from Russian domination to the uprising and the reasons and development of the rebellion, the information of the Consul of Kulca on the rebels who fled to China, the application of non-Russians to the Governor-General of Turkestan. report. Ноябрь 1916 г.РГИА. Ф. 1292. Оп. 1. Д. 1933А. Л. 475--505.; Noyabr 1916. RGIA. F. 1292. Op. 1. D. 1933A. L. 475-505.3. The 12-page report of the Turkestan Region Committee explaining the mentality of the people in the region, the damages in the rebellion and the compensation of these losses, and the efforts to ensure the authority of the Russian state in the region. 27 июня 1917 г.РГИА. Ф. 1291. Оп. 84. Д. 57. Л. 2–13 .; 27 iyunya 1917 g. RGİA.F.1291.Op.84.D.57.L.2-13.

Rus Raporlarında Türkistan İsyanı (1916-1917)

Assoc. Prof.

Zeynep

The Caucasus region is of particular geopolitical significance to Turkey. This area, and its Turkish and Muslim inhabitants in particular, has long had close relations with Turkey, and it has thus been included within the scope of Turkey’s geopolitical interests. In terms of the population of the region, Azerbaijani Turks constitute an important part. Although Turkey’s military activity in the region grew significantly at the beginning of the 20th century, the Turkish army was forced to leave after the Armistice of Mudros.During the period of Soviet domination, Turkey had no political, economic, or other relations with the South Caucasus countries. For their part, these countries were completely dependent on Moscow and had no authority to conduct foreign affairs. Moreover, Turkey was a NATO member state in the Western bloc of the bipolar system. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Turkey developed political, economic, and cultural policies for the region. In this context, relations with Azerbaijan developed quickly and reached an advanced stage in a short time, leading to a high-level strategic partnership. Georgia, another important state in the region, also agreed to participate in important projects alongside Turkey and Azerbaijan. Armenia did not respond positively to Turkey’s tolerant and neighborly policy, and instead maintained a hostile attitude toward Turkey. Armenia, which had territorial claims against Azerbaijan, later pursued these claims through war and occupied Karabakh, long Azerbaijani territory, and seven surrounding regions.After a ceasefire was signed in Bishkek in 1994, Armenia violated its terms repeatedly and rejected proposals for a peaceful resolution of the dispute. Although four resolutions (822, 853, 873, and 884) were adopted by the UN Security Council in relation to the conflict, the OSCE Minsk Group, which was formed to resolve the matter, remained completely ineffective. The ceasefire was again seriously violated in April 2016 as a result of Armenian attacks, and after four days of fighting, the Azerbaijani army was able to save some important positions from Armenian occupation. This skirmish demonstrated the strategic and tactical capabilities of the Azerbaijani army. When the Armenian army attacked Tovuz, a border area, a great reaction was provoked in Azerbaijan as this is an extremely important area through which energy infrastructure is routed. Although Armenia sought to draw the Collective Security Treaty Organization into the war by using this conflict as an excuse, it was unable to achieve this. Subsequently, certain intelligence information was obtained that Armenia was preparing for a new attack, that the ceasefire would be violated, and that a new conflict would begin. In light of this information, while the Azerbaijani army continued its preparations for war, President Ilham Aliyev declared that his country would respond harshly to any attack by Armenia.Upon the attack of the Armenian army on September 27, 2020, the Azerbaijani army began its great offensive. Azerbaijani counterattacks surprised the Armenian army and inflicted great losses in a short time. On the first day, 12 Armenian air defense systems were destroyed, and, as a result of attacks involving helicopters and drones, Armenian forces were forced to retreat, abandoning important positions. In the following days, Armenian losses mounted, a situation that Prime Minister Pashinyan and other high-level Armenian officials attempted to hide in their statements. In addition, the Armenian government made incriminating claims against Azerbaijan and Turkey and requested international assistance, most notable from Russia. Armenia was unsuccessful in its diplomatic overtures to international organizations and major states and was gradually forced to leave important positions in the occupied territories one by one. In this 44-day war, the Armenian side suffered significant losses and was eventually obliged to sign the tripartite agreement of November 10, 2020 proposed by Russia. In line with the agreement, while Russian peacekeeping forces were established in predetermined regions, the Armenian army withdrew from the territories it formerly occupied.Although the Turkish army did not participate in direct military intervention and armed conflict during the war, it provided great support to Azerbaijan technologically and, even more importantly, by offering diplomatic counsel. This support provided very strong assurance to Azerbaijan. Although Armenia’s incriminating claims against Turkey (e.g., the participation of Turkish soldiers in the war, the transfer of jihadist groups from the Middle East to the region, etc.) remain unconfirmed, Armenia’s targeting of civilian settlements throughout the war has had serious repercussions. Various comments have been made by researchers and regional experts about how matters will unfold. After emerging victorious from the war, Azerbaijan shows maximum determination to protect its own interests.

Azerbaycan’ı Zafere Götüren Büyük Taarruz: 44 Günlük  Savaşın Anatomisi

Mustafa

Human beings have a desire to see new places and meet new people. Most people consider this desire the key to the enrichment of their intellectual world and the progress of the power of producing genuine experience. If the idea of travel is evaluated differently from that of tourism in the present day, the travel books that are produced by writing the experiences of those travels will contain the evaluations of people’s travels to the cities of the significant civilizations of the century. An important increase was witnessed in the number of travel books in the 19th and 20th centuries. This increase was because travel was becoming widespread and the ease of transportation and progress in publishing activities forced historians and the literati to focus on this field, particularly the travel books that were starting to be published in the mid-19th century. After the establishment of the Translation Office, many texts began to be translated into Ottoman Turkish. Ahmet Mermi Efendi, one of the translators of the Sultan Abdulhamid II era, translated numerous travel books at the command of the Sultan.There have been different views on using travel books as historical sources. Travelers recorded the things that were interesting to them. Sometimes they used an exaggerated writing style and sometimes they quoted the opinions of the people who had visited a location previously. Therefore, it could be identified clearly who is talking about their own experiences and who is quoting others’ opinions. If historians could distinguish the true or false information in the travel books, travel books could be used in historical studies as sources. The improved transportation and accommodation opportunities, with the help of technological developments in the Ottoman Empire, meant some literate Ottomans began to travel more and write their evaluations of their trips. In this paper, one of the examples of this situation, a booklet titled Anadolu ve Rumeli’ye Bir Küçük Seyȃhat Yȃhud Her Yerde Terakkȋ, will be discussed with the development of travel books in the Ottoman Empire. The transcription of the text is attached at the end of this paper.We do not have any information about Antalyalı Halil Salim, the author of the aforementioned work. It does not have classical travel book properties, and it is categorized as a booklet because of the extent of its content. The author mainly uses plain language except in a special part that sings the praises of Sultan Abdulhamid II. Halil Salim talks about the specialties of the places he visited and the events that he lived through during his travels in his travel book, which is 23 pages long. It has to be said that 23 pages are insufficient because he talks about so many places, such as Dedeağaç, İnoz (Enez), İzmir, Aydın, Dinler-Kinler, and Burdur. The reason for this situation is that his stay in some of those places was short. Although Burdur is a place that the author passed through many times compared to other places, he did not describe it in detail. Halil Salim’s work could be classified as travel notes prepared for a newspaper rather than a travel book because it contains superficial information about the historical and geographical properties of the places he visited, yet detailed information about social life. Halil Salim also evaluated progress in urbanization, architecture, transportation, and education in the Ottoman Empire and tried to emphasize that the state was in a progressive mode. This work could be used as a source for determining the sociocultural characteristics of the cities and towns discussed in the text.

Osmanlılarda Seyahatnȃme Kültürü ve Antalyalı Halil  Salim’in Anadolu ve Rumeli’ye Bir Küçük Seyȃhat  Yȃhud Her Yerde Terakkȋ İsimli Risalesi Üzerine Bir  Değerlendirme

