Prof. Dr.

Semiha

Assist. Prof. Dr.

Between 1874-1877, Aram Margosyan (Margossian in French) attended the French engineering school l’École des ponts et chausséés (EPC) in Paris. After graduating from EPC, he worked as an engineer in the Ministry of Public Works on different railway projects in the Ottoman Empire. In the 1880’s he became one of the first nonmilitary professors of the engineering school Hendese-i Mülkiye Mektebi (HMM) which started admitting nonmilitary (civilian) students and faculty in 1883. The engineering school in Constantinople was modeled after EPC and was a natural fit for Margosyan as a (part-time) teacher. In HMM, Margosyan was best remembered as a mathematician who wrote lecture notes in analysis. In these notes, he used the tools of infinitesimal analysis instead of the more rigorous analytical tools. Even though Margosyan has taught various courses in HMM, only two of his lecture notes survived physically. In this work, we have analyzed his lecture notes on Fenn-i Mihânik-i Riyâzi (FMR, Science of Mathematical Mechanics).At that time, a standard course in mechanics (in France) included three main topics: statics, kinematics, and dynamics. Margosyan’s lecture notes deal only with the topic of kinematics. This could be a deliberate choice by the author since kinematics can be treated using mathematical analysis without recourse to physical laws.A physical copy of the lecture notes was available in Istanbul Technical University’s library. We transliterated the text into Ottoman, including all the figures furnished in the notes. Afterward, we translated the text into modern Turkish.It was natural to assume that Margosyan had the inspiration from his lecture notes from a French textbook on mechanics published before 1884. Most of the better-known French books on mechanics are now available in internet archives. However, we have restricted our search mainly to the textbooks available in Turkish libraries. During this search, we realized that Margosyan’s lecture notes had an extensive overlap with the kinematics book of Édouard Collignon published in 1853. Collignon was a professor in EPC and gave an applied mechanics course to the class “élevé exterior”. This class included Margossian as a student. Collignon had published three books on mechanics, and the first volume was on kinematics. We have carefully compared the two texts. Margosyan’s lecture notes left out many topics treated in Collignon’s book on kinematics. The whole section on mechanisms is left out from FRM, as well as all the numerical examples and the topic of numerical integration. It would be fair to conclude that Margosyan was not keen on the practical applications of the subject. Also, Margossian’s lecture notes left out discussions of Newton’s physical laws (and the concept of force) by considering the movements of bodies without recourse to their origins.Although Margosyan’s lecture notes are not a verbatim translation of the kinematics book, it is a shorter and slightly less analytic version of the latter. Margosyan, whenever possible, preferred geometric discussions combined with infinitesimal analysis to make a point. This style of argumentation predates Lagrange’s analytical treatment of mechanics and is closer to a more classical rendering of the subject. It would be unfair to say that Margossian did not utilize analytical tools at all, but he certainly has tried to avoid them as much as possible.The founder of the field of kinematics is Gilles Roberval, a precursor of Newton, had combined the tools of infinitesimal analysis with synthetic geometry to study the properties of various space and plane curves. It is no coincidence that Roberval’s Method has an important place in Margosyan’s lecture notes and is applied to various plane and space curves. By the end of the nineteenth century, the field of kinematics evolved under differential geometry and is treated more as a mathematical subject.We examined some of the kinematics books of French scientists written before Margosyan’s book that were not in Lagrange’s analytical mechanics tradition. In these books, geometric expressions and analytical expressions are almost equally weighted. Among these books, Collignon’s book stands out as the book that places the most emphasis on geometric representations. In his lecture notes, Margosyan seems to have tried to find some solution to the scientific terminology and notation problems in Ottoman Turkish with the universal language of geometric representations and preferred Collignon’s book among its peers for this reason.

The Adaptation of French Engineer Collignon’s Kinematics Book to Ottoman Turkish: Margossian’s Lecture Notes on Fenn-i Mihânik-i Riyâzi (Science of Mathematical Mechanics)

Tuba

Halime

Following the conquest of Istanbul, the Ottomans enjoyed a lively period regarding studies on mathematics with contributions initially from scholars from other lands (i.e., Ilkhanids or Mamluks) and later from scholars who were native to the Ottoman Realm. Arguably, the most productive contributions occurred in the field of “calculation” during the 16th century when the compilation of new texts in this context reached a remarkable degree of quality. Some of these works, which are significant for providing information on the level attained by the Ottomans in mathematics at that time, are still waiting to be thoroughly examined from the perspective of the history of Ottoman mathematics. Among them is a Turkish translation (1574) of the Arabic book on calculation titled Kitâbü’t-Tezkire fî İlmi’l-Hisâb, written by Garseddin Ahmed bin İbrahim bin el-Nakib el-Halebî, who arrived in Istanbul in the retinue of Yavuz Sultan Selim following the Ottomans’ military expeditions to the Mamluk realm. The book was translated by el- Halebî’s student Dervish bin Lutfi. It is, however, not a simple translation but a Turkish redaction, which was written in the same outline as Kitâbü’tTezkire fî İlmi’l-Hisâb while the content was greatly expanded. Therefore, it can be accepted as a “supplementary translation” (translation with commentary). Dervish bin Lutfi treated the text with contributions from Ottoman mathematicians in order to obtain more precise results rapidly. This is one piece of evidence showing that the Ottomans were adopting the mathematical traditions of various regions. Therefore, dervish bin Lutfi’s work stands out as a noteworthy example of Ottoman reception of the classical era’s calculation.This study, which is based on a classical text, aims to examine Dervish bin Lutfi’s way of handling the “calculation” directly with this text’s accurate manuscript. First of all, the content of the text was introduced. Then, prominent issues in the text are mentioned in the footnotes, with their being quoted and their representations in modern mathematics. In conclusion, similarities or differences and superiority or weaknesses compared to the original book and other general calculation books from the Ottoman classical era were all considered during the evaluation of the text. For this purpose, the findings inferred from the manuscript copy -which is thought to be suitable and reliable- were analyzed by integrating them with information from other sources.Findings indicate that the features and parts of the numbers, which are mentioned at the end of the preface of the text, are not always included in general calculation books in Ottomans or need to be adequately detailed. When it comes to Dervish bin Lutfi’s second article, which evidently distinguishes with his own contributions, and the way he covers the subject of fractions is entirely distinctive, it differs from the original of the text with the operations with “akche,” “cantar,” “zira,” “mud,” “mitgal” and their decimal fractions. In this second article, most problems are solved by the proportion method. Some notable ones&nbsp;are trading, inverse and compound proportion, inverse operation, and transforming a cubeshaped object into a sphere by eliminating its corners, work, pool, and “cumel calculation” (hesab-ı cumel) problems. The epilogue of the text is allocated to the subject of “mesaha”. It is understood that the author made a great effort to handle this subject. Here, it is possible to find traces of the definition of the mesaha and the historical background of the value of the number pi.To sum up, the field of “calculation”, which was progressed by being integrated with algebra and geometry, had been used in practice for all operations related to the state and the community. Many books were compiled in the Ottoman classical period to teach the mathematical skills required to meet the needs of the state and community. These books contain knowledge from all Mashrik, Maghreb, and Egyptian mathematical traditions. In this regard, Dervish bin Lutfi’s work goes far beyond the original text of Garseddin ibn Nakib in terms of its scope. This is because both the article about fractional numbers and the chapter on “mesaha,” where many contributions can be observed, make the text useful in many professions and arts, such as law, bureaucracy, or architecture. It is essential to point out that although algebra is not treated in the work, on rare occasions, algebraic procedures are used to solve problems. This shows the advanced level of mathematics in the text and how competent and skillful the author and other Ottoman scholars were in this field. Thus, it is clear that the text examined here, which is a translation with commentary, holds a prominent place among general calculation books in the Ottoman period.

Calculation in the Ottoman Classical Period and Dervish Bin Lutfi’s Approach

Toroshan

Bitumen, rich in carbon and hydrogen, is a substance with high viscosity that exists in solid or liquid form in nature. Today, it can be produced as a synthetic by-product of crude oil. Nevertheless, until the 20th century, bitumen was extracted from natural resources. In the later stages of the Industrial Revolution, bitumen was increasingly used in many industrial sectors. Towards the end of the 19th century, Selenicë in Vlorë was one of the most important places of bitumen sources in Europe. The presence of bitumen in Vlorë was known since the Antiquity. The region came under Ottoman rule in the 15th century and bitumen deposits were used for caulking ships in the navy. However, the bitumen resources were not mined efficiently due to technological and financial inadequacies. With investments after the 1890s, the bitumen production in the region was modernized and became a critical asset for the Ottoman Empire.Academic studies regarding bitumen production in the Ottoman Empire are negligible in quantity and quality since researchers have primarily focused on other mining sectors and minerals such as iron, chromium, lead, and coal.This article aims to provide data on the quality of Vlorë bitumen deposits, bitumen extraction techniques, refining process, and marketing methods. At the same time, it tries to show how technical knowledge and skilled labor, when combined with marketing, can make idle resources productive. This study is based on the findings of our research conducted in the Ottoman Archives (BOA) in Istanbul and the Archives nationales du monde du travail (ANMT) in Roubaix, as well as the analyses of the technical reports of specialists, travelogues, and financial newspapers of the period. After surveying the quality and quantity of bitumen deposits in Vlorë, it examines bitumen extraction methods and technical developments. Finally, it also deals with the bitumen output, marketing strategies, and bitumen-based products.Vlorë bitumen deposits were large enough to support many related industries. Despite large deposits, bitumen production remained low in quantity until the end of the 19th century because of primitive insufficient mining techniques and lack of capital. The Ottoman Bank established the Selenicë Company (Société des Mines de Selenitza) in 1891 for the exploitation of bitumen in Vlorë. The company had a capital of 2.500.000 francs, part of which was provided by some French investors. The company modernized bitumen extraction methods and established a modern technical infrastructure that reduced production costs. As a result of these investments, average annual bitumen production increased to 6,000 tonnes a year.Most of the output included three types of bitumen: matte solid bitumen, glossy solid bitumen (also called Romsi and Ottimo bitumen), and liquid bitumen. Romsi and Ottimo bitumens were the best in quality among them. Around 6,000 tons of bitumen were shipped&nbsp;annually to European ports such as Marseille, Hamburg, Bremen, Amsterdam, and London. In addition to selling crude bitumen, the company also manufactured bitumen-added pesticides and fertilizers to combat phylloxera (also called vine fretter), which damaged vineyards. The company also developed methods for bitumen refining and new commercial tactics to increase sales. For example, it advertised bitumen-containing phylloxera pesticides in newspapers and exhibited various products made of bitumen at international expositions and trade fairs in Europe. As a result of these efforts, Vlorë bitumen became a renowned product in Europe. It was used as raw material or additive in sectors such as road construction, roof insulation, marine, paint, cable, cardboard, and varnish industries. Moreover, Vlorë bitumen was used to construct many famous boulevards of Paris.In short, as seen in the example of Vlorë Selenicë, technical know-how and capital were crucial in effectively utilizing natural resources. In this way, it became an important source of income for the Ottoman central treasury towards the end of the 19th century.

