Gül

Res. Assist.

French director Céline Sciamma’s fourth feature film, Portrait of a Lady on Fire (2019), is set toward the end of the 18th century and is a love story between Marianne, a painter who travels to an island in Brittany for a marriage portrait commission, and Héloïse, the aristocratic model of the portrait. For the upper classes in a monarchy-ruled Europe, marriage was one of the most effective means of protecting and strengthening economic and political interests. The events transpiring during the painting the portrait of Héloïse, who does not want to actualize the marriage arranged by her mother and therefore refuses to pose for the painter, echoes the tradition of marriage, which means the continuation of the lineage to which the inheritance and the privileges of the family name will be passed down and also demonstrates the function of the portrait in this tradition.In the film where the “male protagonist” is absent, another main character is Sophie, the young maid who lives with Héloïse and her countess mother in their castle. The story of Sophie’s abortion brings women from different social classes closer together in the script; Sciamma draws attention to the fact that abortion, which is present throughout women’s lives in history, is not mentioned in the history of art, and criticizes the tradition that depicts the female body under the male gaze, which is a model for almost every sacred and profane theme. Sciamma, who is a political and feminist director, centers the portrayal of marriage in her screenplay. The social positions of the women painter, the male and the female gaze, and the stereotypes of the passive female model reduced to a muse—subjects of the feminist art history critique since the 1970s—along with the female experience, such as abortion that is rendered invisible, brings together the emphasis on gender and solidarity, which are also visible in her other films. In this context, although Sciamma chose the late 18th century as a historical background, she handled the composition and narrative with a contemporary perspective. In the second half of&nbsp;the 18th century, women became more active in the shaping of the cultural world through their involvement in art production, commissioning, collecting, art critique, and authorship. During this time, the argument for challenging gender roles was brought forward under the ideology of the Enlightenment, which steered the century to determine gender roles of women through the idea of the “course of nature,” before the French Revolution arrived. Héloïse, who refuses to marry, and Sophie who does not want to be a mother, are characters who object to the ideal roles assigned to women and at the same time reverse the dominant discourse language used in the 18th century within the scene arrangements and dialogues.&nbsp;Portrait of a Lady on Fire, which can be analyzed from different perspectives such as film aesthetics or feminist film theory, in this case has not been interpreted with the framework of concepts and theories inherent in cinema. On the contrary, with the interest triggered by the film, it would be appropriate to say this study offers "an insight" into art history by taking the film as the starting point with an approach ranging from fiction to history that oscillates between the representation in the film and the history of Western art.In the first section of the study, the tradition of the marriage portrait centered in the script can be traced to examples selected from 17th and 18th century French paintings. In these examples it is seen that the portrait of the (prospective) bride is presented as an icon in a ceremonial scene, which depicts a second representational element within the representation. In the second section, together with the Enlightenment, the construction of the idea of marriage and a women's social status are discussed through William Hogarth’s Marriage A-la-Mode (c.1743) series and “Héloïse,'' with its historical and fictional identity, which became a phenomenon in this era. In the third section, which focuses on Sophie's abortion story, showing Sophie and the baby in close contact in the mise en scene of the abortion is interpreted as a contrasting image (at the intersection of history and fiction) to Jean-Baptiste Greuze’s La mère bien aimée (1769), which reflects the concept of depicting women with an emphasis on motherhood and wifehood in 18th century French art. In the continuation of this section, the abortion story is intertwined with the women’s bonfire night scene, on the basis of the witchcraft imagery pointed out by the director. In the last part, the three portraits of “Héloïse,” the Salon exhibition, and the nude drawing of Marianne (that appears as “Marianne/Héloïse” on page 28 of Metamorphoses) are mentioned. The latter’s interpretation is inspired by John Berger’s quote, “The painter’s vision binds the woman to him [her] so that they become as inseparable as couples in stone”, in his Ways of Seeing.&nbsp;

Between Fiction and Art History: Portrait of a Lady on Fire

Tuğba

Located 2 km south of the city of Milas on a flat rock, Beçin Castle’s history dates back to prehistoric times. Turkish rule over Beçin started in the 13th century when the Turkish Beys who’d been overwhelmed by the Mongol invasion in Anatolia took over the region. One of these beys, Menteşe Bey founded a beylik [territory under the leadership of a bey, similar to a lord] based in Beçin that he named after himself and carried out many developmental activities from the middle of the 13th century to the beginning of the 15th century.Archaeological excavations have been ongoing in Beçin Castle since the 1970s. Many glazed and unglazed pottery have been brought into art history studies, especially as a result of the excavations carried out in the Inner Castle, Seymenlik Gate, Yelli Mosque, and its surroundings. Previous academic publications are found on Beçin Castle ceramics. The current article examines 24 monochrome glazed ceramics unearthed in Beçin Castle excavations between 2014-2021, of which 13 are ring-bottomed bowls, three are flat-bottomed pots, six are deep plates, one is a jug, and one is a type of vessel in the form of an oil lamp.A common style of monochrome glazed ceramics can be noted that were unearthed in the Beçin Excavation. All of the ceramics were made from red paste. The ceramic cements are moderately tempered, hard, and slightly porous, with mica, lime, quartz, and other small stones. Although the dominant color of the glaze is green, colors such as yellow, ochre, brown, and rarely dark cobalt blue are also visible. In the ceramics examined in this study, the glazes were completely applied inside the bowls, also extending past the lip to the outer sections. Meanwhile, the glazes on the pottery were applied in such a way that resulted not in a shiny, but a matte sheen that creates cracks. Although few in number, bright and smooth examples are additionally present in the study. Primer is generally not used on the outside, but it is applied on all interiors. Cream and cream tones were generally preferred for the primer.The ceramic bowls unearthed in Beçin excavations are generally medium sized. The bottom diameters vary between 6-9 cm. The diameters of the mouths of the bowls vary between 18-22 cm on average, with heights ranging between 8-11 cm. The bottom diameters of the flat-bottomed bowls vary between 7-9 cm. The diameters of the mouths of the plates, which&nbsp;fully form with the base, generally vary between 21-25 cm, while their bottom diameters vary between 5-8 cm and their height between 4-7.5 cm. The diameter of one plate with no base has a mouth diameter (26 cm.) similar to the other examples. Apart from these ceramics, which are frequently encountered in daily use, an oil lamp and jug were also among the finds.Certain difficulties were encountered with regard to the typology study of the bowls made for daily use, in which liquid and solid foods were placed. The lack of a common language in scientific studies with regard to the types of vessels is one of this subject’s main problems. Terms such as spherical body, hemispherical body, conical body, and semi-conical body were frequently repeated with regard to medieval ceramics. However, ceramics have been classified under different titles despite having the same form. The form typologies of the monochromatic glazed ceramics unearthed in Beçin excavations were determined by comparing them with samples from other Turkish-Period excavations on Anatolian lands.Classifying the bodies of the bowls in the ceramics from the Beçin Castle excavation as hemispherical was deemed appropriate because these vessels are slightly curved from the body to the mouth, with the mouth opening conically. The section of rounded wall between the body and the mouth constricts as it ascends, transforming the vessel into a conical shape. In other words, the vessels are neither fully spherical nor fully conical. A detailed classification study has been carried out over the examples by dividing the mouths into the following sub-headings: inverted or outwardly curved body forms. These are then sub-divided into hemispherical body forms.The monochrome glaze ceramics unearthed in Beçin excavations match other ceramics that can be seen from Eastern to Western Anatolia in terms of shape, material, and technique. When considering the Beçin region, the probability of ceramics coming from nearby centers is seen to be higher, as Beçin ceramics are accepted as having coming from nearby centers such as Balat, where evidence of production is already present. The influences from the Anatolian Seljuk, Anatolian Beylik, Byzantine, and Early Ottoman periods can be seen in the medieval ceramics to have been a multi-layered and intricate period. This makes dating the ceramics as difficult as determining the place where they were produced. Great difficult is had in determining which civilization an object belongs to during this period due to the lands constantly being invaded by different communities, people migrating, the difficult economic conditions, and the changing political borders. One should additionally not forget the traveling masters whose existence in this period is also known.&nbsp;

The Types of Monochrome Glazed Ceramics in the  Beçin Castle Excavation (2014-2021)

Artemenko

Prof.

Yaroslava

Assoc. Prof.

The Mental Image of The City in Turkish Painting of  The Metamodernism Era

Verda

Zeynep

Sir Steven Runciman at Istanbul University: How  British Wartime Politics Led to the Establishment of the  Byzantine Art History Chair

Hatice

The subject of this study involves the liturgical and secular instruments of ceremonies, namely the shofar and the trumpet, as well as their places in Byzantine art. In order to provide clarity, the article has been divided into specific sub-headings. The introduction attempts to explain the emergence of the shofar as an instrument. Among the instruments accepted and referred to as holy in the Bible (e.g., lyre, harp, trimble, strings, pipe, and cymbal), the trumpet is the most mentioned. In this context, the historical past of the trumpet, which is usually used in place of the shofar, was also included within the context of study. The historical background of the bugle, which was first called a trompette in the 14th century, dates back to various historical periods in different geographies.&nbsp;Two wind instruments are mentioned in the Bible: the trumpet and the shofar. The shofar is usually confused with the trumpet. For this reason, the references to trumpet and shofar both in paganism and in the Bible have been compared.The other sub-headings first examine the etymological and iconographic past of the shofar and trumpet. While evaluating the origin of these instruments, the iconographic facts were determined to possess important points regarding the etymological derivation of shofar. Chapter 20 of the Book of Genesis in the Bible is known to address how God tested Abraham and sent a ram to replace Isaac’s sacrifice and how the horn of this ram has an important place in determining the shofar’s etymological, material, and iconographic past. This event is known as the Akedah and has an important place in the Hebrew tradition. As an instrument, the shofar these days is made from the horn of an antelope, goat, or ram. The cow horn is not permitted to be used in shofar production as it is a reminder of the story of the Golden Calf during the Jews’ Exodus from Egypt. Accepted as a holy instrument, the shofar is mostly blown during the Jewish Rosh Hashanah celebrations. Apart from religious rituals, wars and secular celebrations are other important events for blowing on the shofar and trumpet. For these reasons, the places and usages of shofar and trumpet have been classified according to their references in the Bible.&nbsp;Another important sub-heading of the study explains the shofar and trumpet depictions in religious art that were chosen as examples. These examples are discussed within the scope of the study chronologically. The first two examples date back to the 4th century A.D. as examples of Late Antiquity/Early Christian Art. The two selected plates mingle mythological and biblical themes. As a symbol of the belief in the afterlife, the trumpet is also able to be&nbsp;seen both in pagan and monotheistic beliefs. Next, two examples of illustrations chosen from manuscripts are used in an attempt to explain how the shofar and trumpet are used as well as their importance. Examples of wall paintings such as scenes of the Ascension and the Last Judgement have been dated back to the Middle Byzantine period, with the trumpet having a very important place in that period as an iconographical element. Some examples were chosen from the post-Byzantine period in order to show the continuity of depictions of the shofar and trumpet in Eastern Christian Art after Byzantine Empire. Lastly, a wall painting from the Stavronikita Monastery in Athos dated to the 16th century depict a shofar with a different purpose. Referencing the Bible’s Samuel 26:14–15, the shofar is depicted as an instrument mentioned in connection with the Ark of the Covenant being transported to Jerusalem. Our last example shows an image dated to the post-Byzantine period, in which the influence of Byzantine art can be clearly seen.The conclusion provides a general evaluation using the given examples. As a result, the depiction of shofar has been determined to cover many areas of art such as wall paintings, mosaic panels, icons, plates, and book illustrations.&nbsp;

The Shofar and Trumpet in Byzantine Art

Yasemin

Assist. Prof.

Evren

Fish, as a still life subject, have been presented in painting for different purposes in different periods. In ancient Greek art and Roman art, fish were often featured in wall paintings, especially in the rooms of the guests, to show the importance of hospitality. In Christianity, a fish symbolized Jesus and those who believed in him. In the Middle Ages, each branch of science symbolized fish according to its purview, for example, fish symbolized the moon for astronomers, the water for alchemists, and a cold-blooded temperament for doctors. As a still life subject, fish appeared in the northern and Spanish Netherlands in the last quarter of the sixteenth century and as an expression of abundance, fertility, and wealth. The association of sea creatures with fertility gave rise to different types of fish being illustrated with crustaceans, such as crabs, lobsters, or mussels.Among these sea creatures, the gurnard, compared to other fish of the same size, has larger side fins and swims in the sea as if it were flying. Rather than swimming, the gurnard lives and hunts by walking on the bottom of the sea, using three finger-like projections on the underside of its body to do so. In addition, the red body, white belly, dark blue spots, and bright bluepurple color of the side fins, it’s human-like face, unusual type mouth and eyes attracted the artists. These anatomical differences caused gurnards to be portrayed more often in painting because art also served the purpose of documentation. One encounters this type of documentation in Japanese, Turkish, and European art. Compared to other world port cities, Istanbul is a city where fish are more abundant because of the Bosporus strait and the Great Horn. Fish have been consumed since antiquity. However, it was only in the nineteenth century that fish entered the Ottoman Palace cuisine in a diversified way and were loved. An increase in fish consumption also effected literature, where writers, such as Sait Faik Abasıyanık, frequently mentioned fish and fishermen in their works.Still lifes are quite common in Turkish painting. Early, diverse examples include flowers and fruits that appear in miniatures and wall paintings. Depictions of dead animals, such as fish or game, entered Turkish still life paintings quite late in comparison to other subjects. In the early period of Turkish painting, non-Muslim artists had a much wider range of subjects,&nbsp;with examples of fish depictions among them. The first examples of the gurnard were created by Sopon Bezirdjian and Caliph Abdulmejid. Afterwards, the 1914 Generation artists and their students covered the subject more frequently. For Impressionist artists, light plays, the expression of instant light changes, was an essential effect. The red color and scales made gurnard a suitable subject for these games of light. For this reason, they were used as models of fish still lifes. The gurnard as a subject, however, was depicted more frequently in compari-son with other fishes. Its fins open like wings, and the sound it makes when it is taken from water is considered as a cry or a groan, which is considered bad luck. Artists must have been attracted to this because the fish is depicted with its mouth open, as if it were screaming. It is mostly portrayed with its gaze making contact with the viewer’s, with its eyes appearing, perhaps resentful. The fish has a remarkable place in Turkish culture more so than in European culture and is depicted with the feelings which peculiar to humankind.Changes in culture and politics in Republican Period were reflected in Turkish painting, and still lifes with fish were produced less frequently. After 1950, in a move away from figurative expression, the subject was ignored, and gurnard depictions disappeared from Turkish art.&nbsp;

