Prof. Dr.

Semiha

Assist. Prof. Dr.

Between 1874-1877, Aram Margosyan (Margossian in French) attended the French engineering school l’École des ponts et chausséés (EPC) in Paris. After graduating from EPC, he worked as an engineer in the Ministry of Public Works on different railway projects in the Ottoman Empire. In the 1880’s he became one of the first nonmilitary professors of the engineering school Hendese-i Mülkiye Mektebi (HMM) which started admitting nonmilitary (civilian) students and faculty in 1883. The engineering school in Constantinople was modeled after EPC and was a natural fit for Margosyan as a (part-time) teacher. In HMM, Margosyan was best remembered as a mathematician who wrote lecture notes in analysis. In these notes, he used the tools of infinitesimal analysis instead of the more rigorous analytical tools. Even though Margosyan has taught various courses in HMM, only two of his lecture notes survived physically. In this work, we have analyzed his lecture notes on Fenn-i Mihânik-i Riyâzi (FMR, Science of Mathematical Mechanics).At that time, a standard course in mechanics (in France) included three main topics: statics, kinematics, and dynamics. Margosyan’s lecture notes deal only with the topic of kinematics. This could be a deliberate choice by the author since kinematics can be treated using mathematical analysis without recourse to physical laws.A physical copy of the lecture notes was available in Istanbul Technical University’s library. We transliterated the text into Ottoman, including all the figures furnished in the notes. Afterward, we translated the text into modern Turkish.It was natural to assume that Margosyan had the inspiration from his lecture notes from a French textbook on mechanics published before 1884. Most of the better-known French books on mechanics are now available in internet archives. However, we have restricted our search mainly to the textbooks available in Turkish libraries. During this search, we realized that Margosyan’s lecture notes had an extensive overlap with the kinematics book of Édouard Collignon published in 1853. Collignon was a professor in EPC and gave an applied mechanics course to the class “élevé exterior”. This class included Margossian as a student. Collignon had published three books on mechanics, and the first volume was on kinematics. We have carefully compared the two texts. Margosyan’s lecture notes left out many topics treated in Collignon’s book on kinematics. The whole section on mechanisms is left out from FRM, as well as all the numerical examples and the topic of numerical integration. It would be fair to conclude that Margosyan was not keen on the practical applications of the subject. Also, Margossian’s lecture notes left out discussions of Newton’s physical laws (and the concept of force) by considering the movements of bodies without recourse to their origins.Although Margosyan’s lecture notes are not a verbatim translation of the kinematics book, it is a shorter and slightly less analytic version of the latter. Margosyan, whenever possible, preferred geometric discussions combined with infinitesimal analysis to make a point. This style of argumentation predates Lagrange’s analytical treatment of mechanics and is closer to a more classical rendering of the subject. It would be unfair to say that Margossian did not utilize analytical tools at all, but he certainly has tried to avoid them as much as possible.The founder of the field of kinematics is Gilles Roberval, a precursor of Newton, had combined the tools of infinitesimal analysis with synthetic geometry to study the properties of various space and plane curves. It is no coincidence that Roberval’s Method has an important place in Margosyan’s lecture notes and is applied to various plane and space curves. By the end of the nineteenth century, the field of kinematics evolved under differential geometry and is treated more as a mathematical subject.We examined some of the kinematics books of French scientists written before Margosyan’s book that were not in Lagrange’s analytical mechanics tradition. In these books, geometric expressions and analytical expressions are almost equally weighted. Among these books, Collignon’s book stands out as the book that places the most emphasis on geometric representations. In his lecture notes, Margosyan seems to have tried to find some solution to the scientific terminology and notation problems in Ottoman Turkish with the universal language of geometric representations and preferred Collignon’s book among its peers for this reason.

Fransız Mühendis Collignon’un Kinematik Kitabının Osmanlıca Uyarlaması: Margosyan’ın Fenn-i Mihânik-i Riyâzî Ders Notları