Bitumen Exploitation in Vlorë in the Last Period of the Ottoman State

Serkan

In Ottoman architecture, a considerable number of buildings were built. Undoubtedly, the leading actors who created these buildings were among talented people who were members of the Ottoman Guild of Architects and were called “craftsmen (ehl-i hiref)” and were experts in public structures, construction, and art. Although the exact date of establishment of the Ottoman Guild of Architects is unknown, it is believed that the guild was integrated into the centralization activities during the rule of Mehmed the Conqueror. The Ottoman Guild of Architects became the one and only responsible unit for public improvements and construction activities to be conducted or planned in the Ottoman lands, as well as structures such as bridges, bastions, and castles, which can be urgent and crucial in the event of a war. The number of these members (in the guild) who were in the service of construction with the architects they trained increased over time, and, depending on this increase, the scope of the group widened. In parallel with these improvements, the representatives of the Ottoman Guild of Architects were integrated into the administrative organization in the provinces. These representatives, who found a place in the provincial organization, were called “esnaf-ı mimar” (construction tradesmen). An architect who was among these tradesmen was responsible for thirty-three different groups of tradesmen such as auger, plasterer, horasan maker, cage maker, paver maker, blacksmith, glazier, lead maker, su-yolcu (an occupation related to hydraulic works), etc., varying depending on the geographical conditions of the regions. Construction officials were located in areas where construction tradesmen were deprived and tried to fill the gap of this group. These officials served similarly to project assistants; they kept track of the expenses for the construction, purchased the building materials, and dealt with the daily wages of the masters and workers. In compulsory and necessary situations, senior civil servants who were on other duties or retired yet reliable and expert in the field were appointed to become construction officials. This occupation, considered a part of contractual&nbsp;civil service and given as much importance as being an architect, also allowed architects to focus on their art without getting involved in financial matters. The most important duty of construction officials was to ensure that the financial matters were sensitive, transparent, and reliable and that all expense books were kept independently. These expense books, registered by construction officials, are prominent documents that present some information such as when the large buildings were constructed, where, in what quantity, and for how much the materials were brought from, how many workers worked for the construction, how much they were paid, and how much the building cost. This system was considerably functional, although construction officials sometimes cut expenses and left the chief architects in a difficult situation. Indeed, architects, who were all artists in the way they presented their work, were not involved in financial matters and were kept away from responsibilities; hence, they could practice their art peacefully. - This technique was also important for the architects to protect themselves against possible accusations on financial matters.&nbsp;As a last note, construction officials, who were selected for their principle of honesty and appointed to serve for a long time at any state level, played a crucial role in making the cities festive and prosperous. Especially Nevsehir, founded in the first half of the eighteenth century by the order of Damat Ibrahim Pasha when Turkmen tribes in the region settled, was established under the personal supervision of the construction officials. In this particular city, the administrative organization was not fully established; therefore, the construction officials were given considerable authority as well as the opportunity to have the versatile authority that would affect the buildings to be constructed in the region directly or indirectly. Accordingly, the construction officials who worked in Nevsehir for about ten years conveyed and reflected the orders and instructions from the capital to the city and contributed significantly to the city’s prosperity. Based on all these, this study aims to give general information about the duties and responsibilities of construction officials, who were not considered to have a position and were forgotten in the Ottoman administrative organization. With this humble study, which brought together general and scattered information, it might be possible to have at least a few insights about construction officials, about whom there is almost no information in the literature and who served at various dates and places for about four hundred years.&nbsp;

'Bina Eminliği' in the Ottoman Empire in the Eighteenth Century

Ömer

Res. Assist. Dr.

The scope of military history includes how wars were concluded within the scope of cause and effect and how the campaign was organized in the background. One of the reasons for the successful conclusion of a war was the good construction of the campaign organization network. In this context, military historians should not only express the struggle and cause-effects of a war on the battlefield but also have to investigate how the organization and logistics network of the campaign was carried out. Therefore, when evaluating a war, it should be remembered that the organizational network in the background will affect the war’s outcome.After the Ottoman administration declared war on a state, it completed its preparations and launched a campaign quickly. This extensive preparation affected many states, sanjaks, and townships of the empire. After the war decision, The Ottoman campaign administration started preparations to employ doctors, surgeons, and assistants in the army. These preparations were the identification of health personnel, the supply of materials such as tents and kitchens, the supply of tools and equipment to be used in treatment, and the provision of transportation means for the transportation of materials. In addition, meeting the daily nutritional needs of the health workers (bread, meat, rice, and barley) and providing their travel and allowances were some of the other preparations made by the state. The state treasury generally covered all the preparations mentioned.On the other hand, one of the factors that would affect the outcome of the war was the treatment of the wounded and sick. Medicines and materials necessary for treatment were given from Cebehâne-i Âmire. However, if the drugs and materials determined by the physicians, surgeons, or medical chiefs were not available in the ammunition or were missing, they would be taken with the allowance given by the state and included in the&nbsp;army ammunition. Another point where the medicines needed by the medical personnel were provided during the campaign were herbalists. As it is known, when the Ottoman Empire went on a campaign, a large group of military tradesmen joined the campaign with the army in order to meet the needs of the soldiers in the army. One of these groups was the herbalists. In addition to herbal medicines, herbalists were selling spices and scented products. Therefore, during the campaign, when any plant was needed in the composition of the medicines, they were supplied from them. From this point of view, it can be understood what an important task the herbalists fulfilled in the campaign.Physicians, surgeons and doctors treated soldiers with herbs and medicines obtained from ammunition, through purchases or from herbalists. Medicines were prepared with the combination of leaves, roots, seeds, oil, gums, and resins of plants, as well as minerals. On the other hand, some of the supplied plants were produced by mixing with single plants and some with different plants. These medicines or preparations can be explained under three main headings: plant, animal, and mineral origin. As a result, the resulting ointment, moxibustion, syrup, and pills can be used to treat soldiers injured or sick during the campaign, internally and externally. Table 1 can be examined for detailed information on which diseases the prepared drugs are used. As a result, it should be stated that medicines in different compositions were used in the treatment of soldiers in the army to relieve many ailments, such as internalexternal, dermatologic, eye, ear, throat, and dental diseases.

The Functioning of the Health Organization in the Ottoman Army and the Benefits It Provides with the Medicines Used in the Army (Eighteenth Century Example)

Sibel

Syphilis, which emerged in the late fifteenth century, is a highly contagious disease that affects the body’s finest tissues. Although treatable, it causes a lot of mental and emotional damage. The disease leaves physical scars and, in most cases, leads to death. The fact that a pregnant infected with Syphilis infects the baby in the womb causes the disease to be inherited. Like other states, the Ottoman State has been affected by this epidemic. Since it transmits through sexual interaction, people with Syphilis were excluded from the community. It was called “Syphilus” in Europe, “French disease” in England, “Italian or Naples disease” in France, “Portuguese or Chinese disease” in Japan, and Frankish (effrenci) in the Ottoman State.Syphilis cases in the Ottoman realm were rare owing to the lack of interaction with Europeans and the consideration of prostitution as a great sin. The disease started in the Ottoman territory in the nineteenth century. It was first detected in Istanbul and spread to Anatolia in a short time. Whereas the reason for its spread in Istanbul was thought to be foreign women settling in Galata uncontrolled, it was due to the flow of people from the war zone of the Ottoman-Russian Wars and the soldiers discharged from duty in Anatolia.As a part of the fight against Syphilis, the Ottoman administration initiated the first brothel (1856-1858) in Istanbul, where the outbreak began to be seen. Later on, the Health Commission (1869-1870) was established to combat prostitution, and the ‘Regulation for Venereal Diseases’ (Emrâz-i Zühreviye Nizamnamesi) came into force in 1880. Thus, regular inspection and health checks of women in brothels were made, and necessary measures were taken to prevent infectious diseases. It was reported to the central administration that the German General Von der Goltz Pasha also saw the disease in the Ottoman army. Thereupon, German Dermatologist Ernst von Düring was invited to Turkey. Düring Pasha and his team,&nbsp;who served in the Ottoman State between 1889 and 1902, conducted some research and lectures on Syphilis in Anatolia.Measures taken in Istanbul were expanded throughout the country, and reports on the fight against Syphilis were prepared. The fight in Anatolia started in the regions where the epidemic was prevalent. With the new regulation issued in 1915, precautions became stricter in terms of controlling brothels, directing infected people to examination, and not discharging those who were treated without complete recovery. Besides, doctors, pharmacists, medicines, and medical supplies were sent to the areas where outbreaks occurred. Mobile syphilis teams were established in 1924, and treatment stations were established in various towns and villages to increase the efficiency of syphilis studies.Struggle with the epidemic was not limited to these actions. Some physicians defined the disease, symptoms, and treatment methods by writing books, treatises, and leaflets. One of them was the chief physician Mustafa Behçet Efendi. Behçet Efendi was the physician of Selim III (r. 1789-1807) and Mahmut II (1808-1839). He has written and translated many works, mainly in medicine. Among them was his translation from Italian titled Risâle-i Frengi (Treatise on Syphilis). In this work, which is the primary source of this contribution, the origin, symptoms, complications, damage it causes for various organs, Syphilis in women, and its treatment are discussed in detail.