Gurnard Still Lifes in European and Turkish Painting

Mercan

Zayn al-‘Abidin b. Muhammad al-Katib al-Shirazi was an accomplished book artist, who was active in the second half of the fifteenth century in Iran. Both the nisba “el-Shirazi” he uses in his name and manuscript with a colophon in which he gives both his name and the place of copy as Shiraz indicate that he lived and worked in the city of Shiraz. A second place of copy that he mentions in another manuscript is Hamadan while a third manuscript that he signed, which is dedicated to the Akkoyunlu Sultan Yakûb, shows that he was active in these cities as well. His signed manuscripts show that he worked for Timurid and Turkman patrons. This article evaluates the illumination, calligraphy, and bindings of eleven manuscripts signed by this scribe.The colophons of two manuscripts, Külliyat-ı ‘İmâd (TİEM, no.2030) dated 863/1459 and Divan-ı Nizârî-i Kuhistanî (Çorum, HPYEK, no. 1955) dated 865/1460, which he transcribed, state that Zayn al-‘Abidin b. Muhammad al-Katib was responsible for both their illumination and binding. In both manuscripts illuminated by him, a distinctive style of illumination is recognizable. The same illumination style is also seen in some of the other manuscripts signed by him. A detailed analysis of this illumination style suggests that it corresponds to the illumination style of the manuscripts produced in Timurid Shiraz and Yazd in the first half of the fifteenth century. This style of illumination was employed in Shiraz until the end of the Timurid period, but not during the second half of the century. The existence of an out-of-date and unique illumination style in his manuscripts may have been related to his taste and preference as well as his Shiraz origin. Detailed comparison of the illumination of these two manuscripts with other manuscripts signed by him brings to the fore the possibility that the illumination of some of the other manuscripts may have also been the work of Zayn al- ‘Abidin b. Muhammad al-Katib.Of these two manuscripts, Külliyat-ı ‘İmâd (TİEM, no.2030) retains its original, high quality binding, which suggests that Zayn al-‘Abidin b. Muhammad al-Katib was also a master bookbinder and must have done some other bindings during the Aqqoyunlu period.Two of the eleven manuscripts that are known to have been signed by Zayn al-‘Abidin b. Muhammad are written in nasta’liq script while the rest are in “six-pens,” mostly in naskh and thuluth. His style of nasta’liq is different from the “western style” of nasta’liq used by the Khwarazmī family in Shiraz and Tabriz during the fifteenth century and can be considered to have been a local and individual style.In the manuscripts signed by Zayn al-‘Abidin and written in “six-pens,” special juxtapositions of the scripts are used. They are used alternatingly within the same text. The body of the text is divided horizontally into different segments and in each one, various scripts are written in different sizes. Such compositions, which provide a unique dynamism to the visual appearance of the Qur’an manuscripts, are also seen in texts signed by the name Yakut Mustasımi and his students in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. In the fifteenth century, this practice evolved and different examples were created in Timurid and Turkmen territories. Zayn al- ‘Abidin is one of the scribes who used these complex compositions during the fifteenth century. Although this practice dates back to earlier centuries, those by Zeynu’l-Abidin also carry some distinctive features. The manuscripts signed by Zeyn’l-Abidin in naskh are on history, religion, and mysticism, and are written in Persian and Arabic. In some of the Arabic works, he uses thuluth for the main text, and naskh for the Persian translations which are written in a smaller-sized script between the lines of the Arabic text in thuluth. His manuscripts containing various scripts in complex compositions are copies of Qur’an and Arabic literary works. The two manuscripts in nasta’liq are Persian literary works.His accomplished status as an artist of the book may come from the Shiraz tradition of the arts of the book which was commonly practiced within the Shirazi families and is mentioned in the Javâhirul-akhbar, a historical text about the city. Study of the manuscripts signed by Zayn al-‘Abidin b. Muhammad al-Katib al-Shirazi indicates that he was an accomplished illuminator and a master bookbinder as well as a calligrapher. Being a master artist, he appears to have had a distinctive aesthetic taste. In conclusion, Zayn al-‘Abidin b. Muhammad al-Katib al-Shirazi, who worked for Timurid, Qaraqoyunlu, and Aqqoyunlu patrons, must be considered a brilliant and impressive artist in the field of book arts during the second half of the fifteenth century.&nbsp;

An Accomplished Scribe: Zayn al-‘Abidin b. Muhammad al-Katib  al-Shirazi and His Works

Neslihan

The ancient city of Sura is located 6 km northwest of the Lycian city of Myra, now known as Demre. The settlement was in the territory of Myra and it was particularly documented in the ancient written sources for its oracle practices during the pagan period. The only identified written source referring to Sura from the Byzantine period is an alphabetical list of places and names written by Stephanus of Byzantium. Following this list, the earliest information about the Byzantine period of the city was given by researchers and travelers who had visited the region in the 19th and 20th centuries. However, no archaeological excavations have been carried out in the city.Although the preservation status of urban structures is poor, some of them can be identified as sarcophagi and as the fort and city walls, workshops, ruler’s residential complex and houses, and places of worship such as the temple, churches, and chapels. The structures that met the daily needs of the people of Sura are located in the acropolis, while the holy spring and the religious buildings such as the temple and a Byzantine church are situated in the valley.Sura City Church is the first of the two Byzantine churches that constitute the subject of this study and is located in the acropolis. This church underwent three different construction phases, each built within the boundaries of the previous one. The most preserved part of the first phase of the church is the apse, which has a semicircular plan on the inside and a half-hexagonal shape on the outside. Although the church is estimated to have had a basilica plan with three naves, no tangible information can be obtained due to the north and south walls being roughly at the foundation level and the western section having been completely demolished. The nave of the church measures 18.44 x 25.09 m, which is rare for the Lycian region. An underground cistern is found in the northern part of the structure. A substantial part of the cistern was carved into bedrock, and the north wall of the church was supported by a single pillar with two arches spanning east to west in the cistern. The second construction phase is located within the ruins of the first church, with the western portion of the building being unidentifiable due to the level of destruction. However, the semicircular form of the apse belonging to the second phase can be observed to the west of the first church’s apse. The third and final construction phase of the ruins is a burial chapel that was constructed within the nave of the second church. The most preserved structure of the ruins is this building and its three apses and single nave measuring 5.30 x 7.70 m. The only entrance to the chapel is on the west wall. Unlike the south wall, the north wall has two pilasters that formed three arches that are no longer preserved. These arches and pilasters would have been used for forming the arcosolia rather than for supporting the chapel vault. Furthermore, pendentive stones on the north wall behind the pilasters indicate the chapel to have once been covered with a barrel vault.Because no pieces of the architectural plastic elements are found in or around the ruins, the dating of the churches was made by comparing them with others in surrounding settlements. According to the obtained results, the first phase of the structure is estimated to have been built around the 6th century. Despite the lack of sufficient information about the second phase plan, previous studies have dated it to the 8th century. Lastly, the third phase of the structures appears to have been built around the 11th or 12th centuries.The second church in Sura is the Sura Valley Church, located in the valley southwest of the city. This church is preserved up to the roof level along the east and west walls, to the window arches in the south wall, and to the windowsills on the north wall. The building has a basilica plan with a single apse and three naves. A narthex is found in the west wall, and a single nave chapel is adjacent to the south wall of the church. The apses of both the church and the chapel have a semicircular floorplan. Stone pillars were used to separate the nave, whose dimensions are 13.66 x 20.22 m. The beam holes observed in the east wall of the narthex and east of the north aisle walls indicate that the narthex had a second floor and the naves had galleries. The building was determined from the height of the preserved walls to have been covered with a single gable roof above the nave and shed-type roof above the narthex. The additional chapel to the south of the church measures 4.50 x 4.19 m and is thought to have had a barrel vault.The church has been concluded to have been built in the 5th or 6th century by comparing the data obtained from field studies and from the literature review of research published on architectural plastic elements and plans from churches in the surrounding settlements. The chapel is assumed to have been a later addition to the church due to the differences in the masonry technique between the church and the chapel.&nbsp;

Byzantine Churches in the Ancient City of Sura (Soura)

Yunus

The ancient city of Tyana was located in Kemerhisar town of Bor district of Niğde province. In Roman and Byzantion period, It was religious and commercial center. After the Battle of Manzikert in 1071, Turkish-Islamic culture began to spread in Anatolia. During 13th century, the Seljuks dominated the trade route in Anatolia and Crimean. Although the region lost its importance due to political turmoil for a while during the Danishmends period, it experienced its heyday during the Anatolian Seljuks period. It is infered from the history and existing finds that the region was in ruins between the 11th and 13th centuries. The activities of the Seljuks in the region and its location near the trade routes contributed greatly to its development in this period. Ceramics that provide important information about daily life, socio-economic structure and trade are also frequently encountered in the Tyana excavation. This study examines the medieval ceramics found in the excavations at Tyana region, a large number of which were made using monochrome glaze, sgraffito, champleve, painted sgraffito and underglaze painting techniques. The ceramics, extensively examined according to their paste, form, decoration and composition characteristics, provide important information about the settlement in the region during the Anatolian Seljuk and Beyliks periods. Considering the Tyana city settlement, the fact that the excavated area constitutes a limited part makes it difficult to make general evaluations. However, the existing ceramic finds show that there was a commercial settlement activity in the city at the beginning of the 13th century, similar to the Tokat Komana region. Komana is one of the layered excavations in Anatolia and the similarities of the Tyana with the Komana ceramics dated between the 13th and 15th centuries is crucial. Determining the ceramic production in the Anatolian Seljuk and the Beyliks periods will contribute significantly to the understanding of the socio-economic structure in Turkish periods. It is understood from the existing ceramic finds that the Tyana region, which was one of the important settlements in the Roman and Byzantine periods, preserved its importance during the Anatolian Seljuk and Beyliks periods. When the ceramics found in the Tyana excavations are examined, they generally consist of Anatolian Seljuk, Cilicia Region (Mersin, Adana, Hatay), Beyliks, Ottoman (Miletian), Italian majolica, and Kütahya production cups. Medieval ceramics between the Anatolian Seljuk, Ottoman periods, and Italian majolicas show that the region was actively used between the 13th and 15th centuries, and Tyana was in an important commercial location. The ceramics examined in this study fall within the scope of the Tyana excavation by the Italian excavation team that lasted for 13 years; thus, it is not possible to benefit from the data for dating the ceramics from the excavation area. It is seen that the ceramic finds of the Tyana excavation can be dated to the 13th century Anatolian Seljuk period and the 14th to15th century Beyliks period. For this reason, in the study, a sharp distinction could be made in grouping the ceramics and the period was not specified in the dating. However, considering similar examples, the period can be determined. For this reason, in the study, no sharp distinction could be made in grouping the ceramics and the period was not specified in the dating. However, considering similar examples, the periods for some ceramics could be determined. The dating was thus done in this way. The sgraffito, champleve and slip-painted ceramics of the Tyana excavation were found to be between the 13th century and the middle of the 14th century. The painted sgraffito decorations were dated to the end of the 13th to 14th centuries. The monochromatic glazed ceramics were dated to two different periods: between the 13th century and the middle of the 14th century, and the middle of the 14th and 15th centuries. The Miletian ceramics with underglaze painting decoration were dated to the middle of the 14th and 15th centuries.&nbsp;

Turkish-Islamic Ceramics of The Nigde/Tyana (Kemerhisar)  Excavations

Duygu

Gradiva, meaning "the woman who walks" in Latin, is a Neo-Attica style bas-relief that became renowned as a modern mythical figure in the early 20th century. This bas-relief, found in the ancient Roman city of Pompeii near Naples, one of the most significant centers of the archaeological excavations accelerated in the 19th century such as Crete, Troy, and Egypt, is now exhibited in the Chiaramonti Museum in the Vatican. The figure, named as Gradiva because it depicts a Pompeian girl walking with her skirts raised, became the icon of literature, art, and psychoanalysis through Sigmund Freud. The German writer Wilhelm Jensen was the first person to use Gradiva relief as a literary theme for his pioneering 1903 novella Gradiva and to introduce the artwork to cultural history. Jensen's text attracted the attention of Freud, who was so fascinated with archaeology that he created his model of personality structure based on archaeological layers, and subsequently, Freud wrote a famous essay on the subject in 1907 titled Der Wahn und die Träume in W. Jensens "Gradiva" (Delusion and Dream in Jensen's Gradiva). Because of the narrative of Jensen's novella open to psychological interpretation, Freud postulated his famous thesis that traumatic childhood experiences transfigure as adult dreams and cause neurotic personality structuring. Such neuroses can be cured through psychoanalysis, and the blockages between the past and the present can be removed. The widespread echoes of Gradiva and Freud's thesis are not surprising when the dominant themes of modern art and cinema are contemplated; for instance, the search for the self, the identity issue, individuation, the other, alienation, and loneliness. Gradiva's construal in such a manner intensely affected the surrealists, who represented the most influential avant-garde intellectuals at the turn of the 20th century. The surrealists were particularly interested in the unconscious and dreams in 1930s, and the female figure of Gradiva, replete with erotic connotations, became a leading source of inspiration for them. Reinterpreted by many artists such as Salvador Dalí and André Masson, Gradiva also became the name given to the art gallery André Breton opened in Paris in 1937.Inevitably, Gradiva's long walk through the history and art encompassed cinema, one of the most powerful art branches of the 20th century. Leos Carax's 2014 short film Gradiva is one of the most striking cinematic expositions on the subject. Carax's film offers an original perspective on the present-day problems of artists, works of art, art receivers, and viewers. After all, Carax's cinema, which is already in pursuit of a new perspective and gaze, is a unique in its production of new images filled with cultural, social and political connotations within the framework of the search for human's genuine identity, from Boy Meets Girl, his first feature film in 1984 to Annette in 2021. Being one of the founders of the Cinéma du look movement, which adopts the situationist tradition of criticism and employs avant-garde methods such as détournement, it helps to elucidate his cinema and illuminate the kind of gaze he seeks.&nbsp;Carax's proximity to all classical and modern branches of art as a native successor of the French New Wave (Nouvelle Vague) and his successful use of the tools of rhythmic and plastic arts have marked him as an art-historical personality and granted intellectual merit to his cinema. Such grounding also enables to analyze his films in terms of Richard Wagner's concept of gesamtkuntswerk. Contextually, Carax's use of music must be emphasized as an exemplar: His two-minute short film Gradiva opens with Ludwig van Beethoven's Grosse Fuge (The Great Fugue), a controversial work in the history of classical music. Beethoven composed the fugue late in life and the music was deemed incomprehensible during his time and much critiqued. However, it regained its status as a pioneering and revolutionary work at the begining of the 20th century. Derived from the Italian word fuga meaning 'escape', the fugue denotes a method of composition in which discrete motifs follow each other. The Italian ricercare, an early form of the fugue, also signifies 'seeking'. Given the continuous cycle of metaphorical seeking and escape, it is remarkable that Carax begins his two minutes long but rich-in-meaning film Gradiva with the Great Fugue. Avant-garde music personalities such as David Bowie and Sparks also form part of Carax's cinematic universe. The outstanding collaboration between Sparks and Carax produced Annette, a candidate for the stature of the most extraordinary French musical film after Les Parapluies de Cherbourg (1963). The 2021 production Annette is a special cinematic event with references to two cult films of cinema history, La Piscine (1969) and Raging Bull (1980) in addition to its musical and multi-layered dramatic background.&nbsp;The figure of Gradiva, a notable symbol of psychology and art, indicates the dilemmas faced by the 20th century modern individual who vacillated between identity and personality (and self), as well as the self and the other. In other respects, it draws attention to the extensive range of impact of archaeology and archetypes in the collective unconscious. In recommending inquiry into the nature of memories and dreams, the Gradiva narrative essentially represents an act of self-knowledge. Michel Foucault states that the source of this act of knowing (gnothi seauton/know thyself), which is crucial to ancient thought, is the principle of take care of yourself (epimelesthai seautou), but this fact is unfortunately forgotten. The principle has&nbsp;become a cliché and lost its true transformative-recuperative meaning after becoming a fixed daily platitude: Take care of yourself! It is possible that Gradiva's highly meaningful gesture of carefully lifting her skirt and taking care of herself reminds the modern humanity of this knowledge again. Thus, art's attribute of presenting and introducing the self to a person as a mirror will once more be actualized. Based on all these facts, in this study, what Gradiva, an important figure for the self and identity relations, symbolizes for art history, what meanings it takes, how it mirrors the search for the self as a psychological image, are discussed especially in the context of Leos Carax cinema.&nbsp;