Tuba

Halime

Following the conquest of Istanbul, the Ottomans enjoyed a lively period regarding studies on mathematics with contributions initially from scholars from other lands (i.e., Ilkhanids or Mamluks) and later from scholars who were native to the Ottoman Realm. Arguably, the most productive contributions occurred in the field of “calculation” during the 16th century when the compilation of new texts in this context reached a remarkable degree of quality. Some of these works, which are significant for providing information on the level attained by the Ottomans in mathematics at that time, are still waiting to be thoroughly examined from the perspective of the history of Ottoman mathematics. Among them is a Turkish translation (1574) of the Arabic book on calculation titled Kitâbü’t-Tezkire fî İlmi’l-Hisâb, written by Garseddin Ahmed bin İbrahim bin el-Nakib el-Halebî, who arrived in Istanbul in the retinue of Yavuz Sultan Selim following the Ottomans’ military expeditions to the Mamluk realm. The book was translated by el- Halebî’s student Dervish bin Lutfi. It is, however, not a simple translation but a Turkish redaction, which was written in the same outline as Kitâbü’tTezkire fî İlmi’l-Hisâb while the content was greatly expanded. Therefore, it can be accepted as a “supplementary translation” (translation with commentary). Dervish bin Lutfi treated the text with contributions from Ottoman mathematicians in order to obtain more precise results rapidly. This is one piece of evidence showing that the Ottomans were adopting the mathematical traditions of various regions. Therefore, dervish bin Lutfi’s work stands out as a noteworthy example of Ottoman reception of the classical era’s calculation.This study, which is based on a classical text, aims to examine Dervish bin Lutfi’s way of handling the “calculation” directly with this text’s accurate manuscript. First of all, the content of the text was introduced. Then, prominent issues in the text are mentioned in the footnotes, with their being quoted and their representations in modern mathematics. In conclusion, similarities or differences and superiority or weaknesses compared to the original book and other general calculation books from the Ottoman classical era were all considered during the evaluation of the text. For this purpose, the findings inferred from the manuscript copy -which is thought to be suitable and reliable- were analyzed by integrating them with information from other sources.Findings indicate that the features and parts of the numbers, which are mentioned at the end of the preface of the text, are not always included in general calculation books in Ottomans or need to be adequately detailed. When it comes to Dervish bin Lutfi’s second article, which evidently distinguishes with his own contributions, and the way he covers the subject of fractions is entirely distinctive, it differs from the original of the text with the operations with “akche,” “cantar,” “zira,” “mud,” “mitgal” and their decimal fractions. In this second article, most problems are solved by the proportion method. Some notable ones&nbsp;are trading, inverse and compound proportion, inverse operation, and transforming a cubeshaped object into a sphere by eliminating its corners, work, pool, and “cumel calculation” (hesab-ı cumel) problems. The epilogue of the text is allocated to the subject of “mesaha”. It is understood that the author made a great effort to handle this subject. Here, it is possible to find traces of the definition of the mesaha and the historical background of the value of the number pi.To sum up, the field of “calculation”, which was progressed by being integrated with algebra and geometry, had been used in practice for all operations related to the state and the community. Many books were compiled in the Ottoman classical period to teach the mathematical skills required to meet the needs of the state and community. These books contain knowledge from all Mashrik, Maghreb, and Egyptian mathematical traditions. In this regard, Dervish bin Lutfi’s work goes far beyond the original text of Garseddin ibn Nakib in terms of its scope. This is because both the article about fractional numbers and the chapter on “mesaha,” where many contributions can be observed, make the text useful in many professions and arts, such as law, bureaucracy, or architecture. It is essential to point out that although algebra is not treated in the work, on rare occasions, algebraic procedures are used to solve problems. This shows the advanced level of mathematics in the text and how competent and skillful the author and other Ottoman scholars were in this field. Thus, it is clear that the text examined here, which is a translation with commentary, holds a prominent place among general calculation books in the Ottoman period.

Osmanlı Klasik Döneminde Hesap ve Derviş Bin Lütfi’nin Yaklaşımı

Toroshan

Bitumen, rich in carbon and hydrogen, is a substance with high viscosity that exists in solid or liquid form in nature. Today, it can be produced as a synthetic by-product of crude oil. Nevertheless, until the 20th century, bitumen was extracted from natural resources. In the later stages of the Industrial Revolution, bitumen was increasingly used in many industrial sectors. Towards the end of the 19th century, Selenicë in Vlorë was one of the most important places of bitumen sources in Europe. The presence of bitumen in Vlorë was known since the Antiquity. The region came under Ottoman rule in the 15th century and bitumen deposits were used for caulking ships in the navy. However, the bitumen resources were not mined efficiently due to technological and financial inadequacies. With investments after the 1890s, the bitumen production in the region was modernized and became a critical asset for the Ottoman Empire.Academic studies regarding bitumen production in the Ottoman Empire are negligible in quantity and quality since researchers have primarily focused on other mining sectors and minerals such as iron, chromium, lead, and coal.This article aims to provide data on the quality of Vlorë bitumen deposits, bitumen extraction techniques, refining process, and marketing methods. At the same time, it tries to show how technical knowledge and skilled labor, when combined with marketing, can make idle resources productive. This study is based on the findings of our research conducted in the Ottoman Archives (BOA) in Istanbul and the Archives nationales du monde du travail (ANMT) in Roubaix, as well as the analyses of the technical reports of specialists, travelogues, and financial newspapers of the period. After surveying the quality and quantity of bitumen deposits in Vlorë, it examines bitumen extraction methods and technical developments. Finally, it also deals with the bitumen output, marketing strategies, and bitumen-based products.Vlorë bitumen deposits were large enough to support many related industries. Despite large deposits, bitumen production remained low in quantity until the end of the 19th century because of primitive insufficient mining techniques and lack of capital. The Ottoman Bank established the Selenicë Company (Société des Mines de Selenitza) in 1891 for the exploitation of bitumen in Vlorë. The company had a capital of 2.500.000 francs, part of which was provided by some French investors. The company modernized bitumen extraction methods and established a modern technical infrastructure that reduced production costs. As a result of these investments, average annual bitumen production increased to 6,000 tonnes a year.Most of the output included three types of bitumen: matte solid bitumen, glossy solid bitumen (also called Romsi and Ottimo bitumen), and liquid bitumen. Romsi and Ottimo bitumens were the best in quality among them. Around 6,000 tons of bitumen were shipped&nbsp;annually to European ports such as Marseille, Hamburg, Bremen, Amsterdam, and London. In addition to selling crude bitumen, the company also manufactured bitumen-added pesticides and fertilizers to combat phylloxera (also called vine fretter), which damaged vineyards. The company also developed methods for bitumen refining and new commercial tactics to increase sales. For example, it advertised bitumen-containing phylloxera pesticides in newspapers and exhibited various products made of bitumen at international expositions and trade fairs in Europe. As a result of these efforts, Vlorë bitumen became a renowned product in Europe. It was used as raw material or additive in sectors such as road construction, roof insulation, marine, paint, cable, cardboard, and varnish industries. Moreover, Vlorë bitumen was used to construct many famous boulevards of Paris.In short, as seen in the example of Vlorë Selenicë, technical know-how and capital were crucial in effectively utilizing natural resources. In this way, it became an important source of income for the Ottoman central treasury towards the end of the 19th century.