Güneş

Elizaveta

Information and communication technologies have become a part of daily life. The rapid development of information technologies (IT) and the growing popularity of the Internet have caused the integration of IT into the education process. Additionally, the events of the past year in connection with the onset of a global pandemic forced the governments of all countries to make every effort to reduce the spread of coronavirus infection, and in one such step, the whole world was forced to switch to distance learning. The use of IT including electronic libraries, online laboratories and workshops, multimedia educational materials, and the Internet in general made possible the exchange of information across vast distances and locations. These resources contributed to increasing global knowledge levels by expanding the availability of interactive learning to students around the world. At the same time, however, the course of the year has revealed gaps in the world’s readiness to receive interactive education online. Less developed cultures around the world lack fully developed information cultures, and their populations were not trained in or ready to process the flood of information that IT made potentially available. As a result of the limited skills and access to hardware, students in many countries did not experience the transition to deep absorption of new learning materials.For this study, we analyze the advantages and disadvantages of distance education in the process of learning Russian as a foreign language in Turkey using information technology. Research has established that distance learning has both strengths and weaknesses, with strengths including usability, flexibility, mobility, low cost and ease of use, and the wide availability of educational materials. However, drawbacks include the lack of direct communication, poor emotional contact, pronunciation and emphasis adjustment, mostly independent work, difficulty in conducting communication games, and technical malfunctions. In summary, we can expect that there will be both benefits and challenges to learning the Russian language from a distance. In general, distance education contributes to students’ developing creativity and responsibility. Of course, in this process, both teachers and students face difficulties that do not arise in traditional teaching. In the context of this study, the teacher performs functions such as coordinating the cognitive process, adjusting the taught lesson, making recommendations for preparing an individual curriculum, and guiding the educational process in Turkey. The aim here is to create a virtual space for speaking Russian with native Russian speakers using a web camera to overcome the foreign language barrier and to apply the acquired knowledge during the conversation. This approach increases Turkish students’ motivation to learn Russian as well as their interest in learning, and their vocabularies are enriched as well; the learners develop communication skills, and cultural and information exchange takes place among the teleconference participants. In addition to creating the virtual learning space, we use IT to present Russian–language documentaries and feature films followed by discussions of the contents. These discussions help build on the learners’ communication skills and expand their creative potential and horizons. We conclude based on our results that the disadvantages teachers&nbsp;face in Russian–language distance education can be partially mitigated by using the methods we describe. Using information and communication technologies will improve the quality of Russian education in Turkey. Moreover, these methods will not only make the learning process interesting and exciting but also make it effective and minimize the disadvantages of teaching Russian abroad as a foreign language.GENİŞLETİLMİŞ TÜRKÇE ÖZETGünümüzde bilgi teknolojileri, hayatımızın bir parçası haline gelmiştir. Bilgi ve iletişim teknolojilerinin hızla gelişmesi ve teknik kaynakların kullanılmasıyla internetin artan popülaritesi, eğitim sürecinde bilgi teknolojilerinin entegrasyonuna neden olmuştur. Pandemiyle ilişkili olarak geçtiğimiz yıl meydana gelen olaylar, tüm dünya hükümetlerini korona virüs enfeksiyonunun yayılma riskini azaltmak için her türlü çabayı göstermeye zorlamıştır. Böylelikle tüm dünya uzaktan eğitime geçmek zorunda kalmış ve bu durum öğrenim sürecini evden çıkmadan sürekli hale getirmeye imkân sağlamıştır. İnternet teknolojisinin, elektronik kütüphanelerin, eğitimsel ve yöntemsel multimedya materyallerinin, e-laboratuvar atölyelerinin kullanımı hiç şüphesiz gerekli bilgilerin elde edilmesini, görselleştirilmesini ve sistemleştirilmesini, birbirinden çok uzakta bulunan birkaç kullanıcı arasında bilgi alışverişinin gerçekleşebilmesini, nesneleri ve durumları incelemek amacıyla modelleme koşullarının yaratılmasını sağlamaktadır. Bu durum eğitim sürecine dahil olan tüm katılımcıların interaktif bir etkileşim kurabilmesini sağlayan güncellemelerin edinilmesine ve bilgi düzeyinin artmasına yardımcı olmaktadır. Aynı zamanda uzaktan eğitim gören öğrencilerde internetteki bilgi kaynaklarını kullanma becerilerinde gözlenen eksikliklerin neden olduğu birtakım olumsuz sonuçlar da gözlenmektedir. Öğrencilerde bilgi kültürü yeterince gelişmemekte ve buna bağlı olarak çoğu zaman bilgi üzerinde nasıl bir çalışma yapmaları gerektiği konusunda öğrenciler yeteneksiz görünmektedirler. Bu nedenle ilgili materyalin tam anlamıyla özümsenmesine geçiş her zaman gerçekleşmemektedir.&nbsp;Bu çalışmada Türkiye’de bilgi teknolojilerinin kullanılmasıyla yabancı dil olarak Rusçanın uzaktan eğitim yoluyla öğrenim sürecinin sağladığı avantajlar ve beraberinde getirdiği dezavantajlar incelenmiştir. Uygulanan uzaktan eğitim formatının güçlü ve zayıf yanları belirlenmiştir. Bu bağlamda bireysel öğrenim hızına göre kullanışlı, esnek ve değişken oluşu, zaman ve para tasarrufu sağlaması, eğitim materyallerine ulaşılabilirlik imkânı vermesi uzaktan eğitimin güçlü yanlarını ifade etmektedir. Öte yandan doğrudan iletişimin kurulamaması, zayıf bir duygusal bağ kurulabilmesi, çoğunlukla bağımsız bir çalışma ortamı olması, teknik aksaklıklar, telaffuz ve vurgu tonlamasındaki düzenin ayarlanmasında ve iletişimsel oyunlarda yaşanan bağlantısal zorluklar uzaktan eğitimin dezavantajları olarak belirlenmektedir. Tüm bu durumlar göz önünde bulundurulduğunda uzaktan Rus dili öğreniminin sağladığı avantajların yanı sıra dezavantajlarının da bulunduğunu belirtmek gerekmektedir. Genellikle uzaktan&nbsp;eğitim, öğrencilerin yaratıcılık gelişimine ve sorumluluk almalarına katkı sağlamaktadır. Hiç şüphesiz, bu süreçte hem eğitmenler hem öğrenciler geleneksel öğrenimde gözlenmeyen birtakım zorluklarla karşı karşıya kalmaktadırlar. Eğitmen bilişsel sürecin koordine edilmesi, dersin öğretim faaliyetlerinin düzenlenmesi, bireysel ders müfredatının hazırlanmasında önerilerde bulunulması ve Türkiye’de eğitim sürecine rehberlik edilmesi görevlerini yerine getirmektedir. Burada hedeflenen web kamera kullanarak telekonferans yapan anadili Rusça olanlarla yabancı dil engelinin üstesinden gelinmesinde ve edinilmiş bilginin konuşma esnasında uygulanabilmesinde sanal bir Rusça konuşma alanı yaratabilmektir. Söz konusu yaklaşımın sonucunda Türk öğrencilerin Rusça öğrenmedeki motivasyonu ve öğrenmeye yönelik ilgileri artmakta, kelime dağarcıkları zenginleşmekte, iletişim becerileri gelişmekte, telekonferans katılımcıları arasında kültürel ve bilgi aktarımı gerçekleşmektedir. Bununla birlikte Rusça belgeseller ile sanatsal filmlerin gösterilmesi ve daha sonrasında bu materyallerin sözel olarak incelenmesi öğrencilerin yaratıcı potansiyellerini ve vizyonlarını geliştirir, aynı zamanda onlara iletişimsel becerilerin edinilmesinde olumlu bir dinamik kazandırır. Bu yüzden tanımlanan ilgili yöntemlerin kullanılmasıyla Rusçanın uzaktan öğrenim sürecinde eğitmenlerin karşılaştıkları dezavantajların kısmi olarak ortadan kaldırılmasına dair sonuçlar şu çerçevede değerlendirilebilir. Bilgi ve iletişim teknolojilerinin kullanılmasıyla Türkiye’deki Rusça eğitim kalitesinin gelişeceği, söz konusu yöntemlerin ise yalnızca öğrenim sürecini ilgi çekici ve heyecan verici kılmayacağı, aynı zamanda yabancı dil olarak yurtdışında Rusça öğretiminin neden olduğu dezavantajları en aza indirgemeyi ve onu daha etkili kılmayı sağlayacağı düşünülmektedir.

Türkiye’de Bilgi Teknolojilerinin Kullanımıyla Yabancı Dil  Olarak Rusçanın Uzaktan Eğitimle Öğrenilmesinin Avantajları  ve Dezavantajları

Osman

Res. Assist.