A Study on the Chief Physician Mustafa Behçet Efendi’s Translation Risâle-i Frengi

Semih

A Neglected Department: The Second Surgery Department of Ankara University Faculty of Medicine [Letter]

Sarper

A Neglected Department: The Second Surgery Department of Ankara University Faculty of Medicine [Response to Letter]

İbrahim

Res. Assist.

A History of the First Faculty of Theology in Turkey (1900-1933)

An interdisciplinary Congress on Ottoman Astronomy at Istanbul University

Kutsi

Tracking Astronomical Instruments Through Ottoman World and Beyond Workshop, Istanbul, 28th November 2023

Barışcan

Science in 100 Years of the Republic of Turkey Conferences Have Been Completed

İlker

Dila

Armanç

Activities of the History of Science Club of Istanbul University Faculty of Letters for the 2022-2023 Academic Year

Özlem

Melda

Yunus

Gönenç

Obituary Prof. Dr. Ferhat Özçep

Kaan

Assist. Prof.

Alpen

Işılsu

Gürsel

Exploring the First Decade of the Anatomische Gesellschaft: Europe’s Oldest Anatomical Society and a Comparative Perspective from Ottoman Medicine

Mürvet

The Imperial School of Medicine (Mekteb-i Tıbbiye-i Şahane) opened its doors in 1827. Initially, surgical studies were not included in the curriculum. In 1832, a separate institution was established for surgical education, known as the Surgeon School (Cerrahhane). In its early years, the Surgeon School primarily trained Greek surgeons since Turkish doctors were reluctant to become surgeons. In 1838, medical and surgical education was integrated. However, it took until the late 1800s for Turkish doctors to embrace surgical careers fully. The first three names trained at the School of Medicine and continued their surgical specialization abroad are Naim Bey, Osman Bey, and Hayrettin Bey.&nbsp;Naim Bey entered the School of Medicine in 1862 and graduated at 23 with diploma number 400 on June 27, 1873. As the School of Medicine was a military school, he graduated with the rank of lieutenant, holding expertise in both medical and surgical fields. His comprehensive diploma exams encompassed various subjects, including Natural Sciences, Chemistry, Anatomy, Botany, Zoology, Galenic Pharmacy, Minor Surgical Procedures, Physiology, Diseases, Materia Medica, Preventive Medicine, Internal and External Diseases, Forensic Medicine, Pathology, General Surgery, Gynecology, Clinical Medical Methods, Clinical Surgical Methods, Dermatology, Ophthalmology.On Naim Bey's diploma, Sultan Abdülaziz’s name was torn, though the seals and signatures of the school's director, Marko Pasha, and seventeen instructors remained intact. His instructors included Saib, Kalyas, Arşizen Sarandi, Valasidi, Maruvan(?), Ferdinand, Serviçen, Ahmet Remzi, Konstantin Karateodori, Konstantin, Baroçi, Aristidi, Seyyid Ali, Vuçino, Anton, and Mavroyeni.During Naim Bey's graduation period, 33 people, 20 Muslims, received education at the School of Medicine. This is an example of the long-standing tradition that approximately one-third of students are non-Muslim. After completing his education, Naim Bey, along&nbsp;with his friends Hayrettin Bey and Osman Bey, participated in an examination in 1875 that offered opportunities for further education abroad. They all succeeded in this examination, with Naim Bey choosing Vienna for surgical training while his friends opted for Paris. Vienna was known for providing top-notch medical education. However, since the language of instruction at the School of Medicine was French, Paris was a more preferred destination.Upon returning from his foreign education, Naim Bey was called to serve during the 1877-78 Ottoman-Russian War, where he showcased his surgical skills. After the war, it is likely that he became an assistant instructor at the School of Medicine. In 1884, he became a teacher in External Diseases (General Surgery/Emraz-ı Hariciye). In addition to his duty at the School of Medicine, a military school, Naim Bey also taught at the Civil School of Medicine (Mekteb-i Tıbbiye-i Mülkiye), established in 1867 to provide medical education to civilians. He was the teacher of Cemil Topuzlu, who was acknowledged as the founder of modern surgery in Türkiye. Topuzlu said in his memoir that he learned extensively from Naim Bey. After Naim Bey passed away, Hayrettin Bey took his place, and Cemil Bey took Hayrettin Bey’s place. Thus, Naim Bey’s death paved the way for Cemil Topuzlu’s career advancement.In 1887, Naim Bey was promoted to the rank of Colonel, receiving various medals and honors. In 1889, he was appointed to the Council of Civil Medicine and Public Health (Meclis-i Tıbbiye-i Mülkiye ve Sıhhıye-i Umumiye). He also became a member of the Association of Ottoman Medicine (Cemiyet-i Tıbbiye-i Osmaniye), dedicated to translating medical literature into Turkish.In 1890, Naim Bey, along with the Committee of Ottoman Medicine (Heyet-i Tıbbiye-i Osmaniye), visited Doctor Robert Koch in Berlin. During this visit, they met Koch and examined Koch's work on the tuberculosis vaccine and treatment. Various reports were sent back to Istanbul. However, the final decision of the committee was that the treatment remained experimental, and therefore, there was no need for Ottoman citizens to come to Berlin for treatment. Naim Bey was also involved in efforts to establish a tuberculosis hospital, but the treatment did not meet expectations, and the project remained incomplete.Naim Bey's international engagements included participation in the VIIth International Congress of Hygiene and Demography held in London in 1891. Initially, other candidates were considered, but Naim Bey was chosen for his suitability. The congress, attended by over 2000 people, highlighted developments in the field of microbiology.In addition to his professional endeavors, Naim Bey had three children: one son and two daughters. One of his daughters passed away at an early age, while the other married Selim Ucce, a Syrian soldier and a surgeon who studied at School of Medicine and settled&nbsp;in Damascus. Naim Bey's son, Hasan Cevdet Temizkanlı, attended Mekteb-i Harbiye and participated in various battles, and received the Independence Medal. He passed away in 1939.On October 17, 1891, Naim Bey passed away at the age of 41 in his home in Vefa due to an aneurysm. His legacy endures as one of the pioneering Turkish surgeons who received a comprehensive education at the School of Medicine and played an important role in advancing the field of medicine in Türkiye.

Colonel Educator Doctor Naim Hasan Bey: One of The Pioneers of Modern Turkish Surgery