Osmanlı Devleti’nin Son Döneminde Avlonya’da Bitüm Üretimi

Serkan

In Ottoman architecture, a considerable number of buildings were built. Undoubtedly, the leading actors who created these buildings were among talented people who were members of the Ottoman Guild of Architects and were called “craftsmen (ehl-i hiref)” and were experts in public structures, construction, and art. Although the exact date of establishment of the Ottoman Guild of Architects is unknown, it is believed that the guild was integrated into the centralization activities during the rule of Mehmed the Conqueror. The Ottoman Guild of Architects became the one and only responsible unit for public improvements and construction activities to be conducted or planned in the Ottoman lands, as well as structures such as bridges, bastions, and castles, which can be urgent and crucial in the event of a war. The number of these members (in the guild) who were in the service of construction with the architects they trained increased over time, and, depending on this increase, the scope of the group widened. In parallel with these improvements, the representatives of the Ottoman Guild of Architects were integrated into the administrative organization in the provinces. These representatives, who found a place in the provincial organization, were called “esnaf-ı mimar” (construction tradesmen). An architect who was among these tradesmen was responsible for thirty-three different groups of tradesmen such as auger, plasterer, horasan maker, cage maker, paver maker, blacksmith, glazier, lead maker, su-yolcu (an occupation related to hydraulic works), etc., varying depending on the geographical conditions of the regions. Construction officials were located in areas where construction tradesmen were deprived and tried to fill the gap of this group. These officials served similarly to project assistants; they kept track of the expenses for the construction, purchased the building materials, and dealt with the daily wages of the masters and workers. In compulsory and necessary situations, senior civil servants who were on other duties or retired yet reliable and expert in the field were appointed to become construction officials. This occupation, considered a part of contractual&nbsp;civil service and given as much importance as being an architect, also allowed architects to focus on their art without getting involved in financial matters. The most important duty of construction officials was to ensure that the financial matters were sensitive, transparent, and reliable and that all expense books were kept independently. These expense books, registered by construction officials, are prominent documents that present some information such as when the large buildings were constructed, where, in what quantity, and for how much the materials were brought from, how many workers worked for the construction, how much they were paid, and how much the building cost. This system was considerably functional, although construction officials sometimes cut expenses and left the chief architects in a difficult situation. Indeed, architects, who were all artists in the way they presented their work, were not involved in financial matters and were kept away from responsibilities; hence, they could practice their art peacefully. - This technique was also important for the architects to protect themselves against possible accusations on financial matters.&nbsp;As a last note, construction officials, who were selected for their principle of honesty and appointed to serve for a long time at any state level, played a crucial role in making the cities festive and prosperous. Especially Nevsehir, founded in the first half of the eighteenth century by the order of Damat Ibrahim Pasha when Turkmen tribes in the region settled, was established under the personal supervision of the construction officials. In this particular city, the administrative organization was not fully established; therefore, the construction officials were given considerable authority as well as the opportunity to have the versatile authority that would affect the buildings to be constructed in the region directly or indirectly. Accordingly, the construction officials who worked in Nevsehir for about ten years conveyed and reflected the orders and instructions from the capital to the city and contributed significantly to the city’s prosperity. Based on all these, this study aims to give general information about the duties and responsibilities of construction officials, who were not considered to have a position and were forgotten in the Ottoman administrative organization. With this humble study, which brought together general and scattered information, it might be possible to have at least a few insights about construction officials, about whom there is almost no information in the literature and who served at various dates and places for about four hundred years.&nbsp;

On Sekizinci Yüzyılda Osmanlı Devleti’nde Bina Eminliği

Ömer

Res. Assist. Dr.