2014 yılında iktidara gelen Narendra Modi, 2019 yılında yeniden Hindistan’ın Başbakanı olarak seçildi. Başbakan Modi, uzun yıllardır tartışmalı bir siyasetçi olmuştur. Milliyetçiliği sadece bir ideoloji ya da gelenek olarak değil, Müslümanlara karşı sistematik dışlama yapmak maksadıyla da kullanmaktadır. Bu sebeple milliyetçi parti BJP önderliğinde yeniden iktidara gelmesi, Hindistan’daki insan hakları ihlallerinin büyüyeceği yönünde endişeleri arttırdı. Özellikle Hint çetelerinin sık sık Müslümanlara saldırması, devlet tarafından tolere edilen bir gerçek. Özellikle polisin yaşanan saldırıları görmesine rağmen bunlara müdahale etmemesi, ayrımcılığın boyutlarını göstermektedir. Milliyetçi parti BJP ve Modi hükümetine yönelik endişeler sadece küçük olaylarla sınırlı değil. 20 yıl önce Modi, Hindistan’ın Gujarat eyalerinde Başkan iken bir yıla yakın devam eden şiddet olayları ve bu olaylarda yerel hükümetin ve polisin rolü, günümüzde artmakta olan tansiyona yönelik endişeleri haklı çıkaran önemli bir tarihi örnektir. “2002 Gujarat olayları” olarak bilinen şiddet yanlısı gösteriler, Hintli hacıları taşıyan bir trenin yanması sonucu patlak vermişti. Sonraki yıllarda yapılan çalışmalarda trenin kazara içerden başlayan bir yangınla tutuştuğu anlaşılmış olsa da, bu o dönemde Müslüman karşıtı şiddeti önlemeye yetersiz kalmıştır. Olaylarda binin üzerinde insan hayatını kaybetmiş, 60 binden fazla Müslüman eyaletten kaçarak sığınma kamplarına yerleşmek zorunda kalmıştır.&nbsp;Çalışmanın birinci bölümünde Gujarat olayları ele alınmış ve bu olaylarda polisin rolü incelenmiştir. Yaşana olaylar üzerine hazırlanan raporlar, görgü tanıklarının ve mağdurların ifadesinden hareketle, Hint polisinin bilerek olaylara müdahale etmediğini ortaya koymaktadır. Saldırı bölgelerinden polis istasyonlarına yapılan telefon aramaları “sizi kurtarmakla ilgili bir emir almadık” cevabıyla karşılaşmış, polis gözetiminde Müslüman mahalleler tespit edilerek ateşe verilmiştir. Yine bu raporlarda, Modi’nin ve milliyetçi BJP parti mensuplarının olaylarda aktif rol aldığına dair işaretler bulunmuştur. Bunun üzerine Hindistan Yüksek Mahkemesi Modi hakkında bir soruşturma başlatmış, bir çok Avrupa ülkesi Modi’ye ülkeye girme yasağı&nbsp;&nbsp;koymuştur. Fakat Modi’ye karşı bu tavır onun Başbakan seçilmesi ile birlikte yumuşamıştır. Fakat günümüzde Modi ve BJP’nin açıktan Müslümanları hedef alan açıklamaları ve Müslümanlara ayrımcılığı meşrulaştıran kanunlar, 20. Yıldönümüne gelen Gujarat olaylarının bir benzerinin, bütün ülke sathında yaşanmasına yol açabileceği gerçeğini göstermektedir. Üstelik Modi’nin Müslümanlara yönelik polis şiddetini kışkırtması, benzer olayların çok daha büyük felaketler doğurma ihtimalini göstermektedir.&nbsp;İkinci bölümde ise, polisliğin kötü kullanılması dört başlık altında toplanmıştır. Bunlar:a. “Tarafgirlik”: karşılıklı iki grup arasında çıkan olaylara müdahale eden polisin, bir tarafı diğer tarafa tercih ederek hareket ettiği durumlar için kullanılmaktadır. Polis, olaylara müdahale ederken, Hintli götericilere müdahale etmezken, Müslümanlara yönelik keyfi tutuklamalara gitmiştir.b. “Önyargı”: Yani bir grubun tamamının veya çoğunun suç davranışı potansiyeline sahip olduğu algısıdır. Hindistan konseptinde Sabarmati Ekspresi’nin Godhra’da yakılmasının ardından Gujarat’taki tüm Müslüman cemaati olaydan sorumlu tutulması bir tarafgirlik örneğidir. Üstelik yapılan incelemenin ardından yangının trenin içinde kazara çıktığı ortaya çıkmasına rağmen, bu yaklaşım değişmemiştir.c. ‘Farklılaşma’: sosyal statülerine göre polisin davranışını bir gruptan diğerine değiştirmesidir. Örneğin Gujarat şiddeti sırasında Ahmedabad’daki ayaklanmalardan birinde çatışmalar o kadar şiddetlendi ki polis silah kullanmak zorunda kaldı. Ancak olayların ardından polisin daha çok Müslümanları hedef aldığı anlaşıldı. Bu ve benzeri örnekler, polisin şiddetin kaynağına farklı bir yaklaşım sergilediğini göstermektedir.d. ‘Ayrımcılık’: polisin herhangi bir hukuki sebep olmaksızın bireylere veya belirli bir gruba yönelik önyargılı tutumlarıdır. Reiner ayrımcılık sürecini altı türe ayırır: kategorik, istatistiksel, geçişken, etkileşimsel, durumsal ve kurumsal. Hindistan’daki polis eylemlerinde kategorik ve kurumsal ayrımcılık ön plana çıkmaktadır. Kategorik ayrımcılık, ayrımcılığın somut anlamını ifade eder. Gujarat isyanları sırasında, Hindistan polisinin önyargılı tutumları, basitçe Müslümanlara yönelik kategorik ayrımcılık olarak açıklanabilir.&nbsp;Gujarat olaylarında polislerin belirgin bir bicinde kurumsal olarak Müslümanlara yönelik ayrımcılık yapması, şiddeti arttıran ve daha çok insanın canını kaybetmesine yol açan bir olgudur. Üstelik kurumsal şiddeti ortaya çıkaran en önemli nokta, polisin dışlayıcı tutumunun yerel yönetim tarafından desteklenmiş olmasıdır. Bu durum ise polisin politize olması başlığında daha detaylı olarak incelenmiştir. Bu başlıkta temel soru; eğer polis halkı denetliyor ise polisi kimin denetleyeceğidir. Polisin Müslümanlara karşı hukuk dışı tutumu, onu denetlemesi gereken kurum tarafından desteklendiğinde şiddetin büyümesi kaçınılmaz olmaktadır. Nitekim BJP’nin sivil toplum hareketi olarak çıktığı dönemden itibaren aşırıcı milliyetçi tutumu, iktidara geldikleri bölgelerde yönetim biçimi haline gelmekte, böylece polisin Müslümanlara karşı keyfi tutumu meşrulaşmaktadır. Hatta sistematik şiddetin karşısında duran kolluk kuvvetleri, iktidarın mobbing uygulamasına maruz kalmıştır.&nbsp;Sonuçta aşırı Hint milliyetçiliği, devletin ideolojisine dönüşürken, polislerin Müslümanlara karşı dışlayıcı uygulamaları normalleşmeye başlamaktadır. Çıkan olaylar, Hint toplumunu parçalamakta ve ülke içinde azınlık konumundaki Müslümanları güvensiz hale getirmektedir. Modi, 2002 yılında elindeki gücü şiddeti sonlandırmak için kullanmayarak, olayların büyümesine göz yummuş ve bu çatışmadan siyasi bir çıkar elde etmek istemiştir. Günümüzde bütün Hindistan’ı saran ayrımcılığın, büyük şiddet olaylarını çıkarma potansiyeli görülmeli ve ülkedeki polisin rolü yeniden gözden geçirilmelidir.

Siyaset, Toplum ve Şiddet: 2002 Gujarat Olaylarında Hindistan  Polisinin Rolü Üzerine Bir İnceleme

Neşe

Kaan

The Aras and Kura Rivers are extremely significant water resources that support multiple economic activities in all countries and regions where their branches extend. The prosperous geographic conditions of Aras and Kura basin are acknowledged by all regional societies and have witnessed a multitude of civilizations, establishments, and economic and cultural activities for millennia. The economic activities surrounding the rivers’ tributary streams have a prominent role in this region’s geographic value.Upon examining Azerbaijan’s stream resources, we observe that water management in the country is not an easy undertaking. Two main rivers (Kura/Turkey–Georgia–Azerbaijan, Aras/Turkey–Iran–Azerbaijan) are hydrographically sourced outside the country’s borders. Access to the benefits of these international cross-border rivers is crucial for the country in both geostrategic and geoeconomics terms. Our study focuses on the Aran (Kür-Araz) Economic and Geographic Economic Region revealing the need for further strategic and economic assessment, as it is located between the Aras and Kura Rivers (this region is also named after these rivers).Scarcity of water resources is a serious problem in Azerbaijan. This challenge may not be perceived in the Azerbaijani highlands but it is causing some issues in plains and lowlands and is a crucial factor in the direction of economic activities. Indeed, the cities around the streams were formed by various economic regions’ growth or support. The expansion of economic activities such as industry and commerce is evolving. The direct and indirect impacts of streams on formation and growth of the cities is undeniable (Ağdaş, Ağcabedi, Beyleqan, Bilesuvar, Berde, Zerdab, İmişli, Yevlah, Kürdemir, Göyçay, Neftçala, Saatlı, Sabirabad, Salyan, Ucar, and Hacıqabul rayons; cities like Mingeçevir, Şirvan, Elibayramlı, and Yevlah). This region is distinguished by its efficient geographic conditions, mainly for agricultural activities, followed by industry, transportation, and energy. Water resources have been the most important tool for enriching the region with these advantages. It is also important to meet water demands&nbsp;in Azerbaijan, as it cannot produce enough technology, and its economy remains directed by self-sufficient agricultural production. Water resources are essential, not only in agricultural production but also to provide agricultural products for processing through industrial activities.The Aras River’s Azerbaijan side was affected by political geography incidents in 1990s. While agricultural products were limited in line with economic interest prior to independence, the diversity was increased following independence. It would be insufficient to consider the growth of the region only in terms of agriculture. Growth in industry, commerce, and transportation has also occurred in the Aran (Kür-Araz) region. The Aran (Kür-Araz) economic region is an area that demonstrates how the same geography was used for two different aspects of economic activity—prior to independence and following independence, although not every field in the same activity type or in terms of activity spread is equally important. Some cities are more prominent in energy and industry and others in transportation, industry, and agriculture. It is well known that following the intense exploitation of recent human activities in the Aras basin, the natural resources of the basin have been ruined; the water ecosystem has been damaged by nearby lakes; and the stream basin has been polluted. Irrigation systems require improvement, and human activities need to be executed with a more systematic and planned approach in order to increase the economic efficiency and environmental integrity of the region. Even if these goals are actualized, it should not be forgotten that Azerbaijan needs to position itself well in order to adapt to this ever changing world. Aras should not be seen as a mere international river, but as the core of many resources and economic activities in the country; thus, its geoeconomic importance should not be overlooked. From a geoeconomic perspective the people of the region (underdeveloped or developing countries), with geographies that are destined to coexist in our developing and constantly changing world, must design both interstate and domestic policies well. The primary objective is undoubtedly for countries to make good use of and to protect their assets. When the term geoeconomy was first introduced in the post-Cold War period, regionalism activities accelerated, as witnessed all over the world. The establishment of collaborative protective activities with regard to the Kura and Aras Rivers, which are in common use of Turkey, Iran, Georgia, and Azerbaijan, should be considered that might reveal shortages in joint foreign policymaking. It is imperative to handle all details of cross-border streams and establish real regional associations.