Gradiva in Art History: Archaeology, Cinema, Music

Sander

“The Greatest Revolution in Art”: Reinterpreting  Roger Fry’s Byzantinism

Yıldız

Neriman Polat was born in Istanbul in 1968 and studied at Mimar Sinan University Fine Arts Faculty in thePainting Department. Since the second half of the 1990s, she has been producing art works in Turkey and abroad. In addition to her individual productions, Polat also took part in various art collectives: The Definition of Art Group, In Between, and Excavation. The artist transfers very different aspects of sociopolitical and cultural issues to artistic works within the context of power relations. In her works, Polat examines social memory, modernization, male violence, daily life practices, family, home, urban environments, immigration, class, ethnicity, gender, and sexual orientation. Her works deal with these issues in their historical contexts and in the context of their transformative qualities.Neriman Polat’s aesthetic language embodies the imperfect one, in her own words, the “spoiled.” She uses her artistic language to articulate themes that the established ways of seeing consider distorted, ugly, and unhappy. She calls out her audience from the very center of daily life and invites them to face the power practices that are taken for granted. In this regard, one can argue that Polat assumes a self-reflexive artistic position that is open to understanding, questioning, exploring, discussing, and transforming. The themes she deals with, her production practices and methods, her tools and materials, her forms of artistic expression, and her critical attitudes toward social, political, and cultural structures overlap with the conceptual framework that Sara Ahmed discusses in her book The Promise of Happiness.Sara Ahmed’s The Promise of Happiness was first published in 2010. The author, who was born in a different place a year after Polat, deals with issues and themes similar to those that Polat put at the center of her art practices. Ahmed’s works portray the discourses and practices of vulnerable groups who are discriminated against, declared outside the norm, and pushed to the margins of society. The traces and influences left by these groups in social life and the social and cultural processes that affect them are the main materials of Ahmed’s studies. In considering the concept of happiness with a critical perspective, she examines it through its historical, economic, social, and cultural genealogy: namely, Sara Ahmed reads happiness with a relational conceptual framework. The author observes the current frequency of references to the “happiness industry” and that a form of happiness has become the norm, and she reveals&nbsp;the consumption patterns of this artificially produced normative structure. Notably, however, artificial forms of happiness offer ready-made prescriptions for how individuals should behave in order to be happy. Against this tendency, which ignores differences and pluralism, Ahmed opens “archives of unhappiness.”The aim of this study is to examine Neriman Polat’s artistic practices and discourses within the framework of Sara Ahmed’s critical approach to the concept of happiness; the research is aimed at drawing attention to the closeness of the artistic and theoretical approaches of these two figures who produce works in different fields. In this context, three exhibitions of the artist, one personal, one group, and one retrospective, were scrutinized. The first exhibition is Merciless (2018), which opened at Istanbul Merdiven Art Space and examined the different aspects of violence against children within the context of power relations. The second is a group exhibition, Flower Wound (2019), which was curated by Derya Yücel and exhibited at Istanbul Kasa Gallery; forms of violence that are well-known but considered taboo appeared at the center of this exhibition, which also addressed diverse social struggles and resistance practices. The third and final exhibition is Breaking the Seal (2019), curated by Derya Yücel and Mahmut Wenda Koyuncu; it consisted of a wide-ranging retrospective selection of works by the artist from between 1996 and 2019 that covered two floors of Istanbul Depo. Themes of the piece included violence against children and women, urbanization, modernization, and discrimination.The main data sources for the current study are exhibition catalogs, press releases, exhibition reviews, artist-curator interviews, and personal observations from exhibitions. In all three exhibitions, the audience is confronted with different aspects of home, family, women, and children that society renders invisible. Ahmed, in her book The Promise of Happiness, conducts an archaeological excavation of the concept of happiness and prompts the reader to confront society. By examining social and cultural processes, she tells what happiness hides, what has been given up in its pursuit. In this context, both Neriman Polat and Sara Ahmed take a relational approach to confronting power mechanisms while exploring the possibilities of a pluralistic society. In the end, both have created alternative archives.&nbsp;

On the Margins of Art and Society: Traces of “The Promise of  Happiness” in the Art Practices of Neriman Polat

Turgay

Yığınak village, known as Hores/Khores/Horis is approximately 23 km from the Kahta District of Adıyaman Province in Türkiye and is located southeast of Kahta. As a result of the surveys carried out between 1977-1981 and the excavations within the scope of the Lower Euphrates Project, many artifacts were encountered, in particular the castle and palace ruins dating to the 13th century. At the end of the excavations, no studies were conducted on the ceramics delivered to the Adıyaman Museum. Before the dam flooded the area, Horis Castle was located approximately 1 km north of Horis Village. The castle which was located on a hill overlooking the plains on the West bank of the Euphrates, and its eastern, northeastern, and southeastern facades were quite steep. The palace that was unearthed during the excavations must have belonged to a commander or the governor, who’d been staioned at the intersection of the Adıyaman-Diyarbakır route with the Euphrates; it had served as a lookout and defensive positone. The ceramics and coins obtained during the excavations that had been carried out in the palace structure and other parts of the castle were said to have belonged mainly to the Seljuk Dynasty. Urguantarium fragments belonging to the Roman period as well as items from prehistoric period were additionally found. These finds show the settlement history of the region to be quite old. In addition, a terracotta sarcophagus was found near two burial chambers villagers had previously opened between the castle and Horis Village. A coin was found in the sarcophagus that is thought to have belonged to the period of Ariarathes IX, one of the kings of Cappadoccia. When Horis Kale was abandoned, is not precisely known, but it is understood to have started losinge its importance after the Mamluk conquest with Samsat. The Mamluks, made major renovations to the nearby Eski Kahta and Gerger castles they conquered at that time, but were seen to care about Horis Castle, which they destroyed during their conquest, neither renovating nor usinge it.Horis Castle ceramics, are closely similar to those found in nearby regions such as Samsat, Harran, Eski Kahta, Urfa, Korucutepe, Gritille, Tille, Avşan Höyük and Syria; this proves the they to be a part of the common repertoire of ceramics produced in this region during the Middle Ages. Unglazed, monochrome glazed, sgraffito, champleve, transparent colorless underglaze painting, transparent turquoise underglaze painting, and imitation luster ceramics of various colors were found during the excavations, which provides an idea about the trade and commercial life the region had with surrounding cultures in the Middle Ages. When considering that medieval (12th -13th century) ceramics were found in the castle, the politically chaotic situation of the region is seen to be reflected in the diversity of ceramics.The majority of the ceramics, bear similarities with those found in other medieval settlements in Eastern and Southeastern Anatolia, and are examples from the Islamic period. The presence of ceramics from the Byzantine and Crusader periods is additionally remarkable. The red and white paste unglazed ceramics found in Horis Castle are mostly fragments from jugs, flasks. The densest group found in Horis Kale is understood to be monochrome glazed samples. Monochrome glazed ceramics, are known to be among the most widely used examples of daily life in the Anatolian Seljuk and Principalities periods, as well as in the Byzantine, Armenian, and Crusader periods; they appear mainly as red paste, and green or yellow monochromatic glazed in the sample from Horis Castle. Purple monochromatic glazed examples, which are more common in the Southeastern Anatolian geography compared to other parts of Anatolia during the Seljuk period excavations, also constitute a dense group among the Horis Castle ceramics. A small number of ceramics using an underglaze technique are also found among the examples. These ceramics, closely resemble Ayyubid ceramics from the 12th -13th centuries in Syria, and can be found in all contemporary settlements in the surrounding area. A small number of ceramics with black or dark blue decorations on a transparent turquoise underglaze were also found in Horis Castle. Similar ceramics can be found among the Ayyubid ceramics in Syria as well as in regions such as Samsat, Hasankeyf, Tille, Gritille and Harran. Imitation lusters were found in Horis Castle similar to those found in Samsat. The discovery of these ceramics in Horis Castle is also proof that these regionally produced samples had also been delivered to Horis Castle.As a result, the ceramic finds from Horis Castle, have features paralleling other the medieval settlements, which show the region to have had a common repertoire of ceramic art. Horis Castle can be sait to have had a close connection with Syria, thanks to the ceramics found during the excavations. Although no oven structures had been found by the end of the excavations in Samsat, which is close to Horis Castle, Samsat is accepted as having been an important medieval center of ceramic production. When considering this alongside the Horis Castle ceramics they are understood to bear very close similarities with Samsat ceramics. This unity of ceramics, goes beyond similarity, and brings to mind that the majority of the ceramics found in Horis Castle had likely been produced in Samsat.&nbsp;

Medieval Pottery From Horiskale

Büşra

Mehmet

The article touches upon the evolving process in late Ottoman society where women had made some important achievements, especially in education. As a consequence of these achievements and the initiatives from painter Mihri Hanım, İnas Sanayi-i Nefise Mektebi was established in 1914. This institution’s merger with the Sanayi-i Nefise Mektebi occurred in 1923; however, the study will not address developments that followed. After discussing the content regarding sculpture education at the school, the study will address the artistic activities of three woman sculptors who studied there.&nbsp;The school was established to allow women to receive art education and to train art teachers for secondary schools, and its education mainly focused on painting. The school conducted fulltime education there, with workshops occurring in the morning and supplementary classes in the afternoon. In addition to the workshop studies made based on the models, plaster sculptures, and ancient sculptures brought from the Archaeological Museum, open-air studies also occurred.The education at the school also involved a sculpture workshop led by İhsan Özsoy. Although many publications are available about İnas Sanayi-i Nefise Mektebi’s establishment, educational structure, and academic staff, information about the sculpture education there is disjointed, and some issues cannot be clarified. Discussing the content of this education is important, because some significant sculptors had received their sculpture education there. This article attempts to identify the content regarding sculpture education in this school. Another objective is to define those active in sculpture who’d been educated at the school. Among these names, three female artists were more prominent in artistic production and activity.As a result of the researching archives, periodicals and resources, sculpture education is understood to have not been given separately in the school but to have taken place in a workshop under İhsan Özsoy. Works with a naturalist understanding and mostly decorative style are understood to have been made in the sculpture workshop. However, İhsan Özsoy also gave the students some technical information. The workshop also had design courses based on drawings from antique sculptures, art history courses involving information on sculpting, and anatomy courses. This workshop identified the names who would be active in the field&nbsp;of sculpture. Among these, Mukbile Reşad and Melek Ahmet died young; Melek Celal Sofu mostly focused on painting; and Edibe Subay, Muhsine Ahmet, and Rita Hanım became inactive after attending some exhibitions in their early career. Three names among those who attended this school and whose activities were more prominent are Saime Rezan Ramiz Öker, Sabiha Bengütaş, and Nermin Farukî.&nbsp;Although some academic articles and non-academic publications are found about these three artists, they are limited in number. This essay places these artists in the field of sculpture in Turkey and re-evaluates it by adding and developing new information and interpretations about these artists’ art education and artistic life.Saime Rezan Ramiz Öker attended exhibitions until 1937, one being the Turkish Sculptors Exhibition at the Academy of Fine Arts. She was also active as a lecturer in Kadıköy Halkevi in 1940’s. Sabiha Bengütaş worked actively as a sculptor until her death in 1992. She was the first woman sculptor to produce monumental works in Çankaya and Mudanya. Nermin Faruki was also an active sculptor until her death in 1991. Apart from her figure sculptures she also attempted abstract sculptures in the 1960s.&nbsp;

Sculpture Education at İnas Sanayi-i Nefise Mektebi and Sculptors  Who Studied There: Saime Rezan Ramiz Öker, Sabiha Bengütaş &  Nermin Faruki

Zeren

The 18th century was a period when sultans and dignitaries of the Ottoman state competed in the construction of independent library buildings and endowed these institutions with books. Hacı Selim Ağa (d. 1789), prominent figures of the period, was among those who commissioned a library and a primary school in Üsküdar, Istanbul; he endowed his books to the library. These books were stamped with Hacı Selim Ağa’s wakf seal, which was large and oval with a pyriform crest and bore the date 1196 (1781-82). Hacı Selim Ağa was rised by Hacı Mustafa Efendi (d. 1749), a statesman during the reign of Mahmud I who served as ambassador to Vienna and was later appointed as the reîsülküttâp (the head of court scribes). Hacı Mustafa Efendi built a detached library building in Kastamonu and planned to build a similar library in the Bahçekapı district of Istanbul, but his death prevented the realization of this project. However, he had already had a large pyriform seal made, bearing the date 1154 (1741-42), for stamping the books to be endowed. The form of the crest and the writing on this seal reveal that Hacı Selim Ağa based his own seal on that of his patron. Hacı Mustafa Efendi’s plan to found a library was carried out posthumously by his son Mustafa Âşir Efendi (d. 1804), one of the şeyhülislâms (a supreme religious authority) who served during the reign of Sultan Selim III. Âşir Efendi placed both his father’s and his own books in what became known as the Âşir Efendi Library, and his son Hafid Efendi (d. 1811), who served as kadıasker (a supreme judge) of Rumelia, later endowed the library that had been founded according to the wishes of his grandfather with his own books. Âşir Efendi’s adopted brother Hacı Selim Ağa also took a close interest in this library.One of the books in Hacı Selim Ağa’s library was a copy of Mavlânâ Jalâl al-Dîn Rûmî’s (d. 1273) Mathnavî (Türkiye Yazma Eserler Kurumu Başkanlığı, Hacı Selim Ağa Yazma Eser Kütüphanesi. No. 554). The first royal illuminated Mathnavî manuscripts were produced in Central and Eastern Anatolia during the late 13th and 14th centuries for intellectuals who adopted the literary culture of this locality. The Mathnavî manuscript belonging to Hacı Selim Ağa may also be considered a royal book. However, two chapters from the beginning are missing, and the book currently consists of only the third, fourth, fifth, and sixth chapters. Recently, the book was restored, making folio 1a and the colophon readable. This provided valuable new information about the life story of this Mathnavî, and the repaired illuminations were examined. The manuscript was copied in raykhânî script by the calligrapher Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Mavlavî al-Mutafaqqih between April 12 and April 21, 1386, and the start of each chapter was decorated by a master illuminator.The same calligrapher transcribed a copy of Dîvân by Sultan Walad, Mavlânâ’ son, between May 26 and June 3, 1391, for Mustanjid ibn Satı al-Mavlavî al-Arzinjânî, and this work was also illuminated. This suggests that Hacı Selim Ağa’s Mathnavî might have been prepared for him or his father. The father, Amir Satı (d. 1386), was a statesman in Erzincan and its environs in the second half of the 14th century. The fact that the seal of Sultan Selim II was stamped on the first and last folios of Selim Ağa's Mathnavî indicates that the first two parts of the book were already missing when it came into the possession of Selim II. It is understood from the inscription sancaktan gelen (coming from sanjak), written on the first folio of the manuscript that Selim probably owned the book in Konya sanjak (sub-province) when he served as governor there. The Mathnavî manuscript may have been given to Hacı Selim Ağa, an important statesman, as a gift from the court.This copy of the Mathnavî in the Hacı Selim Ağa Library in Istanbul has been produced by master illuminators of the medieval Islamic world and stands out among the other works of the period that have survived. When this book and others related to it are considered as a whole, it is found their artistic characteristics, colophons and records of ownership, seal impressions, and annotations on their pages contain enlightening information about the cultural milieu of the period. The cultural heritage of a bibliophile family with a long history and a tradition of high culture that can be traced to three generations, who lived in the central and eastern regions of Anatolia and had close relationships with their neighbours, is reflected in their boks; it has let to a treasure trove of manuscripts surviving till the present day. Thus, two elite families of highly cultured bibliophiles who served as bureaucrats—one family in Erzincan and Konya consisting of a father, son and grandson and the other in Istanbul consisting of a father, two sons (adopted and biological), a grandson—were represented by manuscripts in a library in the Üsküdar district of Istanbul.New research on Amir Satı and his family’s patronage of manuscripts shows that they were not the only patrons in the second half of the 14th century. Based on the artistic features of an illuminated manuscript of the Bazm u Razm, the highly cultured Qadi Burhan al-Dîn Ahmad (d. 1398), known as the Sultan of Sivas, who ruled the Eretnids, was also a patron. When I examined royal manuscript copies of works by poets, some from Anatolia and others who had migrated to the area from other countries, it became clear that members of the Anatolian ruling classes, despite being beset by all kinds of difficulties, did not spend all their time at war and were able to indulge their tastes and interests. These members of the elite, who were highly cultured and refined, evidently had relations with the cultures around them and were aware of contemporary artistic activities. Thus the extent of cultural achievement in mediaeval Anatolia is attested not only by works of architecture but also manuscripts as silent witnesses in libraries.&nbsp;

A Mathnavî dated 1386 among the Manucripts of Hacı Selim Ağa:  Bibliophile Bureaucrats and Families