The scope of military history includes how wars were concluded within the scope of cause and effect and how the campaign was organized in the background. One of the reasons for the successful conclusion of a war was the good construction of the campaign organization network. In this context, military historians should not only express the struggle and cause-effects of a war on the battlefield but also have to investigate how the organization and logistics network of the campaign was carried out. Therefore, when evaluating a war, it should be remembered that the organizational network in the background will affect the war’s outcome.After the Ottoman administration declared war on a state, it completed its preparations and launched a campaign quickly. This extensive preparation affected many states, sanjaks, and townships of the empire. After the war decision, The Ottoman campaign administration started preparations to employ doctors, surgeons, and assistants in the army. These preparations were the identification of health personnel, the supply of materials such as tents and kitchens, the supply of tools and equipment to be used in treatment, and the provision of transportation means for the transportation of materials. In addition, meeting the daily nutritional needs of the health workers (bread, meat, rice, and barley) and providing their travel and allowances were some of the other preparations made by the state. The state treasury generally covered all the preparations mentioned.On the other hand, one of the factors that would affect the outcome of the war was the treatment of the wounded and sick. Medicines and materials necessary for treatment were given from Cebehâne-i Âmire. However, if the drugs and materials determined by the physicians, surgeons, or medical chiefs were not available in the ammunition or were missing, they would be taken with the allowance given by the state and included in the&nbsp;army ammunition. Another point where the medicines needed by the medical personnel were provided during the campaign were herbalists. As it is known, when the Ottoman Empire went on a campaign, a large group of military tradesmen joined the campaign with the army in order to meet the needs of the soldiers in the army. One of these groups was the herbalists. In addition to herbal medicines, herbalists were selling spices and scented products. Therefore, during the campaign, when any plant was needed in the composition of the medicines, they were supplied from them. From this point of view, it can be understood what an important task the herbalists fulfilled in the campaign.Physicians, surgeons and doctors treated soldiers with herbs and medicines obtained from ammunition, through purchases or from herbalists. Medicines were prepared with the combination of leaves, roots, seeds, oil, gums, and resins of plants, as well as minerals. On the other hand, some of the supplied plants were produced by mixing with single plants and some with different plants. These medicines or preparations can be explained under three main headings: plant, animal, and mineral origin. As a result, the resulting ointment, moxibustion, syrup, and pills can be used to treat soldiers injured or sick during the campaign, internally and externally. Table 1 can be examined for detailed information on which diseases the prepared drugs are used. As a result, it should be stated that medicines in different compositions were used in the treatment of soldiers in the army to relieve many ailments, such as internalexternal, dermatologic, eye, ear, throat, and dental diseases.

Osmanlı Ordusunda Sağlık Organizasyonun İşleyişi ve Orduda Kullanılan İlaçlar ile Sağladığı Faydalar (On Sekizinci Yüzyıl Örneği)

Sibel

Syphilis, which emerged in the late fifteenth century, is a highly contagious disease that affects the body’s finest tissues. Although treatable, it causes a lot of mental and emotional damage. The disease leaves physical scars and, in most cases, leads to death. The fact that a pregnant infected with Syphilis infects the baby in the womb causes the disease to be inherited. Like other states, the Ottoman State has been affected by this epidemic. Since it transmits through sexual interaction, people with Syphilis were excluded from the community. It was called “Syphilus” in Europe, “French disease” in England, “Italian or Naples disease” in France, “Portuguese or Chinese disease” in Japan, and Frankish (effrenci) in the Ottoman State.Syphilis cases in the Ottoman realm were rare owing to the lack of interaction with Europeans and the consideration of prostitution as a great sin. The disease started in the Ottoman territory in the nineteenth century. It was first detected in Istanbul and spread to Anatolia in a short time. Whereas the reason for its spread in Istanbul was thought to be foreign women settling in Galata uncontrolled, it was due to the flow of people from the war zone of the Ottoman-Russian Wars and the soldiers discharged from duty in Anatolia.As a part of the fight against Syphilis, the Ottoman administration initiated the first brothel (1856-1858) in Istanbul, where the outbreak began to be seen. Later on, the Health Commission (1869-1870) was established to combat prostitution, and the ‘Regulation for Venereal Diseases’ (Emrâz-i Zühreviye Nizamnamesi) came into force in 1880. Thus, regular inspection and health checks of women in brothels were made, and necessary measures were taken to prevent infectious diseases. It was reported to the central administration that the German General Von der Goltz Pasha also saw the disease in the Ottoman army. Thereupon, German Dermatologist Ernst von Düring was invited to Turkey. Düring Pasha and his team,&nbsp;who served in the Ottoman State between 1889 and 1902, conducted some research and lectures on Syphilis in Anatolia.Measures taken in Istanbul were expanded throughout the country, and reports on the fight against Syphilis were prepared. The fight in Anatolia started in the regions where the epidemic was prevalent. With the new regulation issued in 1915, precautions became stricter in terms of controlling brothels, directing infected people to examination, and not discharging those who were treated without complete recovery. Besides, doctors, pharmacists, medicines, and medical supplies were sent to the areas where outbreaks occurred. Mobile syphilis teams were established in 1924, and treatment stations were established in various towns and villages to increase the efficiency of syphilis studies.Struggle with the epidemic was not limited to these actions. Some physicians defined the disease, symptoms, and treatment methods by writing books, treatises, and leaflets. One of them was the chief physician Mustafa Behçet Efendi. Behçet Efendi was the physician of Selim III (r. 1789-1807) and Mahmut II (1808-1839). He has written and translated many works, mainly in medicine. Among them was his translation from Italian titled Risâle-i Frengi (Treatise on Syphilis). In this work, which is the primary source of this contribution, the origin, symptoms, complications, damage it causes for various organs, Syphilis in women, and its treatment are discussed in detail.