Kura ve Aras Nehirlerinin Azerbaycan Aran (Kür-Araz)  Bölgesi Açısından Jeoekonomik Önemi

Berat

Mevlüt Akçapa, Rus Dış Politikasında Etkili Bir Aktör:  Gazprom, Putin Dönemi Rusya-Sırbistan İlişkilerinde  Enerji Faktörü, Bursa: Dora Basım Yayın, 2020, 260 s.  ISBN: 978-605-2471-81-4

Mehmet

Alaeddin Yalçınkaya ve Derya Tuğlu, Avrasya Stratejileri:  İlişkiler, Örgütler, Politikalar, Ankara: Astana Yayınları,  2020, 413 s. ISBN: 978-605-5010-29-4

İshak Turan* . Çin’in Enerji Güvenliği Politikası: Kuşak  Yol İnisiyatifi ve Avrasya’da “Yeni Büyük Oyun”, Nobel  yayınları, Ankara 2020.

Prof. Dr.

CALL FOR PAPERS

Fuat

Assoc. Prof. Dr.

In the process of disintegration of the Ottoman Empire, the emergence of independent nation-states brought along minorities and border problems. A significant part of the disputes between Turkey and Greece today are also related to the contractual arrangements signed by these states during their independence processes. In this study, in addition to the main debates concerning territorial sovereignty between Turkey and Greece, disputes regarding sovereign rights, especially arising from the Law of the Sea, are examined.In the international community, the borders of sovereign states are necessarily determined by a treaty arrangement. In addition to limitations, special arrangements and obligations such as the demilitarisation of some regions can also be agreed upon between neighboring states. Such arrangements are also in question in determining the territorial borders between Turkey and Greece. For example, it is seen that the islands transferred to Greece by treaties were transferred with the obligation to be demilitarized. On the other hand, the determination of maritime borders as well as land borders may cause disputes between neighbouring states. As a result of technical studies on the determination of the land borders between Turkey and Greece, the land borders between the two countries could be made indisputable. However, since the entry into force of the Lausanne Peace Treaty, there has been no joint work on determining maritime borders between the two countries. Due to the developments in the Law of the Sea, the tendency of states to benefit more from the seas has brought Turkey and Greece, which are coastal countries in the Aegean Sea, against each other in terms of both sovereignty borders and limitation of sovereign rights. The fact that no study has been carried out to determine the boundaries of sovereignty of the maritime country makes it unclear what the limits of the sovereign rights of these countries are. Therefore, it is not possible to determine the limits of sovereign rights regarding maritime jurisdiction areas without determining the common and indisputable border of the maritime country.In the study, it is discussed how the country transfers were carried out between the two states and how and with what constraints the borders of sovereignty were determined within the framework of the contractual arrangements that created the status. In essence, it can be said that the disputes between Turkey and Greece have three dimensions that are directly related to the contractual status. Accordingly, although there is a contractual arrangement that creates a status, one of the parties may violate this regulation with a fait accompli. Secondly, although it&nbsp;is a general contractual arrangement, either party may interpret the provisions of this regulation differently or the contractual arrangement does not contain a provision regarding the relevant dispute. Thirdly, no contractual arrangement specific to the dispute between the parties has ever been made, and one of the parties is trying to create a de facto situation by making a fait accompli. It is possible to observe these three features in the relations between Turkey and Greece. As a matter of fact, according to the study conducted by the Turkish Foreign Policy Crisis Studies Group, there were 14 foreign policy crises between Turkey and Greece between 1923 and 2016. The vast majority of these crises are directly related to the sovereignty and/ or sovereign rights of the parties.Therefore, the handling of the existing disputes between the parties by using peaceful resolution methods and reaching a permanent and satisfactory solution is directly related to the parties' compliance with the contractual status, the realization of contractual arrangements that have not yet been realized, and the avoidance of fait accomplis that will escalate the tension between the parties. If the parties try to change the status quo for their benefit, it will not only trigger a new crisis but also increase the risk of a hot military conflict. The starting point for the negotiation is the Lausanne Peace Treaty (and other contractual arrangements) signed between the parties. It is not possible to establish an undisputed sovereignty order without completing the unfinished work of determining the borders of territorial sovereignty. The demarcation of an undisputed territorial border would also make it easier for the parties to agree on more flexible options for sovereign rights and technical responsibilities. In this context, the point that will challenge the parties in the negotiations is due to the originality of the political geography in the Aegean Sea. In particular, both the numerical multiplicity of the islands surrounding the Anatolian coasts and the fact that they belong to Greece, which is a country with a distant coast, restrict the policies of the parties in an equitable, just and optimum solution.The emergence of independent nation-states during the disintegration of the Ottoman Empire brought with it minority and border problems. A significant part of the disputes between Türkiye and Greece today are related to the contractual arrangements signed by these states during their independence processes. In this study, in addition to the basic debates regarding territorial sovereignty between Turkey and Greece, the disputes regarding sovereign rights arising from the Law of the Sea are examined.&nbsp;In the international society, the borders of sovereign states are determined by a contractual regulation. In these contractual arrangements, in addition to limitations, special arrangements and obligations can also be agreed upon between neighbouring states, such as the demilitarisation of some regions. Such regulations also apply to determining the territorial borders between Turkey and Greece. For example, it seems that the islands transferred to Greece through treaties were transferred with the obligation of being demilitarized. On the other hand, determining maritime borders as well as territorial borders may cause disputes between neighbouring states. As a result of technical studies on determining the land borders between Türkiye and Greece, the land borders between the two countries have become indisputable. However, since the&nbsp;Lausanne Peace Treaty came into force, no joint work has been carried out between the two countries regarding determining maritime borders. Due to the developments in the Law of the Sea, states' tendency to benefit more from the seas has brought Turkey and Greece, which are coastal countries in the Aegean Sea, face to face in terms of both sovereignty boundaries and limitation of sovereign rights. The fact that no study has been carried out to determine the borders of sovereignty regarding the maritime country makes it unclear what the limits of the sovereign rights of these countries are. Therefore, it is not possible to determine the boundaries of sovereign rights regarding maritime jurisdiction areas without determining the common and undisputed border of the maritime country.In the study, how territorial transfers took place between two states is discussed and it is discussed how and with what restrictions the borders of sovereignty are determined within the framework of the contractual regulations that create the status. In essence, it can be said that the disputes between Türkiye and Greece have three dimensions that directly concern the contractual status. Accordingly, although there is a contractual regulation that creates a status, one of the parties may violate this regulation. Secondly, although it is a general contractual regulation, any party may interpret the provisions of this regulation differently or the contractual regulation does not contain a provision regarding the relevant dispute. Thirdly, no contractual regulation has been made specifically for the dispute that has arisen between the parties, and one of the parties is trying to create a de facto situation by making it a fait accompli. It is possible to observe these three features in the relations between Turkey and Greece. As a matter of fact, according to the study conducted by the Turkish Foreign Policy Crisis Investigation Group, there were 14 foreign policy crises between Turkey and Greece between 1923 and 2016. The majority of these crises are directly related to the sovereignty and/or sovereign rights of the parties.Therefore, addressing the existing disputes between the parties using peaceful resolution methods and reaching a permanent, satisfactory solution is directly related to the parties' compliance with the contractual status, realization of contractual arrangements that have not yet been realized, and avoiding fait accomplis that will escalate the tension between the parties. If the parties attempt to change the status quo to their advantage, it will not only trigger a new crisis but also increase the risk of a hot military conflict. The starting point for negotiations is the Lausanne Peace Treaty (and other contractual arrangements) signed between the parties. It is not possible to achieve an undisputed sovereignty order without completing the unfinished work of determining the borders of territorial sovereignty. Determining an undisputed territorial border will also make it easier for the parties to agree on more flexible options regarding sovereign rights and technical responsibilities. In this context, the point that will challenge the parties in the negotiations stems from the uniqueness of the political geography, especially in the Aegean Sea. In particular, both the numerical abundance of the islands surrounding the Anatolian coast and the fact that they belong to Greece, a distant coastal country, restrict the policies of the parties in an equitable, fair and optimum solution.