Işık

In 12th century Europe, the representation of the virgin on the cross with a beard given by God (for the protection of virginity) was generally accepted by the European people. This was due to the philosophical and theological culture of the Middle Ages which did not give much weight to women. However, this was the same period in which the understanding of the Brides of Christ (which shows the contrast between pleasure and regret and lust and chastity), and the recurring theme of disguise in the 4th-century theologian Pelagius legend were discussed. At that time, the idea of a bearded virgin seemed to have opened the door to Sainthood, since it highlighted both the representation of devotion and the fact that such obedience is sealed with a symbol of masculinity. Meanwhile, various religious and mythological texts include many names of women who aimed to be accepted, to prove their power, or to disguise themselves as men in order to avoid being persecuted.Information about Ishtar (20th century BC) with a beard in Babylonian and Assyrian sources, the bearded Aphrodite (Aphrodite) in the Cyprus Aphrodite cult, and Hatshepsut (15th century BC) with her portable beard to legitimize the pharaohs, are the main examples of women impernating men during pre-Christian times. Interestingly, while Ishtar and Aphrodite were expressing the dualism of the universe as an androgyne, Hatshepsut chose masculinity, which represented the necessity of power.In Christian hagiography, along with Saint Thecla (1st century), Saint Margaret- Pelagius (4th century), Saint Eugene (7th century), and Saint Galla (6th century) of Rome all of whom disguised themselves as men and lived monastic lives, Saint Wilgefortis, constitutes a different state of transformation, one shaped by the grace of God. In other words, the beard given to her was a blessing. However, also what caused her to be crucified, since she was accused of witchcraft. Previous studies of Wilgefortis representations on a cross, with women's clothes and beards, have revealed three different perspectives. First, she was a fictional character who was realized as an actual person in the representation of Lucca Volto Santo. The second interpretation does not consider her actual existence, but sees her as a symbol of the duality of Christ. As for the third interpretation she was a real person who became a martyr.Although there are different opinions regarding the dates of the Saint' s life, the most specific source indicates that she was crucified in 1139 at Lusitania, Castralevca (the region in the southwestern part of the Iberian Peninsula). However the fact that this legend is not included in the Golden Legend index, indicates that the cult emerged after the 13th century. Next, there is the 16th-century Martyrologium Romanum index which is the oldest text containing a more detailed life story of the Saint. Accordingly, Saint Wilgefortis was Portuguese, in her quest for faith and chastity, she triumphed on the cross. Interstingly, there is no mention of a beard. Then, there is the Acta Sanctorum, in which her entire life narrative and legend appear. According to legend, Wilgefortis, the daughter of the King of Portugal, was asked to be married to the King of Sicilia. Yet, the Princess wanted to continue her vow of chastity and refused this arranged marriage. She begged God after which she received a long beard. Due to her appearance, the marriage did not occur and she was punished by being crucified (because she was accused of witchcraft, according to some sources). Finally, the Church of Siguenza blessed her with the name Liberata and proclaimed her the patron Saint of the city. The first explanation of how she was iconographically represented can also be found in the Acta Sanctorum. Here the Saint is depicted on a cross, with a long tunic, a beard, and a crown with a veil. One of her shoes has fallen off as a pitiful violinist prays toward her.After the 16th century, criticism and questioning of the legends of Wilgefortis increased. For example in 1628, the Spaniard Ramirez de Prado questioned the origin of this mysterious cult, legend, and iconographic representation. Over time, such criticism progressed until the Saint's removal from the calendar of Saints in 1969. Accordingly, her iconography, which owes its origin to a mere accident, was found to be nothing but myth about a bearded virgin, inspired by the best-known example of a Byzantine production of the Volto Santo design. Charles Cahier, French theologian and author, stated that the reason why it is confused with the Luca cross is not a translation error, but the fact that the eastern robe was seen as women' s clothing. He also argued that this version of the Volto Santo, that is, the idea of being like a woman, could have created a scandalous counter God. In order to prevent this, an image of a faithful martyr woman was introduced. Conversely, Louis Réau, French historan and art historian, argued that Wilgefortis, a popular interpretation of the Volto Santo, (originating from a Byzantine cross design), is actually the feminine double of the Lucca Messiah.In this regard, Hippolyte Delehaye, Belgian academician, stated that "the homage to Wilgefortis was made directly to Jesus, because she was revered as the Cross of Luca before her interpretation of being a woman," and this was the reason the cult maintained longevity in Southern Europe, even though it was known as a fictional story.In sum, although her name has been removed from the Saints list and from the newly arranged martyrdom list, the story of Saint Wilgefortis has become a part of common culture. Her image has also come to symbolize devotion, obedience, and martyrism. Therefore, the image of Saint Wilgefortis, and its various iconographic interpretations, is worth considering more comprehensively in the field of art history.&nbsp;

Impersonating a Male with a “Beard” in the Protection of Virginity  as God's Grace to Women: The Cult of Saint Wilgefortis  (Virgo Fortis) and its Iconographic Background

Dilek

Fountains have always had documental value in terms of showing changes in architecture over time as well as the tastes and technological levels of the state at the time. The population in the region north of Istanbul’s Golden Horn has gradually increased. The Taksim waterdistribution pipeline was built in order to meet the water needs of the region. It took its final form during the reign of Sultan Mahmud II in 1839. The nine fountains that were built in Beyoglu during that time are fed with water from the Taksim water-distribution pipeline. The fountains were built in accordance with the innovations and architectural changes brought by the period. The construction techniques and decoration elements in particular were compatible with the period. Accordingly, the ornamental elements that entered the Ottoman architecture after the Tulip Era in particular are noteworthy.This study evaluates the writing styles, writing sizes, constructors, and people who wrote the epitaphs of these fountains. When taking all the epitaphs into account, constructor as well as poet/calligraphy information has been obtained for six fountains. Only one epitaph was written in prose, with the others having been written in verse. Two epitaphs were written in Thuluth calligraphy, and three epitaphs are written in Ta’liq calligraphy. The ornamental slabs of the fountains are made of marble. Noteworthily, only one fountain has a bowl holder. One of the most important structural elements of fountains is the opening that provides passage to the storage section. The openings have been made with dimensions that allow a person access. The cover systems, on the other hand, have no specific standard. Ornamental elements are mostly concentrated in the main usage area. These ornamental elements are the ones that entered Ottoman art mostly through the Westernization process. Herbal decorations have been made such as curly branches, stylized flowers, acanthus leaves, rosettes, chrysanthemums, or leaves coming out of a vase. In addition, objective and geometric decorations were used exclusively, such as curtains, tassels, bows, crescent and star and volute, and S- and C-shaped curves.The fountains from the reign of Sultan Mahmud II are distinctly different from the classical Ottoman forms with their design principles and decorations. However, one architectural behavior has been exhibited that is unique to the Ottoman Empire. The fountains from this period were no longer just intended to meet the people’s water needs, as had been the case in previous centuries. Nor do they possess the intense decorations as in the 18th century. Architecturally, they were built not only to bring water to the city (i.e., satisfy water needs) but also as a city ornament with decorative elements. An increase in ornate fountains has been observed since the 18th century. However, due to the decreased need and the changes in socio-economic structures, the Beyoglu fountains from the reign of Sultan Mahmud II period are seen to have been simplified, with a decrease in attempts at innovation.As a result, the chosen fountains are important in terms of showing the artistic understanding of the late Ottoman Empire. Ornamental elements were used and included in architectural elements, ones that had developed since the Tulip Era. However, the 18th century lacked creativity, as the fountains were seen to have been built more simply. The effects from Westernization, which had inspired the changes in Ottoman architecture and decoration, were maintained. These fountains have a unique place in the history of art and are understood to have been more functional compared to the periods when fountain architecture was the most popular. These fountains met water needs in the 19th century and are concrete examples of the period, but they are in quite a dilapidated state these days.&nbsp;

The Beyoglu Fountains from the Era of Sultan Mahmud II

Onur

This paper discusses the 8 pt naskh typeface created in Istanbul between 1870 and 1875 and utilized by Ottoman printers during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. From its emergence in 1729 until the 1928 Turkish script reform, Ottoman Turkish printed material was predominantly composed in the naskh style, especially in terms of the running text. A historical analysis of Ottoman typefaces reveals the production of nine original naskh typefaces, all closely based on the calligraphic practices of the time. Among these nine fonts, the 8 pt naskh typeface distinguished itself by its size as the smallest Arabic type used by Ottoman printers, earning it a crucial role in page layout design.Two news articles written by Ahmed Rasim and published in the newspaper İkdam in 1922 and 1924 constitute the first collected study of the history of Ottoman foundry types. Through the provision of a Latin transcription published in Istanbul Encyclopaedia in 1948, Reşat Ekrem Koçu shed further light onto Rasim’s 1924 article. In the two aforementioned articles, Rasim concentrated on Kevorkyan and other celebrated Armenian type makers, including Boğos Araboğlu and Hovhannes Mühendisyan. Rasim enumerated 19 Ottoman typefaces—notably excluding those produced by Müteferrika and Araboğlu — in the naskh, taʿliq, ruqʿah, and kufic styles. The contributions Armenian type makers made to Ottoman typographic culture have been thoroughly discussed in Teotig Lapçinciyan’s Dib u Dar [Print and Letter]. Aside from Lapçinciyan, two renowned 19th-century journalists and publishers, Ebüzziya Tevfik and Ahmed İhsan, had also highlighted Araboğlu and Mühendisyan’s typefaces, recognizing the significant role they played in Ottoman print culture.In addition to these celebrated Armenian type makers, one Muslim type maker was referenced in Rasim’s news articles as the creator of the 8 pt naskh typeface. Rasim referred to him as Saatci Hafız Efendi. Until recently, information pertaining to this typeface and its creator had remained limited, with the only reference appearing in Rasim’s article. The 8 pt naskh typeface has yet to be investigated in detail, nor has its visual characteristics and punchcutter’s identity been scrutinized.A recently uncovered court petition dated from 1875 reveals detailed information regarding the 8 pt naskh typeface and the impetus behind its creation. The documents identify by name two Turkish type makers as the co-creators of this font: İmameci-zade Mehmed Emin Efendi and Ḳaraağaçlı Mustafa Asım Efendi. Upon following a series of correspondences with the state, Asım Efendi was revealed to have withdrawn from his co-ownership, and the full rights&nbsp;to the font were then granted to Emin Efendi. In 1875, three months after the petition, Emin printed the popular book Hilye-i Hakani, set entirely with the new 8 pt naskh typeface. This book essentially served as a type specimen, as Emin provided lengthy information regarding its creation in its final pages. Like Mühendisyan, he also referred to his naskh font as huruf-ı cedide [the new type]. In colophon-like prose, he stated, “I am very pleased to inform you of my achievement in having smoothly written and produced this tiny naskh typeface with and without harakat [vowel marks],” which suggests that the typeface was based on his own naskh penmanship. The overall shapes of the 8 pt font reflect the conventions of the Ottoman naskh style and indicate that it was not a copy of its predecessors. Aside from Mühendisyan’s unexploited 6 pt naskh, Emin’s 8 pt font remained the smallest naskh typeface among Ottoman Arabic typefaces and was mostly used to set captions, subtitles, and text in pocket dictionaries. In rare instances, it was also employed for the main body text. This 8 pt naskh also held a unique position among all Ottoman typefaces as the only type that was drawn and cut by the same person.This paper presents a visual and historical analysis of the 8 pt naskh typeface created by Mehmed Emin Efendi. The typeface’s raison d'être is discussed in the context of typography and layout design. Historical references to the typeface are investigated over a range of documents and sources retrieved from Ottoman publications and Imperial court archives. Over the course of the investigation, no punches, matrices, or cast types of the 8 pt font were found; as a result, this essay only examines the printed form of the type found within primary sources.&nbsp;

The Ottoman Printers’ 8 Point Naskh Typeface and its Turkish  Type Maker Mehmed Emin Efendi

Serap

Özgü

Prof. Dr.

CALL FOR PAPERS-2024

Fatma

The current study aims to deepen how special kinds of relations are fictionalised in the common world perspective in classical poetry and architecture considered in the Ottoman arts with an inspiration of Heidegger, who thought that building and dwelling are basically poetical practises. It is because it was not actually a modern human experience to dwell in the world that Heidegger inhabits in relation, he mentions meaningful poetically. According to Heidegger, the measurement of spaces could be taken by means of algebra as an example; however, when something becomes a measure of another thing on the basis of human experiences, space attains the identity of a place in the positive relation of human being with his environment. This qualification attributed by Heidegger to the so-called measurement approach reminds us that Ottoman artists exhibit their criticisms directly through works of art instead of linear reasoning. If works of art in the Ottoman Empire are regarded as the existence of a common world of mind both in poetry and architecture, they become critical dialogues within the relation of all these fields of production. These dialogues were not only a way of artistic criticism but also a way of showing respect to masters. In Tanpınar’s words, these dialogues developed through various techniques turn art production into collective “atelier work” beyond timely limits. At this stage, it was pointed out in the study that the creations of Ottoman artists could be regarded as the measurement and therefore criticism of each other with an indication of the dialogues within the tradition. The idea that the experiences comprising the existence in the Ottoman episteme are coupled and integrated required the admittance of the existence of a common design thought around these arts. If we look at architectural practises in terms of the common ground of poetry and building on the basis of the Ottoman episteme, notably the situation is no different. It can be said that the socially sanctioned structures that represent the transcendental knowledge of architects in the Ottoman Empire have the quality of a "source text" for the structures that follow them, and therefore architects "rewrite" such structures in a new language and in a new context. As a matter of fact, Ottoman art, as in the Western tradition, is not shaped by the individual will of the subjects and it does not have its pushing power from different seeking of reality by the artists. Walter G. Andrews mentioned that it&nbsp;was believed that life in the Ottoman Empire was in an ideal unity. Nevertheless, works of art proceeded according to the determined rules of unity within tradition and by feeding from a limited symbolic repertoire or present materials. This tight aesthetic control order was a possibility for forming dialog chains beyond the times between artists by creating a cultural pattern. For that reason, depending on the idea of a faith and culture attributed to a static selfimagination of a case, some reservations were made for the explanations given with the idea that these institutions are the part determining the artistic practises on behalf of reciprocity in the study. It was also indicated that artistic practises can shape the traditional cultural pattern in the setting of a dialog. In addition, it was emphasised that the relation between poetry and architecture cannot be perceived with modern analysis techniques such as interdisciplinarity by highlighting the unmeritedness of this togetherness. As for its evidence, it was sought in the nazir (simile) traditions in both poetry and architecture. Interaction styles such as “terbi’” (tetralogy) and “tahmis” (quintet) in the close distance “musammats” (a poetry style) between mental construction and physical and linguistic construction were also discussed. It was made clear that techniques such as “terbi’” and “tahmis” both in poetry and architecture when a homology is set make the productions inconstant, turning it into a virtual and dynamic activity field. In this way, the discussion universe of classical poetry and architecture in the Ottoman Empire was investigated with its common bases depending on the ways of sight and the world of mind.