Nuran

Since there used to be no independent research institutes in Turkey, the science of physiology has developed within medical education. The transition to modern medical education in Turkey commenced with Tıphane-i Âmire’s (The Imperial Medical School) inception on March 14, 1827. Until the 1933 University Reform, medical education continued in institutions named as the Mekteb-i Tıbbiye-i Şahane (Imperial Faculty of Medicine), Mekteb-i Tıbbiye-i Mülkiye (School of Civil Medicine), Dârülfünun-ı Osmani Tıp Fakültesi (The Ottoman University Faculty of Medicine), Şam Mekteb-i Tıbbiye-i Mülkiyesi (Damascus School of Civil Medicine) which at one time continued its education affiliated with the Darülfünun-ı Osmani Tıp Fakültesi, was also added to these schools that constituted the core of Istanbul University Faculty of Medicine. This study addresses the establishment and development of the physiology course in the schools where Istanbul Medical Faculty maintained its education from 1827 until the 1933 University Reform.From 1834 onward at Tıphane-i Âmire, physiology education was conducted by Osman Saib Efendi through translations of a contemporary French physiology book. Osman Saib Efendi also taught physiology for several years at the Mekteb-i Tıbbiye-i Şahane, resulting from the merging of Tıphane-i Âmire and Cerrahhane-i Mamûre (School of Surgery) beginning French-based education in 1839. Until 1873, at Mekteb-i Tıbbiye-i Şahane, physiology professors additionally taught courses in anatomy, pathology, pathological anatomy, zoology, botany, hygiene, surgical internal diseases, and clinical medicine.The commencement of Turkish education at Mekteb-i Tıbbiye-i Mülkiye (1867), followed by the transition to Turkish education at Mekteb-i Tıbbiye-i Şahane (1870), led to the challenge of a lack of Turkish-speaking instructors and a shortage of Turkish textbooks. In response, the translation of French medical books into Turkish began. Kâtipzâde Mehmet Nuri Birgivî, an assistant surgical instructor at Mekteb-i Tıbbiye-i Şahane, translated a physiology book&nbsp;named Traité élémentaire de physiologie humaine comprenant les principales notions de la physiologie comparée (Paris 1866, 5th edition) authored by Prof. Dr. Jules Béclard, renowned for his studies in anatomy and physiology during that era. This translated physiology book was published as Menâfi'ül-azâ Fisioloci (Istanbul,1873-1874). Şemsi Şerif Bey, the Physiology Instructor, utilized this book in his theoretical lessons between 1873 and 1881.Dr. Mehmet Şakir (Şakir Pasha), who specialized under Dr. Claude Bernard, returned to Istanbul (1876) driven by the inspiration and high energy acquired during his apprenticeship and with a determination to bring newly learned knowledge to his country. In the same year, he was appointed as an assistant instructor alongside the physiology instructor Şemsi Şerif Bey at the Mekteb-i Tıbbiye-i Şahane. In addition to this role, he assumed the position of assistant physiology instructor at Mekteb-i Tıbbiye-i Mülkiye (1878). Upon his promotion to an instructor, he departed from Mekteb-i Tıbbiye-i Mülkiye (1888). From then on, he solely worked at Mekteb-i Tıbbiye-i Şahane. The lectures where he discussed the latest developments in physiology were compiled by students through note-taking. Şakir Pasha revised and corrected these notes before publishing them as “Dürûs-ı Hayat-ı Beşeriye” (Lessons on Human Life, Istanbul 1893).Upon his arrival from Paris, Şakir Pasha made considerable efforts to establish a physiology laboratory. However, instead of the envisioned laboratory, he initiated experimental physiology classes in a small room using equipment he procured with his own funds. He personally conducted practical and demonstration classes every Thursday. His experiments involved dogs, island rabbits, and frogs. Due to the absence of allocated funding for the physiology laboratory, the dogs used in the experiments were either brought by attendants or enthusiastic students from around the Karacaahmet cemetery or the vicinity surrounding the school in Sirkeci-Demirkapı, while the frogs were collected from the botanical garden pond of the school.Şakir Pasha succeeded in introducing the fundamentals of experimental physiology to Turkey through his physiology classes conducted alongside animal experiments in this modest laboratory. His requests for new equipment to enhance the physiology laboratory were disregarded by the authorities, and after years of waiting, he managed to procure some new equipment for his laboratory (1896), albeit not to the extent he desired. Due to the reluctance of the Babıâli (Sublime Porte) that sent him to France for specialized training to comprehend and establish a fully equipped physiology laboratory, Şakir Pasha couldn’t engage in scientific research. Another misfortune for Şakir Pasha was that the assistants who began working with him, having no income apart from their salaries, did not embrace physiology and shifted to clinical fields. Consequently, he had to single-handedly continue theoretical and experimental physiology education for years. As those who started their careers in physiology education eventually transitioned to clinical specialties, the education was sustained with contributions&nbsp;from instructors and assistant instructors of other disciplines. The names we have identified as contributing to physiology education are listed in the table “Contributors to Physiology Education, 1827-1933” at the end of this article.After settling into the monumental building of Mekteb-i Tıbbiye-i Şahane in Haydarpaşa, Dr. Kemal Cenap (Berksoy), Şakir Pasha’s persevering assistant in physiology, pushed the limits of the era’s resources to facilitate the expansion and equipping of Şakir Pasha’s modest laboratory with new tools. Despite this effort, the laboratory, which fell short compared to its European counterparts, saw Kemal Cenap Bey publish his experimental studies in European physiology journals and receive citations. He particularly emphasized experimental studies on digestive physiology, notably identifying the most effective secretion occurring within the deep mucosal layer of the duodenum, a contribution that entered the physiology literature. Kemal Cenap Bey, who achieved international recognition for his scientific research, established experimental physiology as both a teaching and research discipline by conducting experiments with his students during classes.

Physiology in Istanbul Faculty of Medicine from Tıphane-i Âmire to Dârülfünun, 1827-1933

Saltuk

Sources of Maritime Weather Monitoring in the Ottoman Navy at the Age of Modern Observatories, 1868-1914

Zekeriya

Salih Zeki (1864-1921) returned to Istanbul after attending L’École Supérieure de Télégraphie in Paris between 1883 and 1887. He started to teach mathematical physics (hikmet-i riyaziyye) at the Mühendishâne-i Berrî-i Hümâyun, the Ottoman military engineering school. There are indications that he had covered probability topics as part of this course. In 1898 he published Hulâsa-i Hesâb-ı İhtimâlî, a booklet on probability which has the distinction of being the first in its field in Turkey. The small treatise has two chapters totaling fifty-eight pages. The first 40-page chapter of the book presents the theoretical concepts of probability. The second 18-page chapter includes examples on empirical probability.Bernoulli’s theorem was first presented with its proof by Jacques Bernoulli (1655-1705) in Ars Conjectandi (1713), his posthumous work in Latin. The theorem can be simply stated as follows;With the probability approaching 1 or certainty as near as we please, we may expect that the relative frequency of an event E in a series of independent trials with constant probability p will differ from that probability by less than any given number , provided the number of trials is taken sufficiently large. (J. V. Uspensky, Introduction to Mathematical Probability, 1937, 96.)Unlike this statement, Salih Zeki wrote the theorem as follows and solved its examples in this context: “If the number of experiments for an event is increased to equal the simple probability of the event, the probability of that event will eventually be brought closer to the level of mathematical certainty.” We will now briefly represent Salih Zeki’s three examples.Example 1: The probability of getting a 6 when a dice is rolled is . If the dice were rolled twice, the probability of at least one of them getting a 6 would be . Similarly, if a dice is rolled three times, the probability of getting a 6 for at least one of them is . The probability of getting a 6 at least once when rolled four times is and other situations can be calculated by continuing in this way. The resulting probabilities are getting larger and closer to 1 for each case where the number of experiments is increased.&nbsp;Example 2: Let the probability of an event occurring be very small. If the number of experiments for the same event is gradually increased, the probability of the event approaches the level of certainty. For example, while the probability of drawing a white ball from a box containing 40 black and one white ball is , this probability can be approached to the degree of mathematical certainty in 100 consecutive draws. Indeed, when drawn 100 times, the probability of being white is 0,91526.Example 3: Consider the following sixteen situations that occur when balls a, b are drawn in quaternary:&nbsp;aaaa aaab aaba abaa baaa aabb abab baab baba abba bbaa bbab abbb babb bbba bbbbIf two classes are accepted according to whether the quaternary order of balls is mixed or uniform, the probabilities of these two classes of events will be 14/16, 2/16 respectively. Accordingly, the ratio of mixed-type events to all events is 14/16. When the number of experiments is increased, this ratio also increases. Indeed, when the number of experiments is five, 30/32 ratio is obtained, and when six experiments are performed, 62/64 ratio is obtained. Thus, it is possible to bring the probability of mixed-type events closer to the level of mathematical certainty by increasing the number of experiments as much as possible.Bernoulli’s theorem has a privileged place in calculus of probability. Salih Zeki allocated a subchapter to this theorem in a small and concise textbook, Hulâsa-i Hesâb-ı İhtimâlî (1898), thus emphasizing its importance in a sense. The text of the theorem in the work and three related examples were examined. Here, it is stated that in experiments conducted for an event whose probability is not zero, if the number of experiments is increased as much as possible, this event will occur at the level of mathematical certainty. However, in the Bernoulli theorem texts that we see in the 18th and 19th-century probability works that Salih Zeki was aware of, it is emphasized that as the number of experiments increases, the ratio of the results obtained approaches a probability value p. Since Salih Zeki did not take into account approaching a certain probability value in his examples, the definition he gave does not belong to Bernoulli’s theorem but to another rule called Littlewood’s law today.

Bernoulli's Theorem and Its Reception in Türkiye

Müjdat

In the nineteenth century, the Ottoman Empire was aware of its scientic deciency and while trying to solve it introduced numerous innovations in education. The Ottoman Empire wanted to bring Western science to the country by sending successful students to Western countries. During this period, many students completed their education, returned to the country, and contributed to the country’s academic media. This situation was also reflected in Darülfünun, and efforts were made to increase the qualifications of its faculties. One of these was the publication of a scientific journal called Darülfünûn Fünûn Fakültesi Mecmuası in 1916. After publishing six issues between 1916 and 1917, the journal went on a forced holiday due to the war. In this period, Hasan Fehmi [Çayköy] (1887-1950) published the highest number of articles in the field of mathematics in this journal. Hasan Fehmi, who graduated from Darülfünun’s Mathematics Department in 1911, worked as a mathematics teacher in the elite high schools of his time, such as Kabataş High School, Mercan High School, Girls’ School of Education, and Darüşşafaka High School. He was also the principal of Darüşşafaka between 1939 and 1943. Analyzing the articles in scientific periodicals published in the last period of the Ottoman Empire will contribute to the literature in this field. In this context, the present study aims to make a mathematical analysis of all of Hasan Fehmi’s articles published in Darülfünûn Fünûn Fakültesi Mecmuası. In this context, six articles by Hasan Fehmi published in the journal were transliterated, and mathematical analyses were made separately.Between 1916 and 1917, Hasan Fehmi published 6 articles in the Darülfünûn Fünûn Fakültesi Mecmuası on mathematics. In his essays, he explained his subjects using a simple style and elaborately drawn figures at the necessary points.In his first article, titled “Küre Hacminin Bi’l-Cebr İstihrâcı (Determination of Sphere Volume with Algebra)”, Hasan Fehmi used algebraic methods to determine how the expression 4/3πr³, which is the volume formula of any sphere with radius r, emerged.In his second article, “Hendese Meselesi (Geometry Problem)”, Hasan Fehmi dealt with a problem concerning the relationship between a circle and a triangle. In the problem, any angle, such as XVY, is first drawn on the plane, and then points H and B are chosen on the arms of that angle such that VH + VB is constant. It is claimed that the circumcircles of the triangles VHB obtained from here will pass through a fixed point, and then the claim is proved.In his third article, “Müsellesât [1] (Trigonometry [1])”, Hasan Fehmi explained the solution to a trigonometry problem based on the relationship between a circle and a triangle. In this problem, let the heights of a triangle such as BLC intersect at the point K and let M be the center of the circumcircle of the triangle. The necessary conditions for the line segment MK passing through K and M to be equal to half of the base of the triangle are analyzed in this problem.In his fourth article, “Bir Gâye Meselesi (A Limit Problem)”, Hasan Fehmi examined whether the limit value of the sum 1x2/3x4x5x6 + 2x3/4x5x6x7 + ... + n(n+1)/(n+3)(n+4)(n+5) is equal to 1/9.In his fifth article, “Müsellesât [2] (Trigonometry [2])”, Hasan Fehmi drew a line from a point G chosen randomly outside a triangle like BCE to the vertices of the triangle. The perpendicularity centers of the three new triangles obtained are K1 , K2 and K3 , respectively. In this problem, Hasan Fehmi showed the equality of the triangle K1 K2 K3 and the triangle BCE.In his sixth article titled “Cebir (Algebra)”, Hasan Fehmi discussed the derivatives of some special trigonometric functions, the equality of the derivative values of these special functions to each other, and finally, the equality of the derivatives of these special functions without derivative operation.Hasan Fehmi included some special problem situations and solutions in the fields of geometry, trigonometry, and algebra in his articles published in Darülfünûn Fünûn Fakültesi Mecmuası. Within the scope of the present study, these articles were analyzed mathematically in detail. According to the results obtained, it has been determined that the problems in question are at a level that can be accepted at the undergraduate level today and frequently brought up in the related courses. In this sense, they have a widespread recognition. In addition, the approaches used in problem-solving are not original. Hasan Fahmi does not make such a claim in his articles.