Maritime Jurisdiction Disputes in Turkey-Greece Relations

Turkey and Uzbekistan are two new nation-states that gained their independence, the first in the first quarter of the 20th century and the second in the last quarter of the same century. Although Turkey and Uzbekistan are new states, they are the successors of the Ottoman Empire and Turkistan Khanates, which were established in two ancient geographies of Turkish-İslamic civilization, Anatolia and Transoxiana. Moreover, Turkey and Uzbekistan have similarities in terms of origin, religion, language, history, and culture. İn fact, they have common political, scientific, and religious personalities such as Amir Timur, Ali Kuscu, Ulugh Begh and Imam Bukhari. Therefore, the Ottoman Empire maintained political military, scientific, and cultural relations with the Khanates of Bukhara, Samarkand, Khiva, and Hokand in Turkestan between XVI.-XX. Centuries.&nbsp;As it is known, Ottoman-Uzbek relations began with the defeat of the Uzbek khan, Muhammed Shaybani Khan, to the Safavid ruler Shah Ismail in Mahmudabad near Merv in 1510 and later, Shah İsmail sends the head of Shaybani to the Ottoman Sultan, Beyazid II. This was Shah Ismail’s challenge to the Ottoman Sultan, Bayezid II. At the same time, this challenge caused the start of the Ottoman-Safavid struggle and caused the establishment of OttomanUzbek political relations because Ottoman sultans wanted to establish a Sunni alliance with the Uzbek khans against the Safavids. Also, the Uzbek khans were afraid of the Safavids taking over the Sunni regions in Transoxiana. Thus, Ambassadors began to come and go between the Ottoman sultans and the Uzbek khans. Firstly, Selim I, the Ottoman Sultan, sent Muhammed Beg to Köçküncü Han Samarkand Khan, before the Battle of Çaldıran dated 1514. The purpose of Selim I was to cooperate with Samarkand Khan against Shiites. Likewise, Suleiman the Magnificent, the Ottoman Sultan, sent letters to the rulers of Samarkand (Ubeydullah Khan) and Bukhara (Ali Sultan) before the Iraqi expedition, calling for “jihad” against Shiite Iran. These letters pleased the two Uzbek khans. Despite the Amasya (1555) and İstanbul (1590) treaties, the Ottoman Empire left the Uzbek khans alone against the Safavids because the Safavids had promised not to attack the Uzbeks. But they didn’t promise that by encouraging wars with Austria of the Ottoman Empire. Safavids declared war against the Uzbeks. Unfortunately, the Ottomans did not answer the Uzbeks’ calls for help. On the contrary, the Ottomans replied “We&nbsp;are at peace with Iran. You live in peace”. This attitude of the Ottomans was purely political pragmatism. In addition, the power struggle between the Uzbek khans played an important role in the attitude of the Ottomans. Finally, the Russians benefited from this rivalry and after the middle of the last quarter of the 19th century, Turkestan was occupied by the Russians. As it is known, Turkestan pilgrims were going to Mecca on three roads. One of these roads was the Crimea-Istanbul-Mecca road via the Caspian. Moreover, Istanbul was the center of the caliphate for Turkestan pilgrims. The pilgrimage would not be accepted for them without visiting Istanbul for them. The Ottoman Sultans attached great importance to the safety of pilgrimage routes. In addition, this issue was a matter of political superiority for the Ottoman Sultans. Therefore, the Turkestan pilgrims preferred this route.&nbsp;&nbsp;On the other hand, Turkestani Pilgrims who came to Istanbul were hosted in the Naqshbandi Uzbek lodges in Istanbul. These lodges acted as consulates. Likewise, the Ottoman governments were meeting their needs and allocating ferries for pilgrims After the proclamation of the Second Constitutional Monarchy, students from Turkistan came to Istanbul for education. One of these was the Uzbek writer Abdurrauf Fitrat. Turkistan youth like him wrote articles in magazines like Sırat-ı Müstakim. In addition, the people of Bukhara helped the Ottoman Empire financially in the Balkan War and the First World War. Towards the end of the war, Enver Pasha and his friends joined the Basmacilik movement. These relations lasted until the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. The main source of this study is the Ottoman Archive of the Directorate of State Archives, Presidency of Republic of Turkey. In addition, books and articles related to the subject were also used.&nbsp;

The Historical Background of The Relationships of TurkeyUzbekistan: The Political and Cultural Relations Between the Ottoman Empire and Turkestan (XVI.-XX. Centuries)

Ramile

Personal friendship between presidents is of great importance in international relations. The friendship between Heydar Aliyev and Suleyman Demirel played a great role in the development of Azerbaijan-Türkiye relations. As a result of the personal friendship between two great political figures - Heydar Aliyev and Suleyman Demirel, National Leader Heydar Aliyev released Nakhchivan from the blockade, supplied it with food and energy, built a bridge connecting Türkiye to Azerbaijan, and built a bridge between Türkiye and Nakhchivan. The friendship of Heydar Aliyev and Suleyman Demirel increased the mutual respect, sympathy and love of the people of Türkiye and Azerbaijan. When Nakhchivan was attacked by Armenia, Suleyman Demirel announced the essence of the Kars Treaty of 1921 to the whole world. In addition to the official meetings of the two statesmen, in each of their private meetings, views were exchanged on the consistent development of Azerbaijan-Türkiye cooperation, the international situation, and a number of regional problems. Along with President Heydar Aliyev, Suleyman Demirel also kept the peaceful settlement of the Armenia-Azerbaijani conflict under his control, and always stood by Azerbaijan in international meetings and the adoption of important documents. The friendship of the two leaders was important in the implementation of the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan and Baku-Tbilisi-Erzurum projects. Remembering the words of his friend Suleyman Demirel about Türkiye's great need for gas, Heydar Aliyev directed Azerbaijan's gas to meet Türkiye's needs.Conceptual views of Heydar Aliyev in laying the foundation of fraternal relations between the Republic of Azerbaijan and the Republic of Türkiye have been accounted for today. Türkiye recognized the independence of the Republic of Azerbaijan for the first time among the countries of the world, and mutual diplomatic missions began to operate. Heydar Aliyev, who relied on Türkiye as a brotherly state with the same language and roots and tried to strengthen&nbsp;its influence in the Caucasus, pursued a balanced policy with other neighboring countries, including Russia, which is one of the permanent members of the UN Security Council and has the right to veto decisions. He also had official visits to France, Great Britain, China, and the United States, clarified the fair position of Azerbaijan, and signed documents. However, the National Leader knew that the support of Azerbaijan in the region and in the world could be a brotherly Turkish state with one language and one blood, and that Türkiye's moral and political support of Azerbaijan in the Patriotic War to the end, and the creation of even more enthusiasm in the fight against the enemy and confidence in victory among the Azerbaijani people proved it once again.Türkiye has a role in the political and economic life of Azerbaijan. In order to settle the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict diplomatically, the Republic of Türkiye provided political support to the Republic of Azerbaijan in a principled form, regularly maintained relations with the Azerbaijani government to study the situation, made a statement about the aggression of the Armenian armed forces against Nakhchivan, and made a proposal to send the Turkish army to the region. He made appeals and statements to the UN Security Council about settling the conflict, Suleyman Demirel raised the Karabakh issue during his visit to the United States and called on the United States to stop supporting Armenia in the Nagorno-Karabakh issue. He brought the Khojaly genocide to the agenda of the political commission of NATO.From March 27 to April 3, 1993, immediately after the beginning of the Armenian aggression in the Kalbajar region and in the process of the subsequent occupations of Armenia, when the government of Azerbaijan appealed to the UN regarding the situation in the region, Türkiye called the UN Security Council for urgently preventing the aggression against Azerbaijan and liberate all Azerbaijani lands. Türkiye played a great role in the adoption of the 1996 Lisbon Declaration and the adoption of 4 resolutions of the UN Security Council confirming the territorial integrity of Azerbaijan.The Akyaka border crossing point on the railway from Gyumri to Kars and the Alijan border crossing point on the land road passing through Igdir were closed by Türkiye due to Armenia's territorial claims against Türkiye, its claims of promoting the "Armenian genocide", and its occupation of Azerbaijani territories.The non-opening of the border crossing gates with Armenia is one of the factors that proves the brotherly relations between Azerbaijan and Türkiye. President Heydar Aliyev performed strong activities in establishing Azerbaijan-Türkiye relations on great spiritual and national roots and succeeded in this.Azerbaijan also has a role in the political and economic life of Türkiye. Azerbaijan has always defended Türkiye in the international world. President Heydar Aliyev strongly objected to the discussion of the "Armenian Genocide" project in the US Congress, the French Parliament, Italy and Russia. Heydar Aliyev expressed the importance of uniting Azerbaijan and Türkiye against injustice. He believed that historians are responsible for refuting the "Armenian genocide" and considered it is necessary to involve historians from Azerbaijan, Türkiye, as well as Georgia, Russia, Iran and other places to investigate this issue by revealing the documents. Heydar Aliyev emphasized that Russia's military base in Armenia is a threat not only to Azerbaijan, but also to the region and Türkiye, Türkiye is responsible for protecting the region, and without Türkiye's participation, there will be no security in the Caucasus. On November 18, 1999, at the Istanbul summit, the signing of the agreement on the transportation of crude oil from the territories of Azerbaijan, Georgia and Türkiye through the Baku-TbilisiCeyhan oil pipeline, and the Baku-Tbilisi-Erzurum gas pipeline on June 26, 2002 in Ankara. The introduction of the project stimulated the development of Azerbaijan-Türkiye strategic cooperation and security in the region.