Poetry and Architecture: Cultural Patterns in Ottoman Art

Elif

İlkay Canan

Originating in the early 1910s through the spontaneous actions of Futurists in Italy and Dadaists in France, performance art became a significant production of 20th-century art by challenging traditional art forms and questioning art-market dynamics, institutional aspects, and spatial concepts. While discussing the modern history of performance art, the article also discusses Wagner’s Gesamtkunstwerk [total work of art] proposal and reveals the contributions of avant-garde movements to performance art. However, the history of performance is much longer compared to the relatively shorter history of performance art. Performance, which is the basis of performance art, is connected to a wide range of disciplines beyond visual art productions and therefore emerges as a controversial situation in terms of the definition and history of art. Particularly with regard to performance art having been explained by theatre theory and ritual studies having determined the character of this art. This article aims to define performance art, which has been one of the most influential fields of production in contemporary art since the 1960s, by examining its ritual roots as well as by revealing its differences from other performance arts that are fed by those roots, especially theatre. Therefore, this article attempts to define performance art by investigating its ancient ritual origins. Being able to make this definition is important for two reasons. One is that many artists who practice performance art have constructed this art as a ritual, and the second is that the number of performance examples being implemented as neo-shamanic rituals is increasing. This article aims to define performance art in line with its origins by utilizing ritual studies, thus locating performance art theoretically as a mode of production in contemporary art. As articulated by Thomas McEvilley, ritual-based performance studies trace their connections among neolithic fertility rituals, paleolithic shamanic practices, and the performances of the 1960s-1970s.* These performances exemplify a dynamic interplay between shamanic elements and the pursuit of transformative experiences. Shamanism as a term prompts exploration due to its ambiguous nature; it reveals shared beliefs in a spirit world, trance-inducing rituals, and the shaman’s pivotal role in addressing community challenges. Performance art that resembles neo-shamanic rituals transforms not only the creator but also the audience into participants in a sensory experience. Amidst the confinement of modernist high aesthetics within the artistic space, performance art can be interpreted as an intervention into human life, one that reconnects life with art. Rooted in action derived from life, a naturalistic approach underlies performance art. When examining examples specifically linked to shamanic rituals, both practitioners and viewers are seen to experience a neo-shamanic revival. The longing to reconnect with nature in the modern world has led to a rapid increase in performances treated not just as rituals. Therefore the article analyzes such artists as Joseph Beuys, Anna Halprin, Kim Kum-Hwa, and Linda Montano, who know shamanism and consider themselves as shamans (neo-shaman). The article also examines Marina Abramović, who has researched not shamanism specifically but rather pagan religions, emphasizing how she has applied her research to her performance practices. The article also analyzes artists such as Hermann Nitsch, Kim Jones, and Paul McCarthy, who make use of these ancient belief rituals and techniques in their performance practices, even if they make no mention of shamanism or pagan religions in their own development. This article claims that the performances produced by artists who work with a transcendentalist motivation by performing such actions as sacrifice ceremonies, experiencing pain, aiming for healing/ catharsis, lighting fire, disguising as animals, and beating drums reveal the characteristics of shamanic rituals. The article also underlines the transformative effect of performance art that resembles neo-shamanic rituals and claims that the connection to its ritual roots that had been broken in the modern period has been re-established. As a result, the article’s originality lies in its claim that performance art and its neo-shamanic characteristics are not limited to the art world but have emerged as a transformative force that spreads its influence to various aspects of life.&nbsp;

Detecting the Limitations of Performance: Performance Art as a Neo-Shamanistic Ritual

Ülkü

Architecture in the period of Mustafa III included a great deal of repair and reconstruction activities, especially due to the heavy destruction caused by the 1766 Istanbul earthquake. Following the construction of the Ayazma and Laleli social complexes, the Fatih Mosque, which was a redesign-production structure after the earthquake, was built. These three large mosques joined the Istanbul skyline during this important period of construction and reconstruction. From the image of the city to the decorative detail of the sultan’s lodge, there is a style that imperial mosques have and exhibit. This study also examines the designs, preferences, and reasons for these preferences by considering the Nuruosmaniye Mosque, which was the pioneer of the three mosques of the period and is a frequent comparison element in the literature over its decorations.During the imperial period, an imperial mosque had two distinct main users. The first of these was the public who experienced the mosque from its courtyard (if the building had one) or from its exterior facades to the prayer hall, where worship takes place indoors, and to the mihrab, which is part of this praying hall. Another user group was the Sultan and state dignitaries. The sultan, who was much superior in position, had the authority to use every area of the structure while the state dignitaries were allowed in the areas to the extent permitted by the Sultan. This situation created two different routes of use in the mosques. In this study, an attempt was made to understand the style of the period by examining all columns, semicolumns, and pilasters on these two usage routes. When defining the columns, first the pedestals, then the column body, and finally the column capitals were described based on the construction sequence.The columns located on the route used by the public, where they experience the mosque both with its facades and interior space, differ from the columns followed on the route used by the Sultan. The column capitals on the public route are those with more intense ornaments and more craftsmanship. Exhibiting and presenting the “newest”, “most distinctive” and “most different” in the areas used by “the others”, people other than the Sultan, can be considered a way of expressing the empire itself in the process of change. In all of the mosques examined, more “modest” and plain capitals were preferred in the areas used by the Sultan compared with the other areas. It has been determined that the “corner leaf” column capitals, which represent the differentiation in the architectural style of the period, were not used on the Sultan’s route. So much so that the preferred pedestals here are also unadorned. The pedestals, which are like a prism without a profile, seem to have been specifically applied in the sultan’s ramp and pavilions.This study, in which the columns’ design of the Mustafa III Period mosques are compared in detail with the pioneer Nuruosmaniye Mosque, and in which the reasons for application of these decorations are examined, aims to look at the architectural style and decor elements of the period from a different angle. Comparing the buildings has enabled us to form a new interpretation of design preferences and representations. This study, in which designs were reinterpreted according to patrons, the people for whom the mosques were built, and the users, questions the existence of design codes in 18th century Ottoman Architecture. The study also paves the way for more comprehensive studies that can be conducted on other decor elements by seeking answers to this question through analysing columns.&nbsp;

A Comparative Look at the Columns in 18th Century Mosques:  Display and Impression from the Courtyard to the Lodge

Arif

In the Ottomans, one of the most important architectural cultures in the Mediterranean, the theory of ratio-proportion is a subject that has not been elucidated due to the lack of historical sources for the theoretical explanation of the art of architecture and the scarcity of academic studies in terms of quantity. The persistence of this problem leaves many questions unanswered, such as the Ottomans’ idea of art and architecture, their understanding of beauty, and the theoretical principles by which they created a work of art. This study aims to identify the main principle of architectural theory, the system of proportions, by using the theoretical sources of the period and the method by which it was applied.This research is limited in many ways because of the detailed and broad scope of the subject. Therefore, we focus on a theoretical analysis of the monumental Ottoman mosque architecture and the influence of the Edirne Selimiye Mosque (1574), one of the most important buildings designed by Mimar Sinan, on the Ottoman mosques built after him. Since an important aspect of the study is to examine the design approach of the mosques built after Mimar Sinan, the most competent work of Mimar Sinan, which is considered to have a similar approach in terms of method among the buildings he built, was preferred. In this respect, the mosques of (Istanbul) Çarşamba Mehmed Ağa (1585), (Istanbul) Zeynep Sultan (1769), and (Bursa) Emir Sultan (1804-5), which were built in different periods and have different dimensional characteristics but similar structural formations, were also analysed. In addition, because this study focuses on theoretical analysis, the Safranbolu Köprülü Mehmed Pasha (1661) and Şebsefa Hatun (1788) mosques, which were built in different periods and have different structural systems, were also included in the analysis.First, the research assumes that the structural principles in the spatial design of the mosques under study are determined vertically and that the formal qualities of the covering and structural elements are used as a form of aesthetic expression. In addition, the integrity of the form is considered to have been created with a rational understanding of beauty. Based on this context, an attempt is made to develop a new method that answers the questions that arise in the analysis of ratio-proportion theory for Ottoman architecture using an interdisciplinary approach. Taking into account the practical construction techniques and scientific studies of the period, this method reveals how Ottoman artists applied ratio and the system of proportion.Due to the limitations of the research, only the part-to-whole relationship was analysed. For this reason, the heights of the architectural elements were proportioned to the total height of the interior, and these ratios were shown as 0-1.00 to facilitate the narrative. Two-dimensional&nbsp;analysis was obtained by proportioning the same height measurements to the width of the interior. After the ratio research, the results were briefly evaluated and discussed. This evaluation and discussion section guides the second phase of the study. This section focuses on answering data such as the ratio values determined in one and two dimensions, the use of rational and irrational numbers, and the differences in the form and size of architectural elements on a theoretical basis. Therefore, theoretical sources that nourish the art of architecture have been used. This situation made it necessary to act within the framework of the sources in the inventory, especially the Ottoman Palace Library, which historically influenced the Mimar Sinan period, and the historical origins of these sources. Moreover, due to the context of the identified sources, it was necessary to follow the traditions of thought (theoretical methods) in the Islamic world to identify the theory of ratio and proportion in Ottoman mosques. However, limiting the scope of the study, in order to analyse the design theory and the study of form of Ottoman mosques, we first focus on the tradition of geometry (hendesiyyun), where the mathematical form of the object is represented by a continuous quantity (megethos/magnitude). Second, to solve the problems encountered during the research, we focus on the tradition of calculation (hisâb: arithmetic-algebra-applied geometry), which was used in many fields in the Islamic world until the Ottoman period. Indeed, a new (mental, algebraic) conception of quantity with unknowns, in other words the possibility of solving a mesāha (applied geometry) problem with algebra, enabled Ottoman architects to construct the integrity of spatial design in accordance with theory and practise (despite all variable conditions). The presence of this scientific knowledge in Ottoman libraries, especially in the inventory of the Ottoman Palace Library, can be confirmed by the identified works (in the fields of calculus, algebra, hendese and mesāha). Thus, for the first time, it has been understood how beauty was created in Ottoman architectural art using the theory of ratio-proportion, and an important contribution has been made to studies in this field.

“Proportioning Also is Ancient Turkish”: The Principle of  (Geometric) Ratio-Proportion in Ottoman Mosque Architecture

Ö. Eren

This study provides a comprehensive overview of the development of “authentic” American modern painting while, specifically situating Barnett Newman and his painting Onement I within this context to elucidate its distinctive contribution to expanding the boundaries of authentic American modern art.The path towards establishing a unique American artistic identity, spanning various historical periods and art movements from the late 18th century to the 20th century, is first explored by the study. It is noted that, while a unique American artistic identity was aimed for by these movements, influences from European art were also carried, albeit with a distinctive American nuance. The evolution of American modern painting is discussed within this context, referring to key events like Paul Durand-Ruel’s introduction of American Impressionism and the 1913 International Exhibition of Modern Art (Armoury Show). These moments, while important, also showcased the ongoing American interpretation of European artistic styles.The examination of American Abstract Expressionism, which represented a pivotal development signifying the creation of authentic American modern art, is undertaken in the subsequent section. Within this analysis, the movement is placed in the context of the postWorld War II period, allowing for the reflection of the unique political and psychological atmosphere of that period.Characterised by an abstract approach, American Abstract Expressionism is noted for its emphasis on American freedom and the free-market economy, with a core focus on personal freedom, autonomy and the addressing of anxieties stemming from post-war trauma and a possible nuclear war. Within this narrative, the approaches and guidance for shaping American Abstract Expressionism by art critics Harold Rosenberg and Clement Greenberg are also highlighted as key points. Rosenberg argues that painting becomes an act, transforming the painter’s approach to the canvas while distinguishing it from modern European art. A focus on visual form rather than the visible world is emphasised by Greenberg, and it is approached from a formalist standpoint. These perspectives collectively contribute to the definition of American Abstract Expressionism as a movement that effectively combines abstraction and action. At this point, problematics in the Turkish terminology of the field are also addressed. The section continues by elaborating on the development of American modern painting through a Greenberg-based approach, which views it as an abstract art form that accentuates the physical impact of paint. This approach underscores the application of paint on the canvas and its physical effects, and Greenberg coined the term “Painterly Abstraction” to describe this phase. Over time, this approach evolved into “Post-Painterly Abstraction”, marked by a deliberate departure from the painterly trace of the artist in abstract painting.In the next section, the focus is directed towards Barnett Newman’s art, with a particular emphasis on his work, Onement I and its connexion to Clement Greenberg’s concept of “Colour Field Painting” within American Abstract Expressionism. Newman’s art is steeped in a mystical approach aimed at evoking the sublime, transcendence, and infinity, challenging traditional aesthetic notions of beauty in European art and underscoring the uniqueness of American modern art: Newman’s belief that the physical world inhibits the representation of the sublime leads him to adopt an abstract, non-representational style that emphasises the physicality of painting and the effect of paint. The “Onement” series epitomises this approach with its expansive colour fields and minimal gestures, creating a meditative experience through the expressive use of colour.What makes Newman’s Onement I unique is that he highlights that the painting aims to provide viewers with a momentary visual experience rather than exploring the artist’s inner world or external realities. This approach aligns with the notion of an immediate visual effect that triggers the viewer’s own nature of experience, akin to a metaphysical confrontation, parallel to Maurice Merleau-Ponty’s theory of perception.In conclusion, this study outlines the transition from artist-centred modern painting to viewer-focussed art, with Barnett Newman’s Onement I serving as a significant turning point. It prioritises the viewer’s experience over the artist’s perspective, departing from traditional painterly techniques and aligning with the Post-Painterly Abstraction movement, which emphasises the physicality of paint and its impact on the viewer’s experience. This represents a significant shift in modern art and establishes Onement I as a central and pivotal element in the maturation of authentic American modern painting.&nbsp;

“Authentic” Modern American Painting and a Pioneering Painting During the Transition to Postmodern Art: Barnett Newman’s Onement I

Türker

Nuri Bilge Ceylan’s Frames as a Pastiche: Caspar David Friedrich and Ilya Glazunov

The subject of this study is a group of unglazed ceramic pots found in the Amorium excavations. Amorium, which is a mediaeval city settled by many civilisations such as Hittites, Phrygians, Romans, Byzantines, Seljuks, Beyliks, and Ottomans since 2000 BC, is located in Hisarkoy, which is approximately 12 km east of Emirdag, Afyonkarahisar. Unglazed ceramics, which were unearthed in the Amorium excavations and used to cook, heat, or store various foods, are important archaeological data in terms of reflecting daily life in Amorium and especially the cuisine culture. Although there are few studies on unglazed ceramic finds, this type of find is extensively found in many centres. A total of 55 unglazed ceramic finds were found in the Inner Wall excavations in the Upper City region of the city. Unglazed ceramics exhibiting two different clay structures consist of cookware finds and covers and bottom pieces. In general, these finds are mostly in similar form regardless of region or date range. The common need to cook, heat, store, or serve various foods likely led to the emergence of similar cookware forms. In fact, similar samples discovered in Amorium, Karacahisar Castle, Smyrna Excavation, Komana Excavation, Savsat Castle, Bitlis Castle, Taskun Castle, Kemah Castle, Tille Mound Excavation, Bayburt Castle, and Harran Excavation in Anatolia are dated to different periods. In addition to these centres, it is possible to discover many samples with a similar form dated to a wide geographical distribution and time interval. Therefore, it would be more useful to focus on the areas where Amorium cookware finds are discovered in the dating suggestion of the finds and to make an evaluation through the find-space relationship. Amorium cookware was discovered in the Inner Wall area where excavations started in 2014. In the works continuing until today, the Inner Walls and tower structures dating back to the Byzantine Period have been unearthed with all their lines. With the end of the Byzantine presence in the city following the 11th century, the Inner Wall may have been preferred as a sheltered living space for the settlers of the Turkish-Islamic Period in the 13th-15th centuries. In fact, many hearthstone-niched spaces were found in the area. In these spaces, where these new settlers of the city met their daily shelter needs, glazed ceramic pots dating back to the periods of Seljuks, Beyliks, and Early Ottomans, glazed brick samples, tools, horseshoe finds, bronze weights, and door fittings were discovered in addition to cookware. Moreover, the burn &nbsp;marks on the cookware and quarries uncovered in these spaces clearly reveal the relationship between the cookware finds and the hearthstones.It is not possible to express what kind of foods were cooked and prepared with Amorium cookware finds dating back to the 13th-15th centuries. Nevertheless, at this point, an evaluation can be made on the basis of the table culture of the period. Food and soup varieties made from meat and cereal products in the Seljuk, Beyliks, and Ottoman Periods were consumed daily. It is possible to mention the habit of similar consumption of Amorium during the Turkish Islamic period. In fact, various agricultural activities were carried out in the city based on the agricultural tools found in the excavations of the Inner Wall and narrations by Ebul Fida. Furthermore, cattle horseshoes and animal bones found in the Inner Wall area provide clues regarding the animal husbandry activities of the settlers. Based on these data, it is possible to claim that meat and various cereal products may have been prepared for consumption with the Amorium cookware in accordance with the nutritional habits of the period.