Hekimbaşı Mustafa Behçet Efendi’nin Çeviri Eseri Risâle-i Frengi Üzerine Bir İnceleme

Semih

Yok Sayılan Bir Bölüm: Ankara Üniversitesi Tıp Fakültesi İkinci Cerrahi Kliniği Başlıklı Makale Hakkında [Editöre Mektup]

Sarper

Yok Sayılan Bir Bölüm: Ankara Üniversitesi Tıp Fakültesi İkinci Cerrahi Kliniği Başlıklı Makale Hakkında [Editöre Mektuba Cevap]

İbrahim

Res. Assist.

Türkiye’nin İlk İlahiyat Fakültesinin Tarihi (1900-1933)

İstanbul Üniversitesi’nde Osmanlı Astronomisi Hakkında Disiplinlerarası Bir Kongre

Kutsi

Astronomi Aletlerinin Peşinde: Osmanlı Dünyası ve Ötesi Atölyesi, İstanbul, 28 Kasım 2023

Barışcan

Cumhuriyetin 100 Yılında Bilim Konferansları Tamamlandı

İlker

Dila

Armanç

İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Bilim Tarihi Kulübünün 2022-2023 Akademik Yılı Faaliyetleri

Özlem

Melda

Yunus

Gönenç

Obituary Prof. Dr. Ferhat Özçep

Kaan

Assist. Prof.

Alpen

Işılsu

Gürsel

Avrupa’nın En Eski Anatomi Derneği Anatomische Gesellschaft’ın İlk On Yılına Osmanlı Tıbbı ile Karşılaştırmalı Bakış

Mürvet

The Imperial School of Medicine (Mekteb-i Tıbbiye-i Şahane) opened its doors in 1827. Initially, surgical studies were not included in the curriculum. In 1832, a separate institution was established for surgical education, known as the Surgeon School (Cerrahhane). In its early years, the Surgeon School primarily trained Greek surgeons since Turkish doctors were reluctant to become surgeons. In 1838, medical and surgical education was integrated. However, it took until the late 1800s for Turkish doctors to embrace surgical careers fully. The first three names trained at the School of Medicine and continued their surgical specialization abroad are Naim Bey, Osman Bey, and Hayrettin Bey.&nbsp;Naim Bey entered the School of Medicine in 1862 and graduated at 23 with diploma number 400 on June 27, 1873. As the School of Medicine was a military school, he graduated with the rank of lieutenant, holding expertise in both medical and surgical fields. His comprehensive diploma exams encompassed various subjects, including Natural Sciences, Chemistry, Anatomy, Botany, Zoology, Galenic Pharmacy, Minor Surgical Procedures, Physiology, Diseases, Materia Medica, Preventive Medicine, Internal and External Diseases, Forensic Medicine, Pathology, General Surgery, Gynecology, Clinical Medical Methods, Clinical Surgical Methods, Dermatology, Ophthalmology.On Naim Bey's diploma, Sultan Abdülaziz’s name was torn, though the seals and signatures of the school's director, Marko Pasha, and seventeen instructors remained intact. His instructors included Saib, Kalyas, Arşizen Sarandi, Valasidi, Maruvan(?), Ferdinand, Serviçen, Ahmet Remzi, Konstantin Karateodori, Konstantin, Baroçi, Aristidi, Seyyid Ali, Vuçino, Anton, and Mavroyeni.During Naim Bey's graduation period, 33 people, 20 Muslims, received education at the School of Medicine. This is an example of the long-standing tradition that approximately one-third of students are non-Muslim. After completing his education, Naim Bey, along&nbsp;with his friends Hayrettin Bey and Osman Bey, participated in an examination in 1875 that offered opportunities for further education abroad. They all succeeded in this examination, with Naim Bey choosing Vienna for surgical training while his friends opted for Paris. Vienna was known for providing top-notch medical education. However, since the language of instruction at the School of Medicine was French, Paris was a more preferred destination.Upon returning from his foreign education, Naim Bey was called to serve during the 1877-78 Ottoman-Russian War, where he showcased his surgical skills. After the war, it is likely that he became an assistant instructor at the School of Medicine. In 1884, he became a teacher in External Diseases (General Surgery/Emraz-ı Hariciye). In addition to his duty at the School of Medicine, a military school, Naim Bey also taught at the Civil School of Medicine (Mekteb-i Tıbbiye-i Mülkiye), established in 1867 to provide medical education to civilians. He was the teacher of Cemil Topuzlu, who was acknowledged as the founder of modern surgery in Türkiye. Topuzlu said in his memoir that he learned extensively from Naim Bey. After Naim Bey passed away, Hayrettin Bey took his place, and Cemil Bey took Hayrettin Bey’s place. Thus, Naim Bey’s death paved the way for Cemil Topuzlu’s career advancement.In 1887, Naim Bey was promoted to the rank of Colonel, receiving various medals and honors. In 1889, he was appointed to the Council of Civil Medicine and Public Health (Meclis-i Tıbbiye-i Mülkiye ve Sıhhıye-i Umumiye). He also became a member of the Association of Ottoman Medicine (Cemiyet-i Tıbbiye-i Osmaniye), dedicated to translating medical literature into Turkish.In 1890, Naim Bey, along with the Committee of Ottoman Medicine (Heyet-i Tıbbiye-i Osmaniye), visited Doctor Robert Koch in Berlin. During this visit, they met Koch and examined Koch's work on the tuberculosis vaccine and treatment. Various reports were sent back to Istanbul. However, the final decision of the committee was that the treatment remained experimental, and therefore, there was no need for Ottoman citizens to come to Berlin for treatment. Naim Bey was also involved in efforts to establish a tuberculosis hospital, but the treatment did not meet expectations, and the project remained incomplete.Naim Bey's international engagements included participation in the VIIth International Congress of Hygiene and Demography held in London in 1891. Initially, other candidates were considered, but Naim Bey was chosen for his suitability. The congress, attended by over 2000 people, highlighted developments in the field of microbiology.In addition to his professional endeavors, Naim Bey had three children: one son and two daughters. One of his daughters passed away at an early age, while the other married Selim Ucce, a Syrian soldier and a surgeon who studied at School of Medicine and settled&nbsp;in Damascus. Naim Bey's son, Hasan Cevdet Temizkanlı, attended Mekteb-i Harbiye and participated in various battles, and received the Independence Medal. He passed away in 1939.On October 17, 1891, Naim Bey passed away at the age of 41 in his home in Vefa due to an aneurysm. His legacy endures as one of the pioneering Turkish surgeons who received a comprehensive education at the School of Medicine and played an important role in advancing the field of medicine in Türkiye.