The Role of the Friendship of Heydar Aliyev and Suleyman Demırel in Establishing Relations Between Azerbaijan and Türkiye on a Solid Foundation

Hakan

Güngör

The illegitimate separatist authority, which maintained its de facto existence for 30 years under the shadow of the Armenian occupation in Karabakh, has been at the very center of the Russia-Armenia-Iran encirclement that is trapping Azerbaijan. In this respect, the energy and transportation lines opening towards the West passing through the Tovuz region of Azerbaijan can be considered as the breaking point of the encirclement. The attacks against this region, which occurred on the eve of the Second Karabakh War, have posed a vital danger to the national security of Azerbaijan. For this reason, Baku, with the unlimited support of Ankara, has launched military operations to save Karabakh from occupation. In this process, the two allies have realized the importance and sensitivity of the Tovuz region. As a matter of fact, in the ceasefire agreement signed after the Karabakh Victory, Azerbaijan’s diplomatic success has enabled the creation of an alternative route to this region.In this study, the reflections of Türkiye’s effort to become a regional great power in the South Caucasus have been analyzed with the Regional Security Complex Theory (RSCT) and the importance of the Zangezur Corridor in this context has been shown. First of all, the question that “How can Türkiye become a regional great power?” has been answered on a theoretical basis. Türkiye, which is described as an insulator state according to RSCT, has increased its influence in the South Caucasus during and after the Second Karabakh War and has embarked on a path to eventually become a regional great power. In response, Iran, Türkiye’s historical rival in the region, and Armenia, which owes its existence to its hostile policies against Türkiye, have began to act together in the South Caucasus. For these reasons, the boundaries between security complexes have begun to be eroded. Türkiye, which has increased its influence in the South Caucasus thanks to the strategic partnership it has established with Azerbaijan, has&nbsp;ceased to be an insulator state. In the coming period, it will be the most important actor in the region through the Zangezur Corridor.The Zangezur Corridor is of vital importance for Türkiye to become a regional great power. In this context, the question that “Why do Türkiye and Azerbaijan insist on opening the Zangezur Corridor?” has been given an answer with a historical perspective. In its effort to become a regional great power, Türkiye has managed to penetrate the South Caucasus thanks to the military and diplomatic support it provided to Azerbaijan during and after the Second Karabakh War. As a matter of fact, the Shusha Declaration signed with Azerbaijan has reinforced Türkiye’s power in the region. Moreover, even though Türkiye was not among the parties to the ceasefire agreement, it has legitimized its demand for the opening of the Zangezur Corridor by this means. In this respect, the Zangezur Corridor, designed as an alternative to the route in Tovuz, is likely to be another breaking point of the encirclement that is trapping Azerbaijan. Because, thanks to this corridor, Azerbaijan will be directly connected to Türkiye via roads and railways. However, Armenia and Iran, on both sides of the corridor, have interpreted this plan in line with their own geopolitical interests and have produced alternative solutions.As an alternative to the Zangezur Corridor, Iran has proposed the Aras Corridor; Armenia, on the other hand, has come up with the Crossroads of Peace Project. These alternatives need a comprehensive comparison in line with Türkiye’s aim of becoming a regional great power. As a matter of fact, in this study, the question that “What are the political, military, economic, and cultural dimensions and effects of the Zangezur Corridor and its alternatives?” has been answered. As a result, it has been determined that the Zangezur Corridor will be more beneficial for Türkiye than its alternatives, despite some of the political and military risks it carries. Because through this corridor, Türkiye will strengthen its own political power in the South Caucasus. On the other hand, in this way, Türkiye will be able to ensure its economic influence in the region by eliminating its historical rival Iran. Meanwhile, Türkiye will pressure Armenia and force it to adopt a moderate attitude and cooperate. Finally, Türkiye will not only strengthen the existing cultural unity with Azerbaijan, but will also have the opportunity to diversify its existing historical ties with Turkistan by opening to the Caspian Sea. It has been anticipated that, given these conditions, Türkiye could emerge as a regional great power. Indeed, the guiding question of the study, “How do the Zangezur Corridor and its alternatives contribute to Türkiye’s efforts to become a great power?” has been comprehensively addressed. Thus, the hypothesis formulated as “The Zangezur Corridor, despite some risks it carries, will contribute more to Türkiye’s emergence as a regional great power” has been tested and validated based on the findings obtained.&nbsp;In this study, regional and global actors have been examined under the guidance of the following questions: What are the interests and priorities of these actors? What are their political, military, economic, and cultural power and influence? What strategies and policies do they implement in this context? Firstly, Iran, Türkiye’s historical rival in the region, opposes the Zangezur Corridor in the South Caucasus due to both internal and external reasons, aiming to prevent the emergence of Turkish influence. Among the internal reasons are the “Iran-Turan”&nbsp;rivalry, which persists in the political subconscious of Iranian leaders, and the Iranian Turks, who are perceived as a serious threat in this context. One of the external reasons is the potential establishment of good relations between Ankara and Tel Aviv through Baku, while another is Moscow’s dominance over Iran’s foreign policy. Indeed, Russia regards the South Caucasus as its sphere of influence. Furthermore, although Russia may tolerate Türkiye’s influence in the South Caucasus to some extent, it will not consent to any further steps towards Turkistan, as it also views this region as within its sphere of influence. On the other hand, Armenia, as the defeated state, is persistently resisting and refusing to fulfill its commitments. It hopes to alleviate its isolation in the region by gaining support from Western powers. However, as the West, unable to intervene in the Second Karabakh War and the ceasefire process, has lost its influence in the South Caucasus in favor of Türkiye and Russia.

Zangezur Corridor and Alternative Solutions: Risks, Threats, and Opportunities for Türkiye

Elterişhan

Kaliningrad, located on the Baltic Sea coast, is a Russian exclave in the westernmost part of the Russian Federation with no direct connection to the mainland and an example of a border region of great importance. Although Kaliningrad is geographically separated from the Russian mainland, it remains an integral part of Russia’s sovereign territory. Kaliningrad’s strategic geographical location and the point at which it has evolved in the historical process also distinguish the region. Originally known as “Königsberg”, the region developed as the capital of East Prussia and remained under German control for 700 years until it was captured by Soviet forces in 1945. Following the end of the Second World War, the Soviet Union took control of East Prussia, an action recognised by the Allies at the Potsdam Conference in 1945. The transformation of East Prussia into Kaliningrad was a rapid, comprehensive and sustained effort. The first stage of this process involved the erasure of German cultural and historical elements from the region. In this context, the region underwent a rapid process of Sovietisation, which saw the removal of almost all remnants of German settlements and their replacement with Soviet-style buildings. As a result, Kaliningrad was reconstructed to symbolise the progressive social values of the Soviet Union and to present the Soviet perspective in historical narratives. Kaliningrad played an important role in the strategic military planning and infrastructure of the Soviet Union. In this context, Kaliningrad underwent a serious transformation in the post-World War II period and became a strategically located “military base” on the Baltic Sea. Over time, with a military force of more than 100,000 active military personnel stationed in the region, a vast military-industrial complex and a civilian infrastructure customised to meet military demands, Kaliningrad has emerged as one of the most heavily militarised regions of the Soviet Union. At this point, this military force not only acted as a protective shield, deterring a possible invasion and protecting the region, but also had the capacity to be used as a potential staging area for offensive operations against Western Europe. Kaliningrad’s borders were completely closed to Poland and the West, and access to the region was restricted even for Soviet citizens. Thus, foreigners were prohibited from entering this highly militarised and closed zone. Kaliningrad therefore emerged as a symbolic example of a garrison city, recognised for its strong military infrastructure. The 1991 dissolution of the Soviet Union led to a profound change in the geographical position of Kaliningrad and in Russia’s internal and external relations. With this development, Kaliningrad, which was previously part of&nbsp;the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic, came under the sovereign authority of the Russian Federation. However, as a result of the independence of the three Baltic states, the region bordering Lithuania and Poland became geographically separated from the rest of mainland Russia. As a result, Kaliningrad underwent a significant transformation, emerging as an exclave, thus raising concerns about the problems associated with its geopolitical position. The emergence of a new geopolitical situation has led to many difficulties in providing the region with basic needs, energy and raw material supplies, transport and military transit. The strategic value of the Kaliningrad exclave has also increased significantly as it has become the westernmost region of Russia. Ultimately, the value of the region was determined by a combination of symbolic and strategic factors. The strategic factor behind Moscow’s actions became apparent as it sought to capitalise on the geopolitical importance of the region. This factor included both the protection of Kaliningrad as a military base against the West and its use as a tool to facilitate Russia’s integration into the Western world. Thus, the region has rapidly become an important component of Russia’s diplomatic agenda and strategic plans, especially in relation to hard security issues. Prior to the eastward expansion of NATO and the EU in the 2000s, Kaliningrad was a contested region, defined not only by its strategic challenge to NATO, but also by the lack of a mutual agreement between the EU and Russia on transit arrangements through the region. To address this problem, the EU resorted to an ad hoc co-operation mechanism to manage transit arrangements for Kaliningrad, while NATO underwent a significant shift in priorities, focusing on ensuring security following the deployment of Iskander missiles in the region. As a result, Moscow’s perception of a growing threat from the West has led to a greater emphasis on the region. Accordingly, the region has become a political tool in Russia’s foreign policy and the Kremlin has used NATO enlargement as a means to legitimise its military presence in the region.

The Kaliningrad Question in the National Security of the Russian Federation

Elshan

Clash of Civilizations in the Works of Azerbaijani Intellectual Reza Baraheni

Marko

Hasan

Contemporary Dynamics in Croatian-Turkish Relations (1992-2022)

@JOURNAL_BOX_CURRENT

@JOURNAL_BOX_EARLYVIEW

Bengül

Ahmet

Kemalettin Sami Pasha And Berlın Embassy Actıvıtıes (1924-1934)

Seda

A Legal Struggle After Lausanne: Mixed Arbitral Tribunals

@JOURNAL_BOX_FEATURED

Elşad

The Process To The Khojaly Massacre And Khojaly Massacre In The Turkish Press

Russıa’s Polıcy In Syrıa In The New Geopolıtıcal Envıronment In The Mıddle East

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The Journal of Eurasian Inquiries (AVID) is a research journal published within the Research Institute of Turkology at Istanbul University. It was established in 1924 and holds the distinction of being Turkey's first research institute. AVID aims to share scientific studies, with the academic world. Prepared in the field of social sciences related to the Eurasian region, spanning from Turkistan to the Caucasus, and from the Balkans to the Middle East.