Turkish-Islamic Period (13th-15th Centuries) Unglazed Ceramics  Found in Amorium Inner Wall Excavations: Cookware Finds

Mustafa Özer

Our aim in this study is not to discuss the establishment, functioning, and types of foundation institutions in detail. Our main aim is to emphasise the effects of the complexes, which are a collection of buildings and structures with different functions built within the foundation system in the Ottoman Period, on the construction, settlement, and therefore the physical development of cities and towns.With the zoning and construction activities carried out on cities, towns, and roads within the foundation institution, the needs of society in the fields of religion, education, trade, social, cultural, etc. were met. In addition, a significant part of the infrastructure (roads, bridges, water systems, etc.) works on cities, towns, and roads were carried out within the foundation system.While preparing this article, previous research and publications on this subject and our field studies based on many years have been utilised. The sources and publications used in the study are provided at the end of the article.In the establishment and development of Ottoman cities, social complexes and religious and social building communities were established in different parts of the cities and directed the formation of crowded districts.In Turkish-Islamic cities, complexes were generally designed and built within the framework of a plan and programme. Within the complexes, there are structures with different functions that meet the needs of the people of the city and town. These complexes can be found in almost all Ottoman cities and towns, especially in capitals such as Bursa, Edirne, and Istanbul. They also appear as benzil social complexes built on the main roads connecting these cities and towns.&nbsp;&nbsp;In this way, in addition to the physical shaping and development of cities and towns, the needs of their inhabitants were also met.&nbsp;New neighbourhoods bearing the same name as the social complexes emerged around these complexes built within the foundations, and thus, the new population coming to the city settled in these neighbourhoods.In addition to the three capitals of the Ottoman Empire (Bursa, Edirne, Istanbul), we can often see this situation in Balkan cities such as Skopje, Ishtip, Tetovo, Salonica, Sarajevo, Mostar, Banja Luka, Dimetoka, Elbasan, Berat, Prizren, Plovdiv, Rhodes, Crete, Zigetvar, and Peç; Anatolian cities such as Konya, Kayseri, Manisa, Amasya, Trabzon, and Diyarbakr; and cities in countries such as Morocco, Tunisia, Algeria, Egypt, Iraq, and Crimea.These cities, which were within the borders of the Eastern Roman Empire before they came under Ottoman rule, gained the character of Ottoman cities in a short period of time with the rapid reconstruction and settlement activities initiated after their conquest.In these and other Ottoman cities and towns, the zoning and settlement policies explained in detail above were implemented. Thanks to the foundations established in this direction, complexes, almshouses, mosques and masjids, and tekkes and dervish lodges were built, each of which was the centre of the neighbourhood or district they were named after. To cover the maintenance and repair costs of these buildings, the salaries of the staff, and other expenses, commercial buildings (shops, bazaars, inns, mills, etc.) called “akar” were built in the commercial and production areas of the city. Thus, both the development of trade and production areas and the establishment of new districts and neighbourhoods where the population migrating to the city would reside were ensured. Undoubtedly, those who pioneered and contributed to the physical, commercial, economic, cultural, and social development of cities and towns (as in the cases of Bursa, Edirne and Istanbul) were state rulers and their families, senior administrators, Muslim judges, scholars, merchants, sheikhs, etc. through the foundations they established.In addition, the benzil social complexes, which were built on the roads connecting the cities and towns, at a distance from dawn to dusk, and whose centre of gravity was composed of inns and caravanserais for trade and accommodation purposes, enabled the places where they were located to flourish and turn into towns and cities over time.In the reconstruction and settlement policy implemented by the Ottoman Empire in the cities and towns included within its borders, those who came to the forefront through the foundations they established were members of the dynasty, high-level administrators and soldiers, Muslim judges, scholars, merchants, sheikhs, and people with status in society.Newly captured cities were rapidly Turkified and Islamised through a conscious reconstruction and settlement policy pursued through the foundation system.The foundation institution, whose founders, functioning, purpose of establishment, zoning, and construction activities to meet the needs of the people living in cities and towns in the Ottoman period were explained above, continues its existence and activities in a diversified and enriched manner today.

Role of Foundations in the Reconstruction of Ottoman Cities and Towns

Mustafa

Azure painting with gilded stars was implemented on the ceilings of numerous monumental buildings built during different periods, initially from ancient Egyptian architecture to ancient Roman, Byzantine, gothic, and Renaissance architecture. Prominent examples include XIX. Dynasty tombs in Thebes, Galla Placidia Mausoleum and San Vitale Church in Ravenna, San Marco Church in Venice, Sistine Chapel in Vatican, and Sainte-Chapelle in Paris. Apparently, it moved from Egypt to Roman territories, including the capital city of Constantinople, and spread to Europe in the Middle Ages through mutual cultural interaction with the Byzantine Empire. Through the revivalist architectural styles dominant in the 19th century, azure painting with gilded stars became a substantial component of neoclassical architecture and especially neogothic architecture in Western culture.&nbsp;British architect and architectural historian William Richard Lethaby provides in-depth information about these ceilings’ origin and appearance in different periods in the chapter “Ceilings Like The Sky” of his book “Architecture, Myth and Mysticism” published in 1892. In the chapter, Lethaby addresses the ceilings painted with an azure background, a blue resembling the sky and gilded yellow stars dispersed on top of it.&nbsp;Lethaby explains that the decoration’s first appearance was in the Ancient Egyptian period on the ceilings of temples and tombs. In ancient Egyptian architecture, there are numerous examples of paintings with azure colour and dispersed gilded stars, especially on the ceilings of temples such as Esna, Dendara, Erment and tombs of the 19th Dynasty.According to Lethaby, later in the late antique period, the decoration of azure paintings with gilded stars was associated with Byzantine architecture and the capital Constantinople. One of the earliest examples of Roman architecture was the dome of Galla Placidia Mausoleum in Ravenna from the 5th century AD. Lethaby also asserts that the dome of Hagia Sophia in Constantinople originally had a similar decoration on its inner surface.&nbsp;&nbsp;The decoration became an Eastern-origin component of gothic architecture, as its use became widespread in gothic churches in European states in contact with the Byzantine Empire. In particular, Sainte Chapelle in Paris was one of the prominent examples of this decoration. In the 19th century, when the neogothic style emerged, it pervaded again in Europe and the United States. Not only neogothic architecture but also other revivalist styles, such as neoclassicism, adopted it in the same period. The pioneer of neogothic architecture, Augustus W. N. Pugin impacted the proliferation of decoration.The 19th century was in the same way the period of revivalism and eclecticism in the westernised Ottoman architecture as in Europe and the United States. Many churches built in the 19th century in Istanbul, especially Greek Orthodox and Latin Catholic examples, contain the mentioned ceiling decoration. Among those there are St. Peter and St. Paul Church, St. Benoit Church, Santa Maria Draperis Church, and Aya Triada Church, all in the Galata and Pera region.&nbsp;Yet in the period of Sultan II. Abdülhamid (1876-1909) the same decoration was also used in mosques and synagogues in Istanbul. Among the mosques, the Yıldız Hamidiye Mosque, Osman Reis Mosque, and Darülaceze Mosque are prominent examples. In particular, Yıldız Hamidiye, as an imperial mosque, seemed to have a strong influence on the sanctuaries not only in the capital but also in the close vicinity of the city, such as the Grand Synagogue of Edirne and the Mevlevi lodge in Gallipoli. Galata Ashkenazi Synagogue and Zülfaris Synagogue, having the same ceiling decoration, indicate that azure painting with gilded stars came into fashion among all abrahamic religions in the Ottoman capital city at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century.&nbsp;&nbsp;

Fashionable Ceiling Decoration Found at Places of Worship in  Istanbul during the Sultan II. Abdülhamid Period: Azure Painting  with Gilded Stars

Emre

Münteha

Grenades were formed with the development of "Greek Fire" by various civilizations in the arms race that emerged as a result of humanity's efforts to destroy each other. In particular, it is known that Greek Fire started to be used during the Byzantine period and that this invention, the content of which is not yet known for certain, was placed in terracotta or glass containers and used as a destructive weapon power. It is seen that the Muslim Arabs and Crusaders took this grenade from the Byzantines and developed it, and that this instrument of war continued to be used by the army (land and naval) during the Ottoman period. The greatest technological or chemical advance in the development of the grenade launcher began in the 7th century AD with the invention of the so-called "Greek Fire", and this discovery was best known for stopping the Muslim Arabs advancing towards the Byzantine Empire. The discovery and use of Greek Fire by the Byzantines was an important development in the technology of warfare. Especially during the Arab sieges of Constantinople in 678 and 717-718, the Byzantines used a liquid containing some components such as petroleum and sulfur in siphons as well as grenades, possibly placed in terracotta or glass containers, to defend the city. Shortly after its introduction in Europe, Ottoman glass art made great progress. Istanbul was the glass production center of the Ottoman Empire. In addition to the use of glass in various fields over thousands of years, the first use of glass in the Ottoman Empire Period was as a gunpowder in the battlefields during the siege of Rhodos in 1522. During this period, which coincided with the reign of Kanuni Sultan Süleyman (1520-1566), mortars made of glass were used. Fragments of glass mortars were also found in various excavations in Rhodos. The glass furnaces and craftsmen in the Ottoman artilleries are proof of the use of glass as a war material. In the 17th century, it was understood that Kağıthane mud suitable for casting glass humbara was secretly smuggled to Europe at night by English, Genoese, French and Dutch merchants, which was later banned by the administration. The Demirköy/Kırklareli Enterprise, known as the Fatih Foundry, supplied the Ottoman Army and Navy with cannonballs, rounds (humbara) and cannonballs, referred to as grains. It is estimated that the humbaraci class, which belonged to the pedestrian section of the Kapıkulu Quarries, was established between the 15th and 16th centuries. According to Mustafa Nuri Pasha, the humbara was invented during the reign of Fatih Sultan Mehmet and used in the 1475 Siege of Iskodra.&nbsp;As stated in the text, the use of glass as a humbara came after the terracotta examples. With the transformation of the Greek Fire into the humbara with pyrotechnic developments and the change in the materials used in the humbara, it took its place in the army as an effective&nbsp;weapon for many years. The Ottoman Empire, with its expanding borders, used this weapon effectively in its army. Although written sources indicate that the Ottomans started to use glass grenades during the reign of Kanuni Sultan Süleyman, it is likely that they first saw glass grenades during the reign of Fatih Sultan Mehmet (1451-1481) when they were used against them in the conquest of the island of Lesbos, because during the reign of Fatih Sultan Mehmet, although it is not known whether glass was used as a material, the humbaracı quarry was established and these were used in the Siege of Iskodra. In addition, it is known from written sources that glass craftsmen from Tabriz were brought to Istanbul with the emphasis on eastern campaigns during the reign of Yavuz Sultan Selim (1512-1520) before the reign of Kanuni Sultan Süleyman, which suggests that the Ottoman army may have used glass grenades earlier than known.&nbsp;&nbsp;In the light of the current archaeological data, it is possible to conclude that the Çanakkale glass grenade was used between the 15th and 16th centuries AD based on datable analogies. Unfortunately, although they are one of the rarest examples compared to other forms of glass, they are included in the inventories of museums and private collections, but the different definitions for the name of the form make it difficult for researchers to access these forms. In the future, there will be an increase in the number of publications on glass humbaras, especially those with a known findspot, and analysis on this subject.

The Most Dangerous State of Glass: A Humbara from the Çanakkale Museum

Gülsen

Esra

Taraklı is a quiet district 65 km from Adapazarı in Sakarya, in the southeast of the Marmara Region. Due to its location, Taraklı, which was in the Bithynia region in ancient times, was important as a small castle town that was connected to Bursa province during the Byzantine period. It was also significant during the Ottoman period as a district of the Hüdavendigar Province of the Sanjak of Kocaeli, which developed and grew rapidly because of its location on important roads. Its geographical features also helped preserve its historical and cultural texture. The Yunus Pasha Mosque, Yunus Pasha Bath, Rüştiye School, Hacı Atıf Inn, and examples of such civil architecture within the district from the Ottoman era indicate that construction activities continued at every stage of the classical and westernisation period in terms of cultural heritage.Despite not being clearly stated in the sources by whom or when the Yunus Pasha Mosque was built, it is believed to have been built by Yunus Pasha, the vizier of Yavuz Sultan Selim, between 1516 and 1517, on his way to the Sultan’s Ridaniye Expedition. It does not have an inscription or a waqf certificate charter. The mosque features a square layout and was built in the architectural style of classical single-domed Ottoman mosques. It is covered with a large dome and has a three-domed last congregation area adjoining it. The exterior walls and minaret of the building are made of light-yellow hewn stone.&nbsp;As a consequence of the restoration effort undertaken by the General Directorate of Foundations in 2023, the original patterns of the hand-drawn decorations before the restoration of 1993 were revealed through a mechanical scraping process made in the harim. In this research, the old and new versions of these hand-drawn decorations have been studied comparatively and evaluated on the basis of their style and compositional features. In addition, the place where these decorations stood in the decorative programme of the Ottoman Westernisation Period was discussed. Although some of the hand-drawn decorations have failed to remain intact until the present day because of faulty repairs in the building, it is evident that the decorative programme, which began to gain popularity in the 18th century, was repeated here.In the building, the dome, the dome skirt, the trumpets, which are the transition elements to the dome, flower bouquets tied from the stems on the walls of the harim, curtain motifs, writing, geometric decoration, inscribed medallions, decorations of these medallions that give the impression of being attached to a nail with a rope in the shape of ribbon, oil lamp motifs, and chain patterns are hand-drawn. At the same time, the depiction of medallions with their nails as a painting on the wall, which is not found in other examples of religious architecture, reveals how rich a decorative programme was applied and that it was made by an artist or artists with a strong imagination. What we usually see in religious architecture in Anatolia, such as the depictions of Mecca, Medina, and mosque on the mihrab wall, and still life and landscape depictions, have been replaced by floral and geometric decoration in this mosque. Black, yellow, brick colour, blue and red were mainly used to colour these decorations. When the decorations, which are believed to be the work of local artists, are examined on the basis of their style and composition, it is seen that two different periods stand out. These periods, dated to the latter half of the 19th century and the early 20th century, are also significant in terms of revealing varied elements in the decorative programme.

A Hidden Treasure in Sakarya from the Westernisation Period: Hand-Drawn Decorations in Taraklı Yunus Pasha Mosque

Abdül

Born as one of the three sons of Ghiyath al-Din Kay-Khusraw I, Ala ad-Din Kay-Qubad I became the Malik of Tokat in 601 (1205 A.D.) after his father had become sultan, and was declared ruler in 616 (1220 A.D.) upon the death of his brother Izz al-Din Kay-Qawus I. After ascending to the throne, he endeavoured to take measures against the Mongol danger and organised expeditions against some principalities to ensure Anatolian Turkish unity. Ala ad-Din Kay-Qubad I, who attached importance to commercial relations in addition to his successful politics, reinforced commercial moves with the caravanserais he built in Anatolia.&nbsp;In this study, coins belonging to the sultanate period of Ala ad-Din Kay-Qubad I, now registered in the inventory of the Bursa Archaeology Museum, were analysed within the scope of our study. In the inventory, 220 coins were identified, 72 of which were introduced by excluding repetitive ones from the catalogue. Most of the works, all of which were produced using the forging technique, are in good condition today. The earliest works are 616 AH (1219-1220 AD), while the latest are dated 633 AH (1235-1236 AD). Most of the examples dated 617 AH (1220-1221 AD) have reached the present day. The names of the caliphs of the period, most notably en-Nâsır-Lidînillâh, ez-Zahir-Biamrillah, and al-Mustansir-Billah, are mentioned in the lines of the inscription. Silver and copper materials were used in the coins, all of which were produced using the forging technique. The average diameter of the silver coins is 23,28 mm and the average weight is 2,89 g. The average diameter of the copper coins is 22,56 mm and the average weight is 3,25 g. Sivas, Konya, Kayseri, Bilveran, and Kayseri were the centres of minting. Of these, most coins were minted in Sivas.Floral and geometric ornaments are seen on the coins. The rumi, the only element of floral ornamentation seen on the artefacts, is a motif that originated in Central Asia and developed under the influence of the animal style. The motif took on a style closer to stylised animal figures with the Anatolian Seljuks. Its widespread use in coins and other works of Turkish art is also seen in Anatolian Seljuk art. The motif appears in three different types in the studies we examined. Some examples of the group we named the third type appear as a stylised interpretation of the dragon motif. These examples, reminiscent of a dragon with a curved body and an open mouth at the top, show the origin of the motif and the change it underwent towards a stylised animal figure with the Anatolian Seljuks. Geometric ornamental elements constitute the most preferred group of elements in the works. Among these, the pearl string kerb is the most frequently used. Other geometric ornamentation elements include knots, three spots, stars, circles, pearl strings and kerbs with flat surfaces.Seljuk thuluth and kufic calligraphy were mostly used in the inscription lines. While Seljuk thuluth is seen in a several dates, it is noteworthy that the use of kufic calligraphy began after 1226 AD (623 AH) with Caliph al-Mustansir-Billah. In the arrangement of the inscriptions, horizontal main text in the centre on both sides and a peripheral text around it.&nbsp;The coins minted by Ala ad-Din Kay-Qubad I, one of the most important sultans of the Anatolian Seljuk State, are remarkable for their rich ornamental elements and for providing information about the history and economy of the period. Among these that bear direct traces of the Central Asian animal style, the widespread use of the rumi motif is important. In addition, the use of ornamental elements such as three spots, stars, string of pearls, and knots seen in these works is important in terms of containing the elements that were widely preferred in the decorative arts of the period. The coins of the period of Alaaddin I not only bear direct traces of the artistic understanding that preceded it but also stand out as an important group in terms of their influence on the process that continued after them.