Modern Türk Cerrahisinin Öncülerinden Miralay Muallim Doktor Naim Hasan Bey

Nuran

Since there used to be no independent research institutes in Turkey, the science of physiology has developed within medical education. The transition to modern medical education in Turkey commenced with Tıphane-i Âmire’s (The Imperial Medical School) inception on March 14, 1827. Until the 1933 University Reform, medical education continued in institutions named as the Mekteb-i Tıbbiye-i Şahane (Imperial Faculty of Medicine), Mekteb-i Tıbbiye-i Mülkiye (School of Civil Medicine), Dârülfünun-ı Osmani Tıp Fakültesi (The Ottoman University Faculty of Medicine), Şam Mekteb-i Tıbbiye-i Mülkiyesi (Damascus School of Civil Medicine) which at one time continued its education affiliated with the Darülfünun-ı Osmani Tıp Fakültesi, was also added to these schools that constituted the core of Istanbul University Faculty of Medicine. This study addresses the establishment and development of the physiology course in the schools where Istanbul Medical Faculty maintained its education from 1827 until the 1933 University Reform.From 1834 onward at Tıphane-i Âmire, physiology education was conducted by Osman Saib Efendi through translations of a contemporary French physiology book. Osman Saib Efendi also taught physiology for several years at the Mekteb-i Tıbbiye-i Şahane, resulting from the merging of Tıphane-i Âmire and Cerrahhane-i Mamûre (School of Surgery) beginning French-based education in 1839. Until 1873, at Mekteb-i Tıbbiye-i Şahane, physiology professors additionally taught courses in anatomy, pathology, pathological anatomy, zoology, botany, hygiene, surgical internal diseases, and clinical medicine.The commencement of Turkish education at Mekteb-i Tıbbiye-i Mülkiye (1867), followed by the transition to Turkish education at Mekteb-i Tıbbiye-i Şahane (1870), led to the challenge of a lack of Turkish-speaking instructors and a shortage of Turkish textbooks. In response, the translation of French medical books into Turkish began. Kâtipzâde Mehmet Nuri Birgivî, an assistant surgical instructor at Mekteb-i Tıbbiye-i Şahane, translated a physiology book&nbsp;named Traité élémentaire de physiologie humaine comprenant les principales notions de la physiologie comparée (Paris 1866, 5th edition) authored by Prof. Dr. Jules Béclard, renowned for his studies in anatomy and physiology during that era. This translated physiology book was published as Menâfi'ül-azâ Fisioloci (Istanbul,1873-1874). Şemsi Şerif Bey, the Physiology Instructor, utilized this book in his theoretical lessons between 1873 and 1881.Dr. Mehmet Şakir (Şakir Pasha), who specialized under Dr. Claude Bernard, returned to Istanbul (1876) driven by the inspiration and high energy acquired during his apprenticeship and with a determination to bring newly learned knowledge to his country. In the same year, he was appointed as an assistant instructor alongside the physiology instructor Şemsi Şerif Bey at the Mekteb-i Tıbbiye-i Şahane. In addition to this role, he assumed the position of assistant physiology instructor at Mekteb-i Tıbbiye-i Mülkiye (1878). Upon his promotion to an instructor, he departed from Mekteb-i Tıbbiye-i Mülkiye (1888). From then on, he solely worked at Mekteb-i Tıbbiye-i Şahane. The lectures where he discussed the latest developments in physiology were compiled by students through note-taking. Şakir Pasha revised and corrected these notes before publishing them as “Dürûs-ı Hayat-ı Beşeriye” (Lessons on Human Life, Istanbul 1893).Upon his arrival from Paris, Şakir Pasha made considerable efforts to establish a physiology laboratory. However, instead of the envisioned laboratory, he initiated experimental physiology classes in a small room using equipment he procured with his own funds. He personally conducted practical and demonstration classes every Thursday. His experiments involved dogs, island rabbits, and frogs. Due to the absence of allocated funding for the physiology laboratory, the dogs used in the experiments were either brought by attendants or enthusiastic students from around the Karacaahmet cemetery or the vicinity surrounding the school in Sirkeci-Demirkapı, while the frogs were collected from the botanical garden pond of the school.Şakir Pasha succeeded in introducing the fundamentals of experimental physiology to Turkey through his physiology classes conducted alongside animal experiments in this modest laboratory. His requests for new equipment to enhance the physiology laboratory were disregarded by the authorities, and after years of waiting, he managed to procure some new equipment for his laboratory (1896), albeit not to the extent he desired. Due to the reluctance of the Babıâli (Sublime Porte) that sent him to France for specialized training to comprehend and establish a fully equipped physiology laboratory, Şakir Pasha couldn’t engage in scientific research. Another misfortune for Şakir Pasha was that the assistants who began working with him, having no income apart from their salaries, did not embrace physiology and shifted to clinical fields. Consequently, he had to single-handedly continue theoretical and experimental physiology education for years. As those who started their careers in physiology education eventually transitioned to clinical specialties, the education was sustained with contributions&nbsp;from instructors and assistant instructors of other disciplines. The names we have identified as contributing to physiology education are listed in the table “Contributors to Physiology Education, 1827-1933” at the end of this article.After settling into the monumental building of Mekteb-i Tıbbiye-i Şahane in Haydarpaşa, Dr. Kemal Cenap (Berksoy), Şakir Pasha’s persevering assistant in physiology, pushed the limits of the era’s resources to facilitate the expansion and equipping of Şakir Pasha’s modest laboratory with new tools. Despite this effort, the laboratory, which fell short compared to its European counterparts, saw Kemal Cenap Bey publish his experimental studies in European physiology journals and receive citations. He particularly emphasized experimental studies on digestive physiology, notably identifying the most effective secretion occurring within the deep mucosal layer of the duodenum, a contribution that entered the physiology literature. Kemal Cenap Bey, who achieved international recognition for his scientific research, established experimental physiology as both a teaching and research discipline by conducting experiments with his students during classes.