Hasan Fehmi’s [Çayköy] Articles in Mathematics Published in Darülfünûn Fünûn Fakültesi Mecmuası [Darülfünûn Science Faculty Journal]

Volkan

Natural philosophy, which was progressively neglected in the education system of Ottoman Turkey, established a basis for the formation of modern sciences in the Western world. As Western Europe has begun to forge ahead since the sixteenth century, they have not only developed human knowledge through discoveries, observations and experiments, but also created a solid scientific terminology based on Latin. The Latin alphabet, among other cultural elements, was inherited by the barbarian kingdoms, which contributed to the fall of the Western Roman Empire and transformed themselves into the modern Western European nations. Spelling of the vernacular Western European languages were modified based on the Latin script, but pronunciation of the words locally differed. Finally, the position of Latin as the preeminent academic language over the centuries gradually replaced by the national languages starting in the seventeenth century. Although the usage of Latin has been considerably diminished in academic studies, taxonomy, one of the common grounds of biology and paleontology, represents one of the exceptional fields in which the Latin nomenclature still prevails. In the Western world, spelling of the taxonomic nomenclature (i.e., the names representing species, genera, and other groups of organisms belonging to higher taxonomic ranks) is uniformly done according to the Latin grammar, but pronunciation of those may vary in different languages.The Turks, on the other hand, became the permanent settlers of Anatolia towards the end of the eleventh century and built political and cultural relationships with their western rivals, the Eastern Roman Empire. The selection of Greek as the official language of the Eastern Roman Empire created a lack of familiarity with Latin for the Turks. During the period of &nbsp;modernization in Ottoman Turkey, which began in the eighteenth century, numerous terms were subsumed from French, the world language at the time, and most of these terms have been transcribed by following the French pronunciation. English replaced French as the new lingua franca after the Second World War, from which the new terms have been introduced into Turkish.A striking resemblance between Latin and Turkish is that the words are pronounced as they are spelled in both languages. This situation became more apparent after the Alphabet Reform in 1928 when the Latin script was adopted for Turkish. Considering that Turkish was formerly typed with the Arabic script, the new alphabet also eliminated the problem of transliteration and eased the transcription process. In Turkish taxonomic terminology, however, pronunciations imitate either those in French or English, whereas no transcription has been applied to the incorporated Western terms that originated from Latin.To resolve this controversy, a regulatory list with seven clauses is proposed here to establish a standardization of the taxonomic nomenclature in Turkish. The proposed solutions for pronunciation and transcription follow the instructions for the Latin pronunciation as much as possible. For a proper translation, it is strictly advised to have enough knowledge on the subject. The clauses are as briefly follows:1. No translation or transcription should apply to genus and species names, and these names should be typed by using a distinguishably different font/style from the rest of the text. Pronunciations of the genus and species names in Latin may be provided in square brackets if necessary.2. The original Latin names for the groups of organisms representing taxonomic ranks higher than the genus level (in both hierarchical taxonomy and cladistics) should not be transcribed. Transcription can be applied to the names which are derived from the original Latin name in another language using the Latin alphabet (e.g., transcription is not allowed for the Latin group name “Theropoda” but allowed for “theropods,” which is the derivative in English). The original Latin name may be provided in brackets next to the transcribed name if necessary.3. Applications for the pronunciation of the taxonomic names and the transcription of the names representing taxonomic ranks higher than the genus level, containing C, Y, H (in forms of CH, PH, RH, TH), I (in forms of IA, IE, IO, IU), diphthongs (AE, AU, OE, EU), and the letters which are not present in the Turkish alphabet (Q, X, W) are provided, in accordance with the instructions for Latin pronunciation and some particular cases in Turkish. All the silent letters that exist in the Western European languages are nullified, as all the letters must be pronounced in Latin and Turkish.4. Genus and species names should remain intact in the text (i.e., no suffixes or punctuation marks should be placed). 5. There are special applications for the taxonomic names derived from foreign proper nouns. Basically, the foreign proper nouns which have already been incorporated into Turkish should be in use. Those that have not been officially subsumed into Turkish should be pronounced as similar as possible to what it has been done in the original language and should be transcribed according to the provided method. 6. Translation of the names of the groups of organisms should only be applied to those belonging to the ranks higher than the genus level. It is crucial to obtain accurate information about the origin and meaning of the name and the general characteristics of that group to make a decent translation. If this kind of data is not available, it should be contented with the transcription. 7. Transcribed and translated versions may exist separately for the name of a particular group of organisms, but transcription and translation should not be applied together to form a name.

A Paleontologist’s Point of View for the Standardization of the Taxonomic Nomenclature in Turkish

Ahmet

In the Ottoman Empire, the establishment of vocational and technical education institutions commenced with the Tanzimat reforms. In this context, the Forestry School was founded in 1858 under the guidance of French experts to advance Ottoman forestry. This school, however, produced a limited number of qualified students. Following the return of French experts in 1878, forestry education faced a setback, and in 1880, the school lost its independent structure and was restructured as the Forest and Mining School. As of 1893, this institution was closed, and forestry education was incorporated into the Halkalı Agricultural and Veterinary School [Halkalı Agricultural School (1894) / Halkalı Agricultural and Forestry School (1903)], encompassing a few courses.Following the declaration of the Second Constitutional Era, there emerged a discussion about the need to reform forestry education. During this period, Ali Rıza Efendi communicated his aspiration to establish an independent and high-level forestry school separate from the Halkalı Agricultural and Forestry School to the relevant authorities. With the support of the Minister of Forestry, Mines, and Agriculture, Mavrokordato Pasha, the Forestry Academy was founded in 1909. However, due to the renovation of the school building, education was temporarily conducted under inadequate conditions. While the teaching and administrative staff of the school were deemed sufficient for a newly established institution, the two-year duration of the education was considered inadequate for a high-level school. An elaborate curriculum was prepared to compensate for this deficiency. On the other hand, the regulation prepared at the establishment of the school was revised in a more organized and functional manner in 1914. The internal and external political and economic problems faced by the Ottoman Empire led to challenging times in the education of the Forestry Academy. Particularly, the outbreak of the Italo-Turkish War, the Balkan Wars, and World War I hindered the desired stability in education. Besides the war conditions, budgetary constraints resulted in a lack of quantity and quality in terms of productivity from the school. Nevertheless, despite the difficult circumstances of World War I, forestry education was not neglected. The employment of Dr. Bauer from Germany as the Director of Studies in 1917 led to many reforms in the school. Following Bauer's report, the duration of education was extended from 2 to 3 years, and reforms were made to the curriculum.The defeat of the Ottoman Empire in World War I and the subsequent occupation of İstanbul marked a challenging period for the Forestry Academy. During the Armistice Period, the attempts of Greek residents of Bahçeköy to take over the school building caused distress for the school administration and students. Shortly thereafter, with British support, the Greeks succeeded in evacuating the school building. Despite facing deprivation in terms of infrastructure and education during this period, the school managed to graduate a limited number of students.After the proclamation of the Republic in 1924, the Forestry Academy was run by a director who previously came to be administered by a rector and was entrusted with the management of the Belgrad Forest as a model forest. Investments in the school started to increase regularly in the subsequent period. Accordingly, many innovations, such as establishing laboratories, procuring equipment, afforestation activities, etc., were implemented. In 1926, reports prepared by two important experts, Saby and Bernhard, directed the course of forestry education at the school. Consequently, in 1927, the school was officially recognized as a specialized institution, admitting only high school graduates. Numerous new regulations, including admission requirements and the curriculum, were implemented. With the simplification of language, the school's name was changed to the Higher Forestry School, which started in 1930, and an affiliated Middle Forestry School was also established. Despite increasing interest in the school, the number of graduates declined to 4-5 individuals. In 1934, the Forestry Faculty was included in the faculties established within the Ankara Higher Agricultural Institute. Thus, a new era began for forestry education.