The Journal of Eurasian Inquiries was first published in 2012 and is released twice a year, in March and September. It is an internationally refereed journal that is currently indexed by TR Index, Index Islamicus, Research Bible (Academic Research Index), Social Science Research Network (SSRN), SOBIAD, Turkish Education Index (TEI), EBSCO, and DOAJ.

Muhammed

Index Islamicus

ResearchBib

Türk Eğitim İndeksi

EBSCO

Social Science Research Network (SSRN)

DOAJ

SOBIAD

Gale Cengage

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@METRIC_ISSUES

@METRIC_ARTICLES

@METRIC_OPENACCESS

Journal of Eurasian Inquiries

@INFO_TAB_ABOUT

Editor in Chief

Co Editor in Chief

Section Editor

Editorial Assistant

Editorial Management Board Member

Ethics Editor

Language Editor

Editorial Board Member

@INFO_TAB_BOARDS

The Journal of Eurasian Inquiries (AVID) aims to provide a platform for scientific studies related to the Eurasian geography and serve as a discussion platform for these studies. AVID aims to increase the accumulation of knowledge in the Eurasian field by featuring high-quality, original, and scientific publications. Thus, it can contribute to the resolution of current issues related to Eurasia. AVID also aims to enrich the Turkish literature on the Eurasian region and adopts a double-blind peer-review and open access process.The Journal of Eurasian Inquiries primarily focuses on theoretical and conceptual studies in the social, political, and economic field related to Eurasia. As an open-access and international journal, AVID has become an important resource for researchers worldwide.AVID publishes research and compilation articles, evaluation studies, book reviews, conference, symposium, and congress papers, as well as field research reports mainly in Turkish, in Turkish dialects which are independent state languages, as well as in English and Russian.

Aim and Scope

Index IslamicusResearch Bible (Academic Research Index)Social Science Research Network (SSRN) SOBİADTurkish Education Index (TEİ) EBSCODOAJGale Cengage

Indexing and Abstracting

The journal is committed to upholding the highest standards of publication ethics and pays regard to Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing published by <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">the Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">the Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">the Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a>, and the <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> on <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a> The subjects covered in the manuscripts submitted to the Journal for publication must be in accordance with the aim and scope of the Journal. Only those manuscripts approved by every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Changing the name of an author (omission, addition or order) in papers submitted to the Journal requires written permission of all declared authors.Plagiarism, duplication, fraud authorship/denied authorship, research/data fabrication, salami slicing/salami publication, breaching of copyrights, prevailing conflict of interest are unethical behaviors. All manuscripts not in accordance with the accepted ethical standards will be removed from the publication. This also contains any possible malpractice discovered after the publication. Plagiarism Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. If plagiarism/self-plagiarism will be found authors will be informed. Editors may resubmit manuscript for similarity check at any peer-review or production stage if required. High similarity scores may lead to rejection of a manuscript before and even after acceptance. Depending on the type of article and the percentage of similarity score taken from each article, the overall similarity score is generally expected to be less than 15 or 20%. Double Blind Peer-Review After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by the editors-in-chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope. The editor provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles and hands over the papers matching the formal rules to at least two national/international referees for evaluation and gives green light for publication upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.

Policies

The journal is an open access journal and all content is freely available without charge to the user or his/her institution. Except for commercial purposes, users are allowed to read, download, copy, print, search, or link to the full texts of the articles in this journal without asking prior permission from the publisher or the author. This is in accordance with the <a href="https://www.budapestopenaccessinitiative.org/read" target="_blank">BOAI</a> definition of open access.The open access articles in the journal are licensed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.en" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) license.

All expenses of the journal are covered by the Istanbul University. Processing and publication are free of charge with the journal. There is no article processing charges or submission fees for any submitted or accepted articles.

Authors publishing with the journal retain the copyright to their work licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/" target="_blank">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/</a> ) and grant the Publisher non-exclusive commercial right to publish the work. CC BY-NC 4.0 license permits unrestricted, non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

Editor should consider publishing correction if minor errors that do not effect the results, interpretations and conclusions of the published paper are detected. Editor should consider retraction if major errors and/or misconduction that invalidate results and conclusions are detected.Editor should consider issuing an expression of concern if there is evidence of research or publication misconduct by the authors; there is evidence that the findings are not reliable and institutions of the authors do not investigate the case or the possible investigation seems to be unfair or nonconclusive. The guidelines of <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/flowcharts/complete-set-english" target="_blank">COPE</a> and <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/" target="_blank">ICJME</a> are taken into consideration regarding correction, retractions or expression of concern.RetractionJournal follows <a href="https://publicationethics.org/sites/default/files/retraction-guidelines-cope.pdf" target="_blank">COPE’s Retraction Guidelines</a> in case of retraction. The editor has the right to retract an article if: <ul><li>There is clear evidence that the findings are unreliable; either as a result of a major error (e.g. miscalculation or experimental error), or as a result of fabrication (e.g. of data) or falsification (e.g. image manipulation).</li><li>It contains plagiarised content. </li><li>It has been published elsewhere without proper attribution. </li><li>It contains material or data without authorisation for use.</li><li>There is copyright infringement or there is some other serious legal issue.</li><li>It reports unethical research. </li><li>There is evidence that the peer-review process is compromised or manipulated.</li><li>The author(s) failed to disclose a significant competing interest (also known as a conflict of interest) that, in the opinion of the editor, would have unduly influenced the interpretation of the work or the recommendations of the editors and peer reviewers.</li></ul>In case of retraction the following steps are followed:<ul><li>Retraction notice including article title is published in a subsequent issue of the journal. The retraction notice is paginated and listed in the table of contents. </li><li>A link is provided between the retraction notice and the original article in the electronic version. </li><li>The online article is preceded by a page containing the retraction notice; the reader can then proceed to the article itself.</li><li>The original article remains unchanged, except for a watermark on the .pdf on each page stating that it has been &#34;retracted”.</li></ul>Article Removal for Legal ReasonsIn the following circumstances, except the metadata (title and authors), the text of the article is removed and a page informing that the article has been removed for legal reasons replaces the article. <ul><li>The article is found to be defamatory or to infringe the legal rights of others, and retraction is not deemed to be an adequate solution.</li><li>The article has been, or is reasonably likely to be the subject of a court order.</li><li>There is a significant risk to public health. </li></ul>

To guarantee that all papers published in the journal are maintained and permanently accessible, articles are stored in Dergipark which serves as a  national archival web site and at the same time permits LOCKSS to  collect, preserve, and serve the content.Additionally, authors are encouraged to self-archive the final PDF version of their articles in open electronic archives with  that conform to standards of Open Archives Initiative (<a href="https://www.openarchives.org/" target="_blank">https://www.openarchives.org/</a>). Authors should provide a link from the deposited version to the URL of IUPress journal website.

Journal of Eurasian Inquires is committed to upholding the highest standards of publication ethics and pays regard to Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing published by <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">the Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">the Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">the Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a>, and <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">the World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> on <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a>All parties involved in the publishing process (Editors, Reviewers, Authors and Publishers) are expected to agree on the following ethical principles.All submissions must be original, unpublished (including as full text in conference proceedings), and not under the review of any other publication synchronously. Each manuscript is reviewed by one of the editors and at least two referees under double-blind peer review process. Plagiarism, duplication, fraud authorship/denied authorship, research/data fabrication, salami slicing/salami publication, breaching of copyrights, prevailing conflict of interest are unnethical behaviors.All manuscripts not in accordance with the accepted ethical standards will be removed from the publication. This also contains any possible malpractice discovered after the publication. In accordance with the code of conduct we will report any cases of suspected plagiarism or duplicate publishing.

Ethics

The journal adheres to the highest standards in research ethics and follows the principles of international research ethics as defined below. The authors are responsible for the compliance of the manuscripts with the ethical rules.<ul><li>Principles of integrity, quality and transparency should be sustained in designing the research, reviewing the design and conducting the research.</li><li>The research team and participants should be fully informed about the aim, methods, possible uses and requirements of the research and risks of participation in research.</li><li>The confidentiality of the information provided by the research participants and the confidentiality of the respondents should be ensured. The research should be designed to protect the autonomy and dignity of the participants.</li><li>Research participants should participate in the research voluntarily, not under any coercion.</li><li>Any possible harm to participants must be avoided. The research should be planned in such a way that the participants are not at risk.</li><li>The independence of research must be clear; and any conflict of interest or must be disclosed.</li><li>In experimental studies with human subjects, written informed consent of the participants who decide to participate in the research must be obtained. In the case of children and those under wardship or with confirmed insanity, legal custodian’s assent must be obtained.</li><li>If the study is to be carried out in any institution or organization, approval must be obtained from this institution or organization.</li><li>In studies with human subject, it must be noted in the method’s section of the manuscript that the informed consent of the participants and ethics committee approval from the institution where the study has been conducted have been obtained.</li></ul>

It is authors’ responsibility to ensure that the article is in accordance with scientific and ethical standards and rules. And authors must ensure that submitted work is original. They must certify that the manuscript has not previously been published elsewhere or is not currently being considered for publication elsewhere, in any language. Applicable copyright laws and conventions must be followed. Copyright material (e.g. tables, figures or extensive quotations) must be reproduced only with appropriate permission and acknowledgement. Any work or words of other authors, contributors, or sources must be appropriately credited and referenced.All the authors of a submitted manuscript must have direct scientific and academic contribution to the manuscript. The author(s) of the original research articles is defined as a person who is significantly involved in “conceptualization and design of the study”, “collecting the data”, “analyzing the data”, “writing the manuscript”, “reviewing the manuscript with a critical perspective” and “planning/conducting the study of the manuscript and/or revising it”. Fund raising, data collection or supervision of the research group are not sufficient roles to be accepted as an author. The author(s) must meet all these criteria described above. The order of names in the author list of an article must be a co-decision and it must be indicated in the <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/D6721902505A4BFEAE344C7B9108B155" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form.</a> The individuals who do not meet the authorship criteria but contributed to the study must take place in the acknowledgement section. Individuals providing technical support, assisting writing, providing a general support, providing material or financial support are examples to be indicated in acknowledgement section.All authors must disclose all issues concerning financial relationship, conflict of interest, and competing interest that may potentially influence the results of the research or scientific judgment.When an author discovers a significant error or inaccuracy in his/her own published paper, it is the author’s obligation to promptly cooperate with the Editor to provide retractions or corrections of mistakes.

Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, sexual orientation, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors. He/She provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles for publication and ensures that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential before publishing.Editor-in-Chief is responsible for the contents and overall quality of the publication. He/She must publish errata pages or make corrections when needed.Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers. Only he has the full authority to assign a reviewer and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal.Reviewers must have no conflict of interest with respect to the research, the authors and/or the research funders. Their judgments must be objective.Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees must be ensured. In particular situations, the editor may share the review of one reviewer with other reviewers to clarify a particular point.

Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by editor-in-chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope.The editor hands over the papers matching the formal rules to at least two national/international referees for double-blind peer review evaluation and gives green light for publication upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.

Peer Review

Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by Editor-in-Chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope. Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, sexual orientation, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors and ensures a fair double-blind peer review of the selected manuscripts.The selected manuscripts are sent to at least two national/international external referees for evaluation and publication decision is given by Editor-in-Chief upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal.Reviewers’ judgments must be objective. Reviewers’ comments on the following aspects are expected while conducting the review.- Does the manuscript contain new and significant information?- Does the abstract clearly and accurately describe the content of the manuscript?- Is the problem significant and concisely stated?- Are the methods described comprehensively?- Are the interpretations and consclusions justified by the results?- Is adequate references made to other Works in the field?- Is the language acceptable?Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees is important.

All correspondence will be sent to the first-named author unless otherwise specified. Manuscpript is to be submitted online via <a href="http://dergipark.gov.tr/login" target="_blank">http://dergipark.gov.tr/login</a> that can be accessed at <a href="https://dergipark.org.tr/en/pub/iuavid" target="_blank">https://dergipark.org.tr/en/pub/iuavid</a> It must be accompanied by a <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/A2037312153941BCAACB13C5FA6294D1" target="_blank">title page</a> specifying the article category (i.e. research article, review etc.) and including information about the manuscript (see the Submission Checklist). Manuscripts should be prepared in Microsoft Word 2003 and upper versions. In addition, <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/D6721902505A4BFEAE344C7B9108B155" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a> that has to be signed by all authors must be submitted. 1. The journal publishes manuscripts in Turkish, English, Russian. 2. Manuscript should be written in MS Word format, double-spaced and in 11 point Times New Roman font. We kindly ask you not to send a pdf file. The title should be written with capital letters (12 point, bold), sub-headings in lower case letters (11 point, bold). 3. Research and review articles, as well as articles in translation should each include on its title page two abstracts (in the language of article and in English) of 180-200 words each. Key words (max. 10 words each) will also be provided underneath both of the abstracts. No abstract and bibliography are needed for research notes, addendum, book &amp; scientific meeting reviews, and letters to the editor. While uploading addendum, book review and letter to the editor files on the DergiPark system, please enter the first paragraph of the article in the abstract section. 4. Appendixes, with related bibliographical references,are placed after the main text, and before the bibliography. Their references should be included in the bibliography. 5. Short quotations should be given between double quotes within the paragraph. Long quotations (10 points) should have double indentation on the left (only), without quotes. 6. Figures and images should include captions with related bibliographical references. Bibliographical references mentioned in the captions should be included in the bibliography Their captions should be incorporated within the text, and not be collected at the end of the manuscript. Also, they should be separately uploaded to DergiPark system. Captions of images and figures should be numbered separately. Captions should be in 9 points. 7. Notes and bibliography must be in line with journal’s reference style based on Chicago Manual of Style (16th edition). 8. Notes (8 point) should be given at the bottom of every page, signalled by superscript numbers in the main text. Reference numbers should follow the punctuation marks (.35 or ,23).9. Submitted manuscripts and abstracts should be conformed with the grammar and orthography of the language (Turkish, English, Russian) in which they were written. 10. A <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/A2037312153941BCAACB13C5FA6294D1" target="_blank">title page</a> including author information must be submitted together with the manuscript. The title page is to include fully descriptive title of the manuscript and, affiliation, title, e-mail address, postal address, phone, fax number of the author(s) and ORCIDs of all authors (see The Submission Checklist).

Author Guidelines

<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/D6721902505A4BFEAE344C7B9108B155" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a> <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/7E6C614E3B774D91AF14B623030299F4" target="_blank">Title page</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/BA6134942D0E4293B50B7A5B224AD16C" target="_blank">Information for Authors</a>

Ensure that the following items are present: <ul><li>Confirm that “the paper is not under consideration for publication in another journal”.</li><li>Confirm that final language control is done. </li><li>Confirm that journal policies detailed in Information for Authors have been reviewed. </li><li>Confirm that the references cited in the text and listed in the references section are in line with journals’s reference system based on Chicago Manual of Style.</li></ul>● <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/D6721902505A4BFEAE344C7B9108B155" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a> (will only be sent after the article has been accepted for publication) ● Permission for non-published material ● <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/1A3A4AF4403D4011A8AC3B849ACA3753" target="_blank">Title page</a> <ul><li>The category of the manuscript </li><li>The title of the manuscript both in the language of the manuscript and in English </li><li>All authors’ names and affiliations (institution, faculty/department, city, country), e-mail addresses </li><li>Corresponding author’s email address, full postal address, telephone and fax number </li><li>ORCIDs of all authors. </li></ul>● Main Manuscript Document <ul><li>Important: Please avoid mentioning the the author (s) names in the manuscript. </li><li>The title of the manuscript both in the language of the manuscript and in English </li><li>Abstracts (180-200 words) both in the language of manuscript and in English </li><li>Extended Abstract (600-800 words) in English for the Turkish and Russian articles which are not in English </li><li>Key words </li><li>Manuscript body text </li><li> Acknowledgements, grant supports, conflicts of interest should be indicated </li><li>References and bibliography </li></ul><ul><li>All tables, illustrations (figures) (including title)</li></ul>

Issue Type	Regular
Editor(s)	Mustafa Balcı
Cover (PDF)
Full Text (PDF)
Front Pages (PDF)

Journal of Eurasian Inquiries

VOLUME 10, ISSUE 1, 2021

Türkiye’deki Musevilerin Lozan’daki Haklarından Feragatı ve Hahambaşılık Makamının Yetkilerinin Kısıtlanması

Rusya Federasyonu’nda Baltık Denizi’nden Kuzey Buz Denizi’ne İç Su Yolları ile Ulaşımının Dünü, Bugünü ve Yarını

Rus Raporlarında Türkistan İsyanı (1916-1917)

Azerbaycan’ı Zafere Götüren Büyük Taarruz: 44 Günlük Savaşın Anatomisi

Osmanlılarda Seyahatnȃme Kültürü ve Antalyalı Halil Salim’in Anadolu ve Rumeli’ye Bir Küçük Seyȃhat Yȃhud Her Yerde Terakkȋ İsimli Risalesi Üzerine Bir Değerlendirme

Türkiye’de Bilgi Teknolojilerinin Kullanımıyla Yabancı Dil Olarak Rusçanın Uzaktan Eğitimle Öğrenilmesinin Avantajları ve Dezavantajları

Siyaset, Toplum ve Şiddet: 2002 Gujarat Olaylarında Hindistan Polisinin Rolü Üzerine Bir İnceleme

Kura ve Aras Nehirlerinin Azerbaycan Aran (Kür-Araz) Bölgesi Açısından Jeoekonomik Önemi

Mevlüt Akçapa, Rus Dış Politikasında Etkili Bir Aktör: Gazprom, Putin Dönemi Rusya-Sırbistan İlişkilerinde Enerji Faktörü, Bursa: Dora Basım Yayın, 2020, 260 s. ISBN: 978-605-2471-81-4

Alaeddin Yalçınkaya ve Derya Tuğlu, Avrasya Stratejileri: İlişkiler, Örgütler, Politikalar, Ankara: Astana Yayınları, 2020, 413 s. ISBN: 978-605-5010-29-4

İshak Turan* . Çin’in Enerji Güvenliği Politikası: Kuşak Yol İnisiyatifi ve Avrasya’da “Yeni Büyük Oyun”, Nobel yayınları, Ankara 2020.

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