Tıphane-i Âmire’den Dârülfünun’a İstanbul Tıp Fakültesi’nde Fizyoloji, 1827-1933

Saltuk

Modern Rasathaneler Çağında Osmanlı Donanmasında Deni̇z Hava Gözlemlerinin Kaynakları, 1868 - 1914

Zekeriya

Salih Zeki (1864-1921) returned to Istanbul after attending L’École Supérieure de Télégraphie in Paris between 1883 and 1887. He started to teach mathematical physics (hikmet-i riyaziyye) at the Mühendishâne-i Berrî-i Hümâyun, the Ottoman military engineering school. There are indications that he had covered probability topics as part of this course. In 1898 he published Hulâsa-i Hesâb-ı İhtimâlî, a booklet on probability which has the distinction of being the first in its field in Turkey. The small treatise has two chapters totaling fifty-eight pages. The first 40-page chapter of the book presents the theoretical concepts of probability. The second 18-page chapter includes examples on empirical probability.Bernoulli’s theorem was first presented with its proof by Jacques Bernoulli (1655-1705) in Ars Conjectandi (1713), his posthumous work in Latin. The theorem can be simply stated as follows;With the probability approaching 1 or certainty as near as we please, we may expect that the relative frequency of an event E in a series of independent trials with constant probability p will differ from that probability by less than any given number , provided the number of trials is taken sufficiently large. (J. V. Uspensky, Introduction to Mathematical Probability, 1937, 96.)Unlike this statement, Salih Zeki wrote the theorem as follows and solved its examples in this context: “If the number of experiments for an event is increased to equal the simple probability of the event, the probability of that event will eventually be brought closer to the level of mathematical certainty.” We will now briefly represent Salih Zeki’s three examples.Example 1: The probability of getting a 6 when a dice is rolled is . If the dice were rolled twice, the probability of at least one of them getting a 6 would be . Similarly, if a dice is rolled three times, the probability of getting a 6 for at least one of them is . The probability of getting a 6 at least once when rolled four times is and other situations can be calculated by continuing in this way. The resulting probabilities are getting larger and closer to 1 for each case where the number of experiments is increased.&nbsp;Example 2: Let the probability of an event occurring be very small. If the number of experiments for the same event is gradually increased, the probability of the event approaches the level of certainty. For example, while the probability of drawing a white ball from a box containing 40 black and one white ball is , this probability can be approached to the degree of mathematical certainty in 100 consecutive draws. Indeed, when drawn 100 times, the probability of being white is 0,91526.Example 3: Consider the following sixteen situations that occur when balls a, b are drawn in quaternary:&nbsp;aaaa aaab aaba abaa baaa aabb abab baab baba abba bbaa bbab abbb babb bbba bbbbIf two classes are accepted according to whether the quaternary order of balls is mixed or uniform, the probabilities of these two classes of events will be 14/16, 2/16 respectively. Accordingly, the ratio of mixed-type events to all events is 14/16. When the number of experiments is increased, this ratio also increases. Indeed, when the number of experiments is five, 30/32 ratio is obtained, and when six experiments are performed, 62/64 ratio is obtained. Thus, it is possible to bring the probability of mixed-type events closer to the level of mathematical certainty by increasing the number of experiments as much as possible.Bernoulli’s theorem has a privileged place in calculus of probability. Salih Zeki allocated a subchapter to this theorem in a small and concise textbook, Hulâsa-i Hesâb-ı İhtimâlî (1898), thus emphasizing its importance in a sense. The text of the theorem in the work and three related examples were examined. Here, it is stated that in experiments conducted for an event whose probability is not zero, if the number of experiments is increased as much as possible, this event will occur at the level of mathematical certainty. However, in the Bernoulli theorem texts that we see in the 18th and 19th-century probability works that Salih Zeki was aware of, it is emphasized that as the number of experiments increases, the ratio of the results obtained approaches a probability value p. Since Salih Zeki did not take into account approaching a certain probability value in his examples, the definition he gave does not belong to Bernoulli’s theorem but to another rule called Littlewood’s law today.