Sultanate Period Coins of Ala ad-Din Kay-Qubad I in Bursa  Archaeological Museum

This research article presents an interesting section about the reconstruction works of the large provinces and the modernisation of these cities during the period of the Union and Progress government of the Ottoman Empire (1908-1918) within the scope of Turkish-German relations. This research was conducted with three-month scholarship support from the German Academic Exchange Service (DAAD). Most of the information and documents used in the research were obtained through research conducted in the German Federal Archives (Bundesarchiv) and Foreign Affairs Archives (Politisches Archiv des Auswärtiges Amts) and the Presidential Ottoman Archives of the Republic of Turkey (BOA) at the end of 2010 and the beginning of 2011. This information and documents have not been previously researched or published.To turn the research into a scientific text, hundreds of pages of original documents obtained from the archives of both countries were scanned, transliterated, and translated by us and used in this publication. As it is understood from the documents obtained within the scope of this research, the Ottoman Empire’s Union and Progress Government (1908-1918) initiated a large-scale development move, especially towards the Anatolian provinces, and in 1910, a decree was issued by the Ministry of Trade and Public Works. With this decree, it was stated that the railway, highway (road) and harbour and irrigation of the lands, drying of the swamps, construction of dams, and hydroelectric power plants were foreseen in the Anatolian Provinces. Within the framework of this idea, the Union and Progress Government also aimed to modernise and rebuild some provincial centres in Anatolia. In these cities, it was aimed to equip the neighbourhoods and streets, which were built very narrow according to the Eastern lifestyle, with wide roads and ornate boulevards as in Europe. Within the framework of this zoning policy, the Ottoman Minister of Commerce and Public Works, Bedros Hallaçyan, wrote a two-page French letter to the German Embassy in Istanbul on April 14, 1910.&nbsp;In this letter, he requested from the German Government to recruit foreign engineers and architects to the Turkish service to perform the duty of road and bridge construction inspector in his ministry. Later, in the announcements made for this purpose throughout Germany, it was required that the foreigners to be assigned in the road and bridge construction works of the Turkish Public Works Ministry must first speak French and have professional experience in the field of road construction, due to the use of French in foreign relations. Among the German citizens who applied in the first stage to switch to Turkish service to work in the specified fields, there were names like: Bauingenieur/Civil Engineer Georg Neuendorf, Ingenieur/Engineer R. Huber, Kaiserlicher Kreisinspektor-Wege- and Brückenbauingenieur/Imperial District Inspector, Road and Bridge Engineer Meyer, Oberingenieur/Chief Engineer H. R. Pohesel (?), Regierungsbaumeister/Government Architect Lasomann, Regierungsbaumeister/Government Architect Gottlob Nast, Ingenieur/Engineer Teodor Julians Jakel, Ingenieur/Engineer Hugo Frenz, Ingenieur/Engineer Heinrich Schultz, 19- Architekt/Architect Sepp Spannmacher and Ingenieur u. Baumeister/Engineer and Architect Hubert von Graeve. However, some of them were eliminated because of their lack of knowledge of French, and some of them because they did not meet the other requirements. After the preliminary evaluation made by the German Government after the applications were received, the final list of names was delivered to the Turkish Ministry of Public Works at the end of August 1910 through the German Embassy in Istanbul.In line with the criteria previously announced by the Ministry of Public Works, only four of them were selected and invited to Istanbul to sign the contract. Those people were; From Zerbst, Dr. Engineer Köhler, city construction consultant Beutner from Landau, Greifenberg district architect Weisse, and the Bremen regional Architect Buch. A contract (Annexe 04) was signed with these four German engineers and architects, who were called to Istanbul, according to the copy prepared by the Ottoman Council of Ministers in accordance with the Tezkerei-Sami dated 5 August 1326 (18 August 1910) and numbered 307. The authority in this regard has been given to the Ministry of Public Works by the Council of Ministers. These four engineers and architects, who came to Istanbul at different times, were sent to the provinces where they would work after signing the contracts. Of these people, Dr. Engineer Köhler was assigned to Istanbul, construction consultant Beutner was assigned to Hüdavendigar (city of Bursa), and regional architect Weisse was assigned to Erzurum province.This research aims to find out how many or which of the projects prepared by German engineers or architects, who were put into Turkish service within the framework of the renovation and modernisation programme that the Union and Progress Government (1908-1918) tried to carry out in four different province centres and the roads connected to them, by the Ministry of Public Works. however, how many or which ones have occurred, except for a few examples that are tried to be explained in the text, is not fully understood. However, from a military and strategic point of view, in the preparation and construction of important structures, it has also been understood that the desired results could not be achieved. for example; It has been understood that the projects of the Kop Mountain pass and some bridges were prepared and tried to be built, but the desired results could not be achieved due to the economic difficulties and war conditions of the country (Balkan, Çanakkale and World War I).&nbsp;Another important result of this research is that; as in the political and military fields, it has been understood that the two great powers of the period, France and Germany, were in a war of hegemony in the Ottoman Empire in the construction and administration of construction works, the employment of foreign experts, and the purchase of materials. This issue is understood from correspondence and reports prepared for the protection of German interests.This situation is also important in terms of showing the German foreign policy of the period.

Road and Bridge Construction Initiated by the Ottoman Empire in Anatolian Provinces during the Early 20th Century (1908-1918) and Works of German Architects and Engineers

Ayça

Mehmet İnsan (İhsan Hoca) Tunay

@JOURNAL_BOX_CURRENT

@JOURNAL_BOX_EARLYVIEW

Jale Özlem

KHAZAR PERIOD SARKEL ANCIENT CITY, FORTRESS AND SOME EXAMPLES OF ITS ARCHAEOLOGICAL FINDINGS (THEIR INTERACTIONS WITH CENTRAL AND INNER ASIAN TURKISH ART)

Nesrin Çiçek

AN EVALUATION ON SYMBOLISM IN MIMAR SINAN’S MOSQUES

@JOURNAL_BOX_FEATURED

Okan

TWO SQUARES EXAMPLES IN THE LIGHT OF GNOSTICISM, ROSE-CROSS AND THEOSOPHY: “DARK DARKNESS” (ROBERT FLUDD) AND “BLACK SQUARE”(KAZIMIR MALEVICH)

Bahman

THE INFLUENCE OF EUROPEAN VISUAL ARTS PRODUCTS ON THE PERSIAN PAINTING IN 17TH CENTURY

@JOURNAL_BOX_MOSTREAD

Journal of Art History- Sanat Tarihi Yıllığı, began its publication in 1964-65 with the first issue prepared by Oktay Aslanapa, Şerare Yetkin and Metin Sözen, as a periodical of Istanbul University, Institute of Art History. Today, it is the scientific, peer-reviewed, open access journal of Istanbul University, Faculty of Letters, Department of Art History. It is published annually and publication language of the journal are Turkish and English. As of 2024, the print version has been stopped. The journal has become an online-only publication.

Journal of Art History aims to contribute to the world of science by publishing original articles with high quality scientific content in all fields of art history discipline.

Journal of Art History publishes original articles within the scope of art history discipline, especially in the fields of Byzantine art, Turkish-Islamic arts, Western art and contemporary art. In this context, the articles submitted to the Journal of Art History must be original works that have not been published elsewhere.

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Journal of Art History

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Journal of Art History aims to contribute to the world of science by publishing original articles with high quality scientific content in all fields of art history discipline.Journal of Art History publishes original articles within the scope of art history discipline, especially in the fields of Byzantine art, Turkish-Islamic arts, Western art and contemporary art. In this context, the articles submitted to the Journal of Art History must be original works that have not been published elsewhere. Articles can be in Turkish and English.

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Editor should consider publishing correction if minor errors that do not effect the results, interpretations and conclusions of the published paper are detected. Editor should consider retraction if major errors and/or misconduction that invalidate results and conclusions are detected.Editor should consider issuing an expression of concern if there is evidence of research or publication misconduct by the authors; there is evidence that the findings are not reliable and institutions of the authors do not investigate the case or the possible investigation seems to be unfair or nonconclusive. The guidelines of <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/flowcharts/complete-set-english" target="_blank">COPE</a> and <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/" target="_blank">ICJME</a> are taken into consideration regarding correction, retractions or expression of concern.RetractionJournal follows <a href="https://publicationethics.org/sites/default/files/retraction-guidelines-cope.pdf" target="_blank">COPE’s Retraction Guidelines</a> in case of retraction. The editor has the right to retract an article if: <ul><li>There is clear evidence that the findings are unreliable; either as a result of a major error (e.g. miscalculation or experimental error), or as a result of fabrication (e.g. of data) or falsification (e.g. image manipulation).</li><li>It contains plagiarised content. </li><li>It has been published elsewhere without proper attribution. </li><li>It contains material or data without authorisation for use.</li><li>There is copyright infringement or there is some other serious legal issue.</li><li>It reports unethical research. </li><li>There is evidence that the peer-review process is compromised or manipulated.</li><li>The author(s) failed to disclose a significant competing interest (also known as a conflict of interest) that, in the opinion of the editor, would have unduly influenced the interpretation of the work or the recommendations of the editors and peer reviewers.</li></ul>In case of retraction the following steps are followed:<ul><li>Retraction notice including article title is published in a subsequent issue of the journal. The retraction notice is paginated and listed in the table of contents. </li><li>A link is provided between the retraction notice and the original article in the electronic version. </li><li>The online article is preceded by a page containing the retraction notice; the reader can then proceed to the article itself.</li><li>The original article remains unchanged, except for a watermark on the .pdf on each page stating that it has been &#34;retracted”.</li></ul>Article Removal for Legal ReasonsIn the following circumstances, except the metadata (title and authors), the text of the article is removed and a page informing that the article has been removed for legal reasons replaces the article. <ul><li>The article is found to be defamatory or to infringe the legal rights of others, and retraction is not deemed to be an adequate solution.</li><li>The article has been, or is reasonably likely to be the subject of a court order.</li><li>There is a significant risk to public health. </li></ul>

To guarantee that all papers published in the journal are maintained and permanently accessible, articles are stored in Dergipark which serves as a  national archival web site and at the same time permits LOCKSS to  collect, preserve, and serve the content.Additionally, authors are encouraged to self-archive the final PDF version of their articles in open electronic archives with  that conform to standards of Open Archives Initiative (<a href="https://www.openarchives.org/" target="_blank">https://www.openarchives.org/</a>). Authors should provide a link from the deposited version to the URL of IUPress journal website.

The Artificial Intelligence Policy, prepared in light of developments in artificial intelligence (AI) and practices in scholarly publishing, sets out the editorial and ethical principles that authors, reviewers, and editors should follow when using such technologies. The following sources have been considered in the preparation of the AI policy:Committee on Publication Ethics <a href="https://publicationethics.org/guidance/cope-position/authorship-and-ai-tools" target="_blank">(COPE) - Authorship and AI tools</a>; International Committee of Medical Journal Editors <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/browse/roles-and-responsibilities/defining-the-role-of-authors-and-contributors.html#four" target="_blank">(ICMJE) - Artificial Intelligence (AI)-Assisted Technology; World Association of Medical Editors  (WAME) Chatbots, Generative AI, and Scholarly Manuscripts</a><a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/browse/roles-and-responsibilities/defining-the-role-of-authors-and-contributors.html#four"></a>AI-assisted technologies (such as large language models [LLMs], chatbots, or image generators) can develop and produce a wide variety of content, including text, images, audio, and synthetic data. When used ethically and safely, these capabilities can increase productivity and foster innovation, but when used without human guidance, they pose risks such as inaccurate and biased results, omissions and errors in citations, deficiencies in protecting privacy and intellectual property rights, and potential violations of authors' and publishers' rights. IUPress adopts the following core principles to avoid these risks in the use of AI:  <ul><li>Details of any AI used in the production of content (including but not limited to text, figures, images, and code) must be declared and clearly explained in the appropriate section of the paper (as an acknowledgement and/or in the methods section). </li><li>No AI tool may be listed as an author in any scientific paper. </li><li>Authors are responsible for the accuracy, completeness, and originality of their work, even if AI is used in any way; they are responsible for the proper referencing and attribution of others' ideas, data, words, or other materials. </li><li>Reviewers and editors must not upload submitted work, in whole or in part, to any generative AI application.</li></ul>In the editorial processes of IUPress publications, tools are available to assist editors in identifying AI-generated content. On the other hand, it is common to use AI tools that provide suggestions for improving and enhancing readability, language, and grammar, and such AI tools can be used in IUPress publications under the supervision of editors and authors.

Artificial Intelligence Policy

<ul><li>Authors are required to declare if they have used AI-assisted technologies (such as large language models [LLMs], chatbots, or image generators) in the creation of their submitted work. </li><li>Authors should explain, both in the cover letter and in the appropriate section of the submitted paper (as a footnote and/or in the methods section), which AI tool and which version of it they have used and for what purpose. </li><li>Authors should also indicate how they used the AI tool and how they assessed the validity of the results obtained using this technology, and what aspects of the paper, manuscript content, data or supporting files were influenced by the use of the AI tool or were generated by AI.</li><li>It is the authors' responsibility to ensure the accuracy, validity and appropriateness of content and citations generated by AI-assisted technologies and to eliminate potential errors, inconsistencies and biased results. </li><li>Authors should always check the original sources to eliminate possible plagiarism, recognising that there is a potential for plagiarism in texts produced with AI-assisted technologies. They should confirm that they have checked and that the sources are original.  </li><li>AI-assisted tools (such as ChatGPT) cannot be listed as authors because they cannot be responsible for the accuracy, integrity, and originality of the work, and these responsibilities are essential to authorship. Therefore, authors are responsible for all material involving the use of AI-assisted technologies. Authors should ensure that all statements in the article that state the hypotheses, interpretations, conclusions, limitations, and implications of the study represent their own opinions.  </li><li>Studies created by authors using AI tools in the following ways, which substitute for the basic researcher's and author's responsibilities, violate the principles of scientific publishing and publication ethics, and such studies are not eligible for inclusion in publications: </li></ul><ul><ul><li>Generation of text or code without rigorous review, </li><li>Generation of synthetic data to replace missing data without a robust methodology, </li><li>Creation of any inaccurate, synthetic content, including abstracts or supplementary materials, </li><li>Creation and manipulation of images and figures (pictures, graphs, data tables, medical images, image snippets, computer codes and formulae) or original research data (enhancing, hiding, moving, removing or adding a particular feature within an image or figure) using AI.</li></ul></ul>

It is essential to maintain confidentiality in the peer review process and not to share or use the reviewed work in this process. <a href="https://publicationethics.org/sites/default/files/ethical-guidelines-peer-reviewers-cope.pdf" target="_blank">(COPE – Ethical Guidelines for Peer Reviewers</a>)<ul><li>Reviewers should not upload a manuscript or part of a manuscript submitted to them for review to generative AI tools or large language models to assist in the review, evaluation or decision-making process, as uploading content to such AI tools by reviewers violates the authors' privacy and property rights.  </li><li>Reviewing a scientific paper is a responsibility that can only be undertaken by human beings. The critical thinking and original evaluation required for peer review is beyond the scope of this technology, and there is a risk that the technology will produce inaccurate, incomplete or biased conclusions about the paper. The peer review report and decision letters should reflect the personal assessment of the reviewers and editors of the submitted content. The reviewer is responsible and accountable for the content of his/her report. </li><li>AI tools may be used in a limited way to improve the quality of the language of the peer review report (for translation or language editing) in the context of peer review. If such use is made, the reviewer must declare the use when submitting the report. </li><li>Reviewers who suspect inappropriate or undisclosed use of generative AI in a submission should report their concerns to the editor.</li></ul>

Editors are obliged to ensure that the confidentiality of the manuscripts submitted to the journal is maintained during the evaluation process, and it is essential that the peer-reviewed work is not shared or used outside the parties involved in that process. (COPE - Code of Conduct and Best Practice Guidelines for Journal Editors) <a href="https://publicationethics.org/files/Code_of_conduct_for_journal_editors_Mar11.pdf" target="_blank">(COPE – Code of Conduct and Best Practice Guidelines for Journal Editors)</a>.<ul><li>Editors should not upload a submitted article, or any part of it, to generative Artificial Intelligence tools or Big Language Models to assist in the review, evaluation or decision-making process, as this may violate authors' privacy and property rights. </li><li>Managing the editorial review of a scientific article implies responsibilities that can only be attributed to humans. Generative AI or AI-assisted technologies should not be used by editors to assist in the evaluation or decision-making process of an article, as the critical thinking and original evaluation required for this task is beyond the scope of this technology and there is a risk that the technology will produce inaccurate, incomplete or biased conclusions about the article. The editor is responsible and accountable for the editorial process, the final decision and its communication to the authors.</li><li>Editors should not use generative AI tools to compose decision letters or abstracts of unpublished research. </li><li>Editors may use generative AI tools to help find appropriate reviewers.</li><li>If editors suspect the use of generative AI in a submitted manuscript or a submitted referee report, they should conduct an editorial review of the matter and consider the policy.</li></ul>

<div style="text-align: left;">Journal of Art History - Sanat Tarihi Yıllığı is committed to upholding the highest standards of publication ethics and pays regard to Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing published by the <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, the <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, to access the <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a>, and the <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> on <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a></div>All parties involved in the publishing process (Editors, Reviewers, Authors and Publisher) are expected to agree on the following ethical principles.All submissions must be original, unpublished (including as full text in conference proceedings), and not under the review of any other publication synchronously. Each manuscript is reviewed by one of the editors and at least two referees under double-blind peer review process. Plagiarism, duplication, fraud authorship/denied authorship, research/data fabrication, salami slicing/salami publication, breaching of copyrights, prevailing conflict of interest are unnethical behaviors.All manuscripts not in accordance with the accepted ethical standards will be removed from the publication. This also contains any possible malpractice discovered after the publication. In accordance with the code of conduct we will report any cases of suspected plagiarism or duplicate publishing.