Forestry Academy from the Ottoman to the Republic (1909-1934)

Çiğdem

The Emergence of Man and the Stone Ages

Addendum to the article “Müderris Tevfik [Subaşı], 1879-1954” [Letter]

Review of “Introduction and Institutionalization of Modern Geosciences in Turkey” by Emre Dölen

@JOURNAL_BOX_CURRENT

@JOURNAL_BOX_EARLYVIEW

Eyüp

Emre

Prof.

Training Courses for the Protection from Poisonous Gases and Legal Regulations between the Two World Wars in Turkey

Derya

Training of Ottoman Naval Soldiers to be Employed in Airplanes

@JOURNAL_BOX_FEATURED

Nilüfer

Assoc. Prof.

Doctor Ömer Vasfı̇ Aybar and Türk Heki̇mi̇, the Medical Journal He Published in Ankara

Pharmacy Assistants’ Endeavours in Establishing Vocational Associations in Ottoman and Republican Turkey (1912-1949)

@JOURNAL_BOX_MOSTREAD

An official publication of the Department of the History of Science, Faculty of Letters, Istanbul University, Osmanlı Bilimi Araştırmaları (Studies in Ottoman Science) is a peer-reviewed bi-annual international academic journal. Founded in 1995, it is the oldest academic journal in its field in Turkey. As of 2024, the print version has been stopped. The journal has become an online-only publication.

The journal Osmanlı Bilimi Araştırmaları publishes peer-reviewed original research articles (in Turkish and English), review articles and articles in translation on the history of science technology and medicine. Research notes, addendum, book reviews and reports of scientific meetings in the field are also accepted.

The journal covers research on the history of science, technology and medicine especially dealing with the historical aspects of scientific institutions; the development of scientific disciplines and techniques; the transmission of scientific and technical knowledge among various societies; the translation of scientific and technical books; the science education; biographies of scientists and many other themes of the history of science. History of pharmacy is also included in the scope. Focus is given on the history of scientific activities in Turkey during the Ottoman Empire (14-20th c.) and occasionally during the Turkish Republic (beginning as from 1923). The historical studies dealing with science in former Ottoman territories such as the Middle East and the Balkans, are also welcomed.

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Studies in Ottoman Science

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The journal Studies in Ottoman Science-Osmanlı Bilimi Araştırmaları publishes peer-reviewed original research articles (in Turkish ve English), review articles and articles in translation on the history of science technology and medicine. Research notes, addenda, book reviews and reports of scientific meetings in the field are also accepted. The journal is published in January and July.The journal covers research on the history of science, technology and medicine especially dealing with the historical aspects of scientific institutions; the development of scientific disciplines and techniques; the transmission of scientific and technical knowledge among various societies; the translation of scientific and technical books; the science education; biographies of scientists and many other themes of the history of science. History of pharmacy is also included in the scope. Focus is given on the history of scientific activities in Turkey during the Ottoman Empire (14-20th c.) and occasionally during the Turkish Republic (beginning as from 1923). The historical studies dealing with science in former Ottoman territories such as the Middle East and the Balkans, are also welcomed.

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Editor should consider publishing correction if minor errors that do not effect the results, interpretations and conclusions of the published paper are detected. Editor should consider retraction if major errors and/or misconduction that invalidate results and conclusions are detected.Editor should consider issuing an expression of concern if there is evidence of research or publication misconduct by the authors; there is evidence that the findings are not reliable and institutions of the authors do not investigate the case or the possible investigation seems to be unfair or nonconclusive. The guidelines of <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/flowcharts/complete-set-english" target="_blank">COPE</a> and <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/" target="_blank">ICJME</a> are taken into consideration regarding correction, retractions or expression of concern.RetractionJournal follows <a href="https://publicationethics.org/sites/default/files/retraction-guidelines-cope.pdf" target="_blank">COPE’s Retraction Guidelines</a> in case of retraction. The editor has the right to retract an article if: <ul><li>There is clear evidence that the findings are unreliable; either as a result of a major error (e.g. miscalculation or experimental error), or as a result of fabrication (e.g. of data) or falsification (e.g. image manipulation).</li><li>It contains plagiarised content. </li><li>It has been published elsewhere without proper attribution. </li><li>It contains material or data without authorisation for use.</li><li>There is copyright infringement or there is some other serious legal issue.</li><li>It reports unethical research. </li><li>There is evidence that the peer-review process is compromised or manipulated.</li><li>The author(s) failed to disclose a significant competing interest (also known as a conflict of interest) that, in the opinion of the editor, would have unduly influenced the interpretation of the work or the recommendations of the editors and peer reviewers.</li></ul>In case of retraction the following steps are followed:<ul><li>Retraction notice including article title is published in a subsequent issue of the journal. The retraction notice is paginated and listed in the table of contents. </li><li>A link is provided between the retraction notice and the original article in the electronic version. </li><li>The online article is preceded by a page containing the retraction notice; the reader can then proceed to the article itself.</li><li>The original article remains unchanged, except for a watermark on the .pdf on each page stating that it has been &#34;retracted”.</li></ul>Article Removal for Legal ReasonsIn the following circumstances, except the metadata (title and authors), the text of the article is removed and a page informing that the article has been removed for legal reasons replaces the article. <ul><li>The article is found to be defamatory or to infringe the legal rights of others, and retraction is not deemed to be an adequate solution.</li><li>The article has been, or is reasonably likely to be the subject of a court order.</li><li>There is a significant risk to public health. </li></ul>

To guarantee that all papers published in the journal are maintained and permanently accessible, articles are stored in Dergipark which serves as a  national archival web site and at the same time permits LOCKSS to  collect, preserve, and serve the content.Additionally, authors are encouraged to self-archive the final PDF version of their articles in open electronic archives with  that conform to standards of Open Archives Initiative (<a href="https://www.openarchives.org/" target="_blank">https://www.openarchives.org/</a>). Authors should provide a link from the deposited version to the URL of IUPress journal website.

Studies in Ottoman Science-Osmanlı Bilimi Araştırmaları is committed to upholding the highest standards of publication ethics and pays regard to Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing published by the <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, the <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, the <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a>, and the <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> on <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a>All submissions must be original, unpublished (including full text in conference proceedings), and not under the review of any other publication synchronously. Authors must ensure that submitted work is original. They must certify that the manuscript has not previously been published elsewhere or is not currently being considered for publication elsewhere, in any language. Applicable copyright laws and conventions must be followed. Copyright material (e.g. tables, figures or extensive quotations) must be reproduced only with appropriate permission and acknowledgement. Any work or words of other authors, contributors, or sources must be appropriately credited and referenced.Each manuscript is reviewed by one of the editors and at least two referees under double-blind peer review process. Plagiarism, duplication, fraud authorship/denied authorship, research/data fabrication, salami slicing/salami publication, breaching of copyrights, prevailing conflict of interest are unnethical behaviors.All manuscripts not in accordance with the accepted ethical standards will be removed from the publication. This also contains any possible malpractice discovered after the publication. In accordance with the code of conduct the editor will report any cases of suspected plagiarism or duplicate publishing.

Ethics

Studies in Ottoman Science-Osmanlı Bilimi Araştırmaları adheres to the highest standards in research ethics and follows the principles of international research ethics as defined below. The authors are responsible for the compliance of the manuscripts with the ethical rules.- Principles of integrity, quality and transparency should be sustained in designing the research, reviewing the design and conducting the research.- The research team and participants should be fully informed about the aim, methods, possible uses and requirements of the research and risks of participation in research.- The confidentiality of the information provided by the research participants and the confidentiality of the respondents should be ensured. The research should be designed to protect the autonomy and dignity of the participants.- Research participants should participate in the research voluntarily, not under any coercion.- Any possible harm to participants must be avoided. The research should be planned in such a way that the participants are not at risk.- The independence of research must be clear; and any conflict of interest or must be disclosed.- In experimental studies with human subjects, written informed consent of the participants who decide to participate in the research must be obtained. In the case of children and those under wardship or with confirmed insanity, legal custodian’s assent must be obtained.- If the study is to be carried out in any institution or organization, approval must be obtained from this institution or organization.- In studies with human subject, it must be noted in the method’s section of the manuscript that the informed consent of the participants and ethics committee approval from the institution where the study has been conducted have been obtained.

It is authors’ responsibility to ensure that the article is in accordance with scientific and ethical standards and rules. Authors must ensure that submitted work is original. They must certify that the manuscript has not previously been published elsewhere or is not currently being considered for publication elsewhere, in any language. Applicable copyright laws and conventions must be followed. Copyright material (e.g. tables, figures or extensive quotations) must be reproduced only with appropriate permission and acknowledgement. Any work or words of other authors, contributors, or sources must be appropriately credited and referenced.All the authors of a submitted manuscript must have direct scientific and academic contribution to the manuscript. The author(s) of the original research articles is defined as a person who is significantly involved in “conceptualization and design of the study”, “collecting the data”, “analyzing the data”, “writing the manuscript”, “reviewing the manuscript with a critical perspective” and “planning/conducting the study of the manuscript and/or revising it”. Fund raising, data collection or supervision of the research are not sufficient for being accepted as an author. The author(s) must meet all these criteria described above. The order of names in the author list of an article must be a co-decision and it must be indicated in the <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/CD6036D23EAB4EA3BD0F169E2C40EFC2" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a>. The individuals who do not meet the authorship criteria but contributed to the study must take place in the acknowledgement section. Individuals providing technical support, assisting writing, providing a general support, providing material or financial support are examples to be indicated in acknowledgement section.All authors must disclose all issues concerning financial relationship, conflict of interest, and competing interest that may potentially influence the results of the research or scientific judgment.When an author discovers a significant error or inaccuracy in his/her own published paper, it is the author’s obligation to promptly cooperate with the Editor-in-Chief to provide retractions or corrections of mistakes.

Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, sexual orientation, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors. He/She provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles for publication and ensures that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential before publishing.Editor-in-Chief is responsible for the contents and overall quality of the publication. He/She must publish errata pages or make corrections when needed.Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers. Only he has the full authority to assign a reviewer and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal.Reviewers must have no conflict of interest with respect to the research, the authors and/or the research funders. Their judgments must be objective.Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees must be ensured. In particular situations, the editor may share the review of one reviewer with other reviewers to clarify a particular point.

Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by editor-in-chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope.The editor hands over the papers matching the formal rules to at least two national/international referees for double-blind peer review evaluation and gives green light for publication upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.

Peer Review

Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors. He/She provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles for publication and ensures that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential before publishing.Editor-in-Chief is responsible for the contents and overall quality of the publication. He/She must publish errata pages or make corrections when needed.Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers. Only he has the full authority to assign a reviewer and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the journal.Reviewers must have no conflict of interest with respect to the research, the authors and/or the research funders. Their judgments must be objective.Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees must be ensured. In particular situations, the editor may share the review of one reviewer with other reviewers to clarify a particular point.

Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by Editor-in-Chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope. Editor-inChief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors and ensures a fair double-blind peer review of the selected manuscripts.The selected manuscripts are sent to at least two national/international external referees for evaluation and publication decision is given by Editor-in-Chief upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the journal.Reviewers’ judgments must be objective. Reviewers’ comments on the following aspects are expected while conducting the review.- Does the manuscript contain new and significant information?- Does the abstract clearly and accurately describe the content of the manuscript?- Is the problem significant and concisely stated? - Are the methods described comprehensively? - Are the interpretations and consclusions justified by the results?- Is adequate references made to other Works in the field?- Is the language acceptable?Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees is important.

All correspondence will be sent to the first-named author unless otherwise specified. Manuscpript is to be submitted online via <a href="https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/iuoba" target="_blank">http://dergipark.gov.tr/login</a> that can be accessed at <a href="https://iupress.istanbul.edu.tr/en/journal/oba/home" target="_blank">https://iupress.istanbul.edu.tr/en/journal/oba/home</a> It must be accompanied by a <a href="http://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/FileHandler2.ashx?f=title-page-oba_637057788458910257.docx" target="_blank">title page</a> specifying the article category (i.e. research article, review etc.) and including information about the manuscript (see the Submission Checklist). Manuscripts should be prepared in Microsoft Word 2003 and upper versions. In addition, <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/CD6036D23EAB4EA3BD0F169E2C40EFC2" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form</a> that has to be signed by all authors must be submitted.1. The journal publishes manuscrits in Turkish and English. Preferably, the manuscript should not exceed 10,000 words (not including notes) and 120 notes.2. Manuscript should be written in MS Word format, double-spaced and in 11 point Times New Roman font. We kindly ask you not to send a pdf file. The title should be written with capital letters (12 point, bold), sub-headings in lower case letters (11 point, bold).3. For research articles; reviews, research notes and translations in English, an abstract of 150- 200 words (excluding keywords) in English is to be added to the first page of the article; optionally an abstract of 150-200 words (excluding keywords) in Turkish can be added as well. For non-English articles; an abstract of 150-200 words in the language of the article, an abstract of 150-200 words in English, and an extended abstract of 600-800-words in English should also be included. Maximum 10 keywords will be provided underneath both of the abstracts. Each keyword can include more than one word. No abstract and bibliography are needed for research notes, addendum, book &amp; scientific meeting reviews, and letters to the editor. While uploading addendum, book review and letter to the editor files on the DergiPark system, please enter the first paragraph of the article in the abstract section.4. Appendixes, with related bibliographical references,are placed after the main text, and before the bibliography. Their references should be included in the bibliography.5. Centuries and dates should be written in full: fifteenth century, 29 October 1923. For dates please use BCE and CE in English texts and MÖ and MS in Turkish texts.6. Short quotations should be given between double quotes within the paragraph. Long quotations (10 points) should have double indentation on the left (only), without quotes.7. Figures and images should include captions with related bibliographical references.Bibliographical references mentioned in the captions should be included in the bibliographyTheir captions should be incorporated within the text, and not be collected at the end of the manuscript. Also, they should be separately uploaded to DergiPark system. Captions of images and figures should be numbered separately. Captions should be in 9 points.8. Notes and bibliography must be in line with journal’s reference style based on Chicago Manual of Style (16th edition).9. Notes (8 point) should be given at the bottom of every page, signalled by superscript numbers in the main text. Reference numbers should follow the punctuation marks (.35 ,23).10. Submitted manuscripts and abstracts should be conformed with the grammar and orthography of the language (Turkish and English) in which they were written. English language editing will not be provided by the editor. Non-English speaking authors are kindly invited to consult language editing services before sending their manuscript and abstract.11. A <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/BAC922C39A0E4D9C9E6DB74FB429657E" target="_blank">title page</a> including author information must be submitted together with the manuscript. The title page is to include fully descriptive title of the manuscript and, affiliation, title, e-mail address, postal address, phone, fax number of the author(s) and ORCIDs of all authors (see The Submission Checklist).