Bernoulli Teoremi ve Türkiye'ye Girişi

Müjdat

In the nineteenth century, the Ottoman Empire was aware of its scientic deciency and while trying to solve it introduced numerous innovations in education. The Ottoman Empire wanted to bring Western science to the country by sending successful students to Western countries. During this period, many students completed their education, returned to the country, and contributed to the country’s academic media. This situation was also reflected in Darülfünun, and efforts were made to increase the qualifications of its faculties. One of these was the publication of a scientific journal called Darülfünûn Fünûn Fakültesi Mecmuası in 1916. After publishing six issues between 1916 and 1917, the journal went on a forced holiday due to the war. In this period, Hasan Fehmi [Çayköy] (1887-1950) published the highest number of articles in the field of mathematics in this journal. Hasan Fehmi, who graduated from Darülfünun’s Mathematics Department in 1911, worked as a mathematics teacher in the elite high schools of his time, such as Kabataş High School, Mercan High School, Girls’ School of Education, and Darüşşafaka High School. He was also the principal of Darüşşafaka between 1939 and 1943. Analyzing the articles in scientific periodicals published in the last period of the Ottoman Empire will contribute to the literature in this field. In this context, the present study aims to make a mathematical analysis of all of Hasan Fehmi’s articles published in Darülfünûn Fünûn Fakültesi Mecmuası. In this context, six articles by Hasan Fehmi published in the journal were transliterated, and mathematical analyses were made separately.Between 1916 and 1917, Hasan Fehmi published 6 articles in the Darülfünûn Fünûn Fakültesi Mecmuası on mathematics. In his essays, he explained his subjects using a simple style and elaborately drawn figures at the necessary points.In his first article, titled “Küre Hacminin Bi’l-Cebr İstihrâcı (Determination of Sphere Volume with Algebra)”, Hasan Fehmi used algebraic methods to determine how the expression 4/3πr³, which is the volume formula of any sphere with radius r, emerged.In his second article, “Hendese Meselesi (Geometry Problem)”, Hasan Fehmi dealt with a problem concerning the relationship between a circle and a triangle. In the problem, any angle, such as XVY, is first drawn on the plane, and then points H and B are chosen on the arms of that angle such that VH + VB is constant. It is claimed that the circumcircles of the triangles VHB obtained from here will pass through a fixed point, and then the claim is proved.In his third article, “Müsellesât [1] (Trigonometry [1])”, Hasan Fehmi explained the solution to a trigonometry problem based on the relationship between a circle and a triangle. In this problem, let the heights of a triangle such as BLC intersect at the point K and let M be the center of the circumcircle of the triangle. The necessary conditions for the line segment MK passing through K and M to be equal to half of the base of the triangle are analyzed in this problem.In his fourth article, “Bir Gâye Meselesi (A Limit Problem)”, Hasan Fehmi examined whether the limit value of the sum 1x2/3x4x5x6 + 2x3/4x5x6x7 + ... + n(n+1)/(n+3)(n+4)(n+5) is equal to 1/9.In his fifth article, “Müsellesât [2] (Trigonometry [2])”, Hasan Fehmi drew a line from a point G chosen randomly outside a triangle like BCE to the vertices of the triangle. The perpendicularity centers of the three new triangles obtained are K1 , K2 and K3 , respectively. In this problem, Hasan Fehmi showed the equality of the triangle K1 K2 K3 and the triangle BCE.In his sixth article titled “Cebir (Algebra)”, Hasan Fehmi discussed the derivatives of some special trigonometric functions, the equality of the derivative values of these special functions to each other, and finally, the equality of the derivatives of these special functions without derivative operation.Hasan