Ethics

Journal of Art History - Sanat Tarihi Yıllığı adheres to the highest standards in research ethics and follows the principles of international research ethics as defined below. The authors are responsible for the compliance of the manuscripts with the ethical rules.<ul><li>Principles of integrity, quality and transparency should be sustained in designing the research, reviewing the design and conducting the research.</li><li>The research team and participants should be fully informed about the aim, methods, possible uses and requirements of the research and risks of participation in research.</li><li>The confidentiality of the information provided by the research participants and the confidentiality of the respondents should be ensured. The research should be designed to protect the autonomy and dignity of the participants.</li><li>Research participants should participate in the research voluntarily, not under any coercion.</li><li>Any possible harm to participants must be avoided. The research should be planned in such a way that the participants are not at risk.</li><li>The independence of research must be clear; and any conflict of interest must be disclosed.</li><li>In experimental studies with human subjects, written informed consent of the participants who decide to participate in the research must be obtained. In the case of children and those under wardship or with confirmed insanity, legal custodian’s assent must be obtained.</li><li>If the study is to be carried out in any institution or organization, approval must be obtained from this institution or organization.</li><li>In studies with human subject, it must be noted in the method’s section of the manuscript that the informed consent of the participants and ethics committee approval from the institution where the study has been conducted have been obtained.</li></ul>

It is authors’ responsibility to ensure that the article is in accordance with scientific and ethical standards and rules. And authors must ensure that submitted work is original. They must certify that the manuscript has not previously been published elsewhere or is not currently being considered for publication elsewhere, in any language. Applicable copyright laws and conventions must be followed. Copyright material (e.g. tables, figures or extensive quotations) must be reproduced only with appropriate permission and acknowledgement. Any work or words of other authors, contributors, or sources must be appropriately credited and referenced.All the authors of a submitted manuscript must have direct scientific and academic contribution to the manuscript. The author(s) of the original research articles is defined as a person who is significantly involved in “conceptualization and design of the study”, “collecting the data”, “analyzing the data”, “writing the manuscript”, “reviewing the manuscript with a critical perspective” and “planning/conducting the study of the manuscript and/or revising it”. Fund raising, data collection or supervision of the research group are not sufficient roles to be accepted as an author. The author(s) must meet all these criteria described above. The order of names in the author list of an article must be a co-decision and it must be indicated in the <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/37CCCB7EDE7142A183F2D21C542D9DD8" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form.</a> The individuals who do not meet the authorship criteria but contributed to the study must take place in the acknowledgement section. Individuals providing technical support, assisting writing, providing a general support, providing material or financial support are examples to be indicated in acknowledgement section.All authors must disclose all issues concerning financial relationship, conflict of interest, and competing interest that may potentially influence the results of the research or scientific judgment.When an author discovers a significant error or inaccuracy in his/her own published paper, it is the author’s obligation to promptly cooperate with the Editor to provide retractions or corrections of mistakes.

Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors. He/She provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles for publication and ensures that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential before publishing.Editor-in-Chief is responsible for the contents and overall quality of the publication. He/She must publish errata pages or make corrections when needed.Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers. Only he has the full authority to assign a reviewer and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the journal.Reviewers must have no conflict of interest with respect to the research, the authors and/or the research funders. Their judgments must be objective.Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees must be ensured. In particular situations, the editor may share the review of one reviewer with other reviewers to clarify a particular point.

Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by editor-in-chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope.The editor hands over the papers matching the formal rules to at least two national/international referees for evaluation and gives green light for publication upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.

Peer Review

Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, sexual orientation, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors. He/She provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles for publication and ensures that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential before publishing.Editor-in-Chief is responsible for the contents and overall quality of the publication. He/She must publish errata pages or make corrections when needed.Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers. Only he has the full authority to assign a reviewer and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal.Reviewers must have no conflict of interest with respect to the research, the authors and/or the research funders. Their judgments must be objective.Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees must be ensured. In particular situations, the editor may share the review of one reviewer with other reviewers to clarify a particular point.

Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by Editor-in-Chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope. Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, sexual orientation, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors and ensures a fair double-blind peer review of the selected manuscripts.The selected manuscripts are sent to at least two national/international external referees for evaluation and publication decision is given by Editor-in-Chief upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal.Reviewers’ judgments must be objective. Reviewers’ comments on the following aspects are expected while conducting the review.- Does the manuscript contain new and significant information?- Does the abstract clearly and accurately describe the content of the manuscript?- Is the problem significant and concisely stated?- Are the methods described comprehensively?- Are the interpretations and consclusions justified by the results?- Is adequate references made to other Works in the field?- Is the language acceptable?Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees is important.

The subjects covered in the manuscripts submitted to the journal for publication must be in accordance with the aim and scope of the journal. The journal gives priority to original research papers submitted for publication.Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal are accepted for evaluation.The Journal of Art History supports the idea that the papers presented at another conferrence should be published in the original conferrence book. Therefore the journal is not fond of the idea  to receiving such papers for submission. Starting with 2025, in the case of submitting an article with a similar situation, the author must obtain an official letter from the Symposium Publication Board stating that the paper is not, or will not be, included in the symposium proceedings. This letter should be uploaded to the Dergipark system along with the article. If the Editorial Board concludes that the topic is original and important, the article may be considered for the evaluation process, provided that the official letter and documentation mentioned above are submitted. After passing these stages and the peer review process, at the publication stage, it is essential to state on the first page of the article where and when the paper was previously presented. It should also be confirmed that the research has not been published elsewhere.Articles written in accordance with the submission guidelines for The Journal of Art History are subject to preliminary evaluation by the Editorial Board after the final submission deadline announced on the journal's website. Articles that pass the preliminary evaluation (Their originality, methodology, the significance of the topic addressed in the article, and their relevance to the scope of the journal, as well as the iThenticate similarity (plagiarism) rate) are included in the peer review process. The final decision regarding these articles is made after the peer review process.The articles that passed the preliminary evaluation are scanned with the iThenticate similarity (plagiarism) program. The rate must be under %10 in the case of the scan including only the article except for the footnotes and bibliography. It must be under %20 in the case of the scan including article and footnotes except for the bibliography. Articles that do not comply with these rates and have a similarity rate higher than the specified upper limit are not accepted and are returned to the author.After similarity (plagiarism) check, the eligible ones are evaluated by editor-in-chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope.The editor hands over the papers matching the formal rules to at least two (usually three referees are preffered) national/international referees for evaluation and makes last decision for publication upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.Changing the name of an author (omission, addition or order) in papers submitted to the journal requires written permission of all declared authors.Special attention is given to the &#34;diversity of authors and institutions&#34; for the articles to be published in The Journal of Art History. In this context, an author whose article has been published in The Journal of Art History will not be accepted for article submission in the two consecutive issues following the year of publication. As an example, an author whose article was published in 2023 can submit an other article to the journal again in 2026. In the same context, the journal does not publish articles by the Editor-in-Chief and Assistant Editors. In order to provide diversity of institutions and authors, the journal makes a concerted effort to publish articles from outside the institution whenever possible.In recent years, , with the decisions made within the universities’ graduate (Master’s and Doctoral) education regulations, scientific articles are being produced from the theses. Especially before finishing their theses, many universities have imposed a requirement on doctoral students to publish an article in a peer-reviewed journal. For this reason, instead of restricting articles derived from graduate theses, particularly doctoral theses, a quota has been established, ensuring that their proportion among the total accepted articles does not exceed 10%. Priority will be given to articles derived from doctoral theses within this quota.After preparing the article according to the submission guide of  The Journal of Art History, care should be taken that the article, including visuals (except for the bibliography), does not exceed 30 pages if possible.If the articles submitted to The Journal of Art History are not formatted according to the submission guidelines (footnotes, billiography, page layout, font type and size, word limit for abstracts, ethcal issues, sources of the visuals, etc.) specified on the journal's website, they will be returned to the author without being evaluated.Author’s Responsibilities It is authors’ responsibility to ensure that the article is in accordance with scientific and ethical standards and rules. And authors must ensure that submitted work is original. They must certify that the manuscript has not previously been published elsewhere or is not currently being considered for publication elsewhere, in any language. The copyright laws and agreements in practice should be observed. Copyrighted materials (tables, figures ot large quotations) should be used with the necessary permissions and acknowledgments. In studies conducted with permission, especially in museums or other similar institutions, the official permission letter obtained from the institution must be uploaded to the Dergipark system along with the article. In the case of research involving excavation materials, if the author is not the excavation director or assistant, the permission letter obtained from the excavation director must also be uploaded with the article. In addition, the contrubutions of other authors, contributors and informations of the sources should be appropriately acknowledged and cited in the references.

Author Guidelines

All correspondence will be sent to the first-named author unless otherwise specified. Manuscpript is to be submitted online via <a href="http://dergipark.gov.tr/login" target="_blank">http://dergipark.gov.tr/login</a> that can be accessed at <a href="https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/iusty" target="_blank">https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/iusty</a> and it must be accompanied by a <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/D309744786794830A4037753E0F31EB9" target="_blank">Title Page</a> specifying the article category (i.e. research article, review etc.) and including information about the manuscript (see the Submission Checklist). Manuscripts should be prepared in Microsoft Word 2003 and upper versions. In addition, <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/37CCCB7EDE7142A183F2D21C542D9DD8" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a> that has to be signed by all authors must be submitted.1. The manuscripts should be in A4 paper standards: having 2.5 cm margins from right, left, bottom and top, Times New Roman font style in 10 font size and line spacing of 1.5. Due to double blind peer review, the main manuscript document must not include any author information.2. A <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/D309744786794830A4037753E0F31EB9" target="_blank">title page</a> including author information must be submitted together with the manuscript. The title page is to include fully descriptive title of the manuscript and, affiliation, title, e-mail address, postal address and phone number of the author(s) (see The Submission Checklist).3. Before the introduction part, there should be an abstract between 180 and 200 words in Turkish and English, an extended abstract in English between 600-800 words summarizing the scope, the purpose, the results of the study and the methodology used. Underneath the abstracts, five keywords that inform the reader about the content of the study should be specified in Turkish and in English. Extended abstract in English is required only for non-English manuscripts.4. The manuscripts should contain mainly these components: title, abstract and keywords; extended abstract in English, sections, end notes and references.5. Research article sections are ordered as follows: “INTRODUCTION”, “AIM AND METHODOLOGY”, “FINDINGS”, “DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION”, “ENDNOTES” and “REFERENCES” and “TABLES AND FIGURES”. For review and commentary articles, the article should start with the “INTRODUCTION” section where the purpose and the method is mentioned, go on with the other sections; and it should be finished with “DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION” section followed by “ENDNOTES”, “REFERENCES” and “TABLES AND FIGURES”.6. Tables, graphs and figures can be given with a number and a defining title.7. References should be prepared in accordance with the reference style of the journal.8. Authors are responsible for all statements made in their work submitted to the Journal for publication.

<ul><li><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/37CCCB7EDE7142A183F2D21C542D9DD8" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a></li><li><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/24255377581B4DEFB939754CBBF93031" target="_blank">Title Page</a></li><li><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/D589C5BC8FE645268E3233A5A926EF19" target="_blank">Author Form</a></li></ul>

Ensure that the following items are present:<ul><li>Confirm that the category of the manuscript is specifed.</li><li>Confirm that “the paper is not under consideration for publication in another journal”.</li><li>Confirm that  disclosure of any commercial or financial involvement is provided.</li><li>Confirm that last control for fluent English was done.</li><li>Confirm that the references cited in the text and listed in the references section are in line with the bibliography edition adopted by the journal.</li><li>Confirm that journal policies detailed in Information for Authors have been reviewed.</li></ul>●    <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/37CCCB7EDE7142A183F2D21C542D9DD8" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a>●    Permission of previous published material if used in the present manuscript●    <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/B8843915AE60467BAB7CCE91F68B6548" target="_blank">Title page</a><ul><li>The category of the manuscript</li><li>The title of the manuscript both in the language of the article and in English</li><li>All authors’ names and affiliations (institution, faculty/department, city, country), e-mail addresses</li><li>Corresponding author’s email address, full postal address, telephone and fax number</li><li>ORCIDs of all authors.</li><li>Grant support (if exists)</li><li>Conflict of interest (if exists) </li><li>Acknowledgement (if exists)</li></ul>●    Main Manuscript Document<ul><li>Important: Please avoid mentioning the author (s) names in the manuscript</li><li>The title of the manuscript both in the language of the article and in English</li><li>Abstract (180-200 words)</li><li>Key words: 5 words</li><li>Extended Abstract (600-800 words) in English</li><li>Body text sections</li><li>References</li><li>All tables, illustrations (figures) (including title, explanation, captions)</li></ul>

Issue Type	Regular
Editor(s)	Serap Yüzgüller, Özgü Çömezoğlu Uzbek
Cover (PDF)
Full Text (PDF)
Front Pages (PDF)

Journal of Art History

ISSUE 31, 2022

Between Fiction and Art History: Portrait of a Lady on Fire

The Types of Monochrome Glazed Ceramics in the Beçin Castle Excavation (2014-2021)

The Mental Image of The City in Turkish Painting of The Metamodernism Era

Sir Steven Runciman at Istanbul University: How British Wartime Politics Led to the Establishment of the Byzantine Art History Chair

The Shofar and Trumpet in Byzantine Art

Gurnard Still Lifes in European and Turkish Painting

An Accomplished Scribe: Zayn al-‘Abidin b. Muhammad al-Katib al-Shirazi and His Works

Byzantine Churches in the Ancient City of Sura (Soura)

Turkish-Islamic Ceramics of The Nigde/Tyana (Kemerhisar) Excavations

Gradiva in Art History: Archaeology, Cinema, Music

“The Greatest Revolution in Art”: Reinterpreting Roger Fry’s Byzantinism

On the Margins of Art and Society: Traces of “The Promise of Happiness” in the Art Practices of Neriman Polat

Medieval Pottery From Horiskale

Sculpture Education at İnas Sanayi-i Nefise Mektebi and Sculptors Who Studied There: Saime Rezan Ramiz Öker, Sabiha Bengütaş & Nermin Faruki

A Mathnavî dated 1386 among the Manucripts of Hacı Selim Ağa: Bibliophile Bureaucrats and Families

Impersonating a Male with a “Beard” in the Protection of Virginity as God's Grace to Women: The Cult of Saint Wilgefortis (Virgo Fortis) and its Iconographic Background

The Beyoglu Fountains from the Era of Sultan Mahmud II

The Ottoman Printers’ 8 Point Naskh Typeface and its Turkish Type Maker Mehmed Emin Efendi

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