Author Guidelines

Studies in Ottoman Science - Osmanlı Bilimi Araştırmaları has adopted the “notes and bibliography” documentation system preferred by many in the humanities, including those in literature, history, and the arts. This style presents bibliographic information in notes and, a bibliography. Authors who would send proposals to the journal are kindly invited to follow the examples given below when writing the footnotes and compiling the bibliography. These examples are borrowed from the Chicago Manual of Style (http://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide/citation-guide-1.html). A few more examples have also been added. Further information and numerous examples about the “notes and bibliography” system are available at the 14th and 15th chapters of the Chicago Manual of Style (16th edition).A bibliography is needed at the end of research (original) articles, review articles and articles in translation. It should include all sources given in footnotes, captions and appendixes. The bibliography can include separate sections such as archival, manuscript, secondary, and/or electronic sources. Secondary sources are listed after the author’s name. When referring to archival material and manuscripts please note the name of the library and the collection, number and date of the document used if available.Authors who do not have surnames (i.e. Salih Zeki), should be listed according to their first names: Salih Zeki should enter the bibliography under the letter S. Authors with surnames are listed after their surnames (i.e. Adıvar, A. Adnan).Examples:fn (first note), sn (subsequent/short notes), bib (bibliography).Book, one authorfn Zadie Smith, Swing Time (New York: Penguin Press, 2016), 315–16.sn Smith, Swing Time, 320.bib Smith, Zadie. Swing Time. New York: Penguin Press, 2016.Book, two authorsfn Brian Grazer and Charles Fishman, A Curious Mind: The Secret to a Bigger Life (New York: Simon &amp; Schuster, 2015), 12.sn Grazer and Fishman, Curious Mind, 37.bib Grazer, Brian, and Charles Fishman. A Curious Mind: The Secret to a Bigger Life. New York: Simon &amp; Schuster, 2015.Chapter or other part of an edited bookIn a note, cite specific pages. In the bibliography, include the page range for the chapter or part.fn Henry David Thoreau, “Walking,” in The Making of the American Essay, ed. John D’Agata (Minneapolis: Graywolf Press, 2016), 177–78.Sn Thoreau, “Walking,” 182.bib Thoreau, Henry David. “Walking.” In The Making of the American Essay, edited by John D’Agata, 167–95. Minneapolis: Graywolf Press, 2016.In some cases, you may want to cite the collection as a whole instead.fn John D’Agata, ed., The Making of the American Essay (Minneapolis: Graywolf Press, 2016), 177- 78.sn D’Agata, American Essay, 182.bib D’Agata, John, ed. The Making of the American Essay. Minneapolis: Graywolf Press, 2016.Translated bookfn Jhumpa Lahiri, In Other Words, trans. Ann Goldstein (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2016), 146.sn Lahiri, In Other Words, 184.bib Lahiri, Jhumpa. In Other Words. Translated by Ann Goldstein. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2016.E-bookFor books consulted online, include a URL or the name of the database. For other types of e-books, name the format. If no fixed page numbers are available, cite a section title or a chapter or other number in the notes, if any (or simply omit).fn Jane Austen, Pride and Prejudice (New York: Penguin Classics, 2007), chap. 3, Kindle.sn Austen, Pride and Prejudice, chap. 14.bib Austen, Jane. Pride and Prejudice. New York: Penguin Classics, 2007. Kindle.fn Brooke Borel, The Chicago Guide to Fact-Checking (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2016), 92, ProQuest Ebrary.sn Borel, Fact-Checking, 104–5.bib Borel, Brooke. The Chicago Guide to Fact-Checking. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2016. ProQuest Ebrary.fn Philip B. Kurland and Ralph Lerner, eds., The Founders’ Constitution (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987), chap. 10, doc. 19, http://press-pubs.uchicago.edu/founders/.sn Kurland and Lerner, Founders’ Constitution, chap. 4, doc. 29.bib Kurland, Philip B., and Ralph Lerner, eds. The Founders’ Constitution. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987. http://press-pubs.uchicago.edu/founders/.fn Herman Melville, Moby-Dick; or, The Whale (New York: Harper &amp; Brothers, 1851), 627, http://mel.hofstra.edu/moby-dick-the-whale-proofs.html.sn Melville, Moby-Dick, 722–23.bib Melville, Herman. Moby-Dick; or, The Whale. New York: Harper &amp; Brothers, 1851. http://mel.hofstra.edu/moby-dick-the-whale-proofs.html.Journal articleIn a note, cite specific page numbers. In the bibliography, include the page range for the whole article. For articles consulted online, include a URL or the name of the database. Many journal articles list a DOI (Digital Object Identifier). A DOI forms a permanent URL that beginshttps://doi.org/. This URL is preferable to the URL that appears in your browser’s address bar.fn Shao-Hsun Keng, Chun-Hung Lin, and Peter F. Orazem, “Expanding College Access in Taiwan, 1978–2014: Effects on Graduate Quality and Income Inequality,” Journal of Human Capital 11, no. 1 (Spring 2017): 9–10, https://doi.org/10.1086/690235.sn Keng, Lin, and Orazem, “Expanding College Access,” 23.bib Keng, Shao-Hsun, Chun-Hung Lin, and Peter F. Orazem. “Expanding College Access in Taiwan, 1978–2014: Effects on Graduate Quality and Income Inequality.” Journal of Human Capital 11, no. 1 (Spring 2017): 1–34. https://doi.org/10.1086/690235.fn Peter LaSalle, “Conundrum: A Story about Reading,” New England Review 38, no. 1 (2017): 95, Project MUSE.sn LaSalle, “Conundrum,” 101.bib LaSalle, Peter. “Conundrum: A Story about Reading.” New England Review 38, no. 1 (2017): 95–109. Project MUSE.fn Susan Satterfield, “Livy and the Pax Deum,” Classical Philology 111, no. 2 (April 2016): 170.sn Satterfield, “Livy,” 172–73.bib Satterfield, Susan. “Livy and the Pax Deum.” Classical Philology 111, no. 2 (April 2016): 165–76.fn Rachel A. Bay et al., “Predicting Responses to Contemporary Environmental Change Using Evolutionary Response Architectures.” American Naturalist 189, no. 5 (May 2017): 465,https://doi.org/10.1086/691233.sn Bay et al., “Predicting Responses,” 466.bib Bay, Rachael A., Noah Rose, Rowan Barrett, Louis Bernatchez, Cameron K. Ghalambor, Jesse R. Lasky, Rachel B. Brem, Stephen R. Palumbi, and Peter Ralph. “Predicting Responses to Contemporary Environmental Change Using Evolutionary Response Architectures,” American Naturalist 189, no. 5 (May 2017): 463–73. <a href="https://doi.org/10.1086/691233" target="_blank">https://doi.org/10.1086/691233</a>.News or magazine articleArticles from newspapers or news sites, magazines, blogs, and the like are cited similarly. Page numbers, if any, can be cited in a note but are omitted from a bibliography entry. If you consulted the article online, include a URL or the name of the database.fn Farhad Manjoo, “Snap Makes a Bet on the Cultural Supremacy of the Camera,” New York Times, March 8, 2017, https://www.nytimes.com/2017/03/08/technology/snap-makes-a-bet-on-the-cultural-supremacy-of-the-camera.html.sn Manjoo, “Snap.”bib Manjoo, Farhad. “Snap Makes a Bet on the Cultural Supremacy of the Camera.” New York Times, March 8, 2017. https://www.nytimes.com/2017/03/08/technology/snap-makes-a-bet-on-the-cultural-supremacy-of-the-camera.html.fn Rebecca Mead, “The Prophet of Dystopia,” New Yorker, April 17, 2017, 43.sn Mead, “Dystopia,” 47bib Mead, Rebecca. “The Prophet of Dystopia.” New Yorker, April 17, 2017.fn Tanya Pai, “The Squishy, Sugary History of Peeps,” Vox, April 11, 2017, http://www.vox.com/culture/2017/4/11/15209084/peeps-easter.sn Pai, “History of Peeps.”bib Pai, Tanya. “The Squishy, Sugary History of Peeps.” Vox, April 11, 2017. http://www.vox.com/culture/2017/4/11/15209084/peeps-easter.fn Rob Pegoraro, “Apple’s iPhone Is Sleek, Smart and Simple,” Washington Post, July 5, 2007, LexisNexis Academicsn Pegoraro, “Apple’s iPhone.”bib Pegoraro, Rob. “Apple’s iPhone Is Sleek, Smart and Simple.” Washington Post, July 5, 2007. LexisNexis Academic.Readers’ comments are cited in the text or in a note but omitted from a bibliography.Eduardo B (Los Angeles), March 9, 2017, comment on Manjoo, “Snap.”Book reviewfnMichiko Kakutani, “Friendship Takes a Path That Diverges,” review of Swing Time, by Zadie Smith, New York Times, November 7, 2016.sn Kakutani, “Friendship.”bib Kakutani, Michiko. “Friendship Takes a Path That Diverges.” Review of Swing Time, by Zadie Smith. New York Times, November 7, 2016.Encyclopaedia entryfn Mogens Herman Hansen, “Athenian Democracy,” The Oxford Classical Dictionary, 3rd ed. (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 1996).sn Hansen, “Athenian Democracy.”Bib Hansen, Mogens Herman. “Athenian Democracy.” The Oxford Classical Dictionary, 3rd ed. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 1996.Interviewfn Kory Stamper, “From ‘F-Bomb’ to ‘Photobomb,’ How the Dictionary Keeps Up with English,” interview by Terry Gross, Fresh Air, NPR, April 19, 2017, audio, 35:25, http://www.npr.org/2017/04/19/524618639/from-f-bomb-to-photobomb-how-the-dictionary-keeps-up-with-english.snStamper, interview.bib Stamper, Kory. “From ‘F-Bomb’ to ‘Photobomb,’ How the Dictionary Keeps Up with English.” Interview by Terry Gross. Fresh Air, NPR, April 19, 2017. Audio, 35:25. http://www.npr.org/2017/04/19/524618639/from-f-bomb-to-photobomb-how-the-dictionary-keeps-up-with-english.Thesis or dissertationfn Cynthia Lillian Rutz, “King Lear and Its Folktale Analogues” (PhD diss., University of Chicago, 2013), 99–100.sn Rutz, “King Lear,” 158.bib Rutz, Cynthia Lillian. “King Lear and Its Folktale Analogues.” PhD diss., University of Chicago, 2013.Paper presented at a meeting of a conferencefn Rachel Adelman, “ ‘Such Stuff as Dreams Are Made On’: God’s Footstool in the Aramaic Targumim and Midrashic Tradition” (paper presented at the annual meeting for the Society of Biblical Literature, New Orleans, Louisiana, November 21–24, 2009).sn Adelman, “Such Stuff as Dreams.”bib Adelman, Rachel. “ ‘Such Stuff as Dreams Are Made On’: God’s Footstool in the Aramaic Targumim and Midrashic Tradition.” Paper presented at the annual meeting for the Society of Biblical Literature, New Orleans, Louisiana, November 21–24, 2009.Manuscriptsfn Feyzi, Muhadarat-ı Feyzi, Istanbul, Istanbul University Rare Books and Manuscripts Library, MS T6833, 48a.sn Feyzi, Muhadarat-ı Feyzi, MS T6833, 51b.bib Feyzi, Muhadarat-ı Feyzi, Istanbul, Istanbul University Rare Books and Manuscripts Library, MS T6833, 1a-70b.fn Salih b. Nasrullah, Ghayat al-itqan fi tabdir badan al-insan,Istanbul, Süleymaniye Library, MS Ayasofya 3682, 26a.sn Salih b. Nasrullah, Ghayat al-itqan, MS Ayasofya 3682, 23b.bib Salih b. Nasrullah, Ghayat al-itqan fi tabdir badan al-insan,Istanbul,Süleymaniye Library, MS Ayasofya 3682, 1a-311a. Copied on 10 Rabi I 1135 (19 December 1722).Archival documentsfn Ottoman Archives of the Turkish Prime Ministry (Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi, BOA), Cevdet Askeriye (C.AS.) 71/3352, 9 Şevval 1211 (7 Nisan 1797).sn BOA, C.AS. 71/3352.bib Ottoman Archives of the Turkish Prime Ministry (Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi, BOA). Cevdet Askeriye (C. AS) 71/3352, 9 Şevval 1211 (7 Nisan 1920).fn Topkapı Palace Museum Archives(Topkapı Sarayı Müzesi Arşivi, TSMA), E. 3202-2=597-2-7.sn TSMA, E. 3202-2=597-2-7.bibTopkapı Palace Museum Archives(Topkapı Sarayı Müzesi Arşivi, TSMA). E. 3202-2=597-2-7.Website contentfnKatie Bouman, “How to Take a Picture of a Black Hole,” filmed November 2016 at TEDxBeaconStreet, Brookline, MA, video, 12:51, https://www.ted.com/talks/katie_bouman_what_does_a_black_hole_look_like.sn Bouman, “Black Hole.”bib Bouman, Katie. “How to Take a Picture of a Black Hole.” Filmed November 2016 at TEDxBeaconStreet, Brookline, MA. Video, 12:51. https://www.ted.com/talks/katie_bouman_what_does_a_black_hole_look_like.fn “Privacy Policy,” Privacy &amp; Terms, Google, last modified April 17, 2017, https://www.google.com/policies/privacy/.sn Google, “Privacy Policy.”bib Google. “Privacy Policy.” Privacy &amp; Terms. Last modified April 17, 2017. https://www.google.com/policies/privacy/.fn “About Yale: Yale Facts,” Yale University, accessed May 1, 2017, https://www.yale.edu/about-yale/yale-facts.sn “Yale Facts.”bib Yale University. “About Yale: Yale Facts.” Accessed May 1, 2017. https://www.yale.edu/about-yale/yale-facts.Personal communicationPersonal communications, including email and text messages and direct messages sent through social media, are usually cited in the text or in a note only; they are rarely included in a bibliography.fn sn Sam Gomez, Facebook message to author, August 1, 2017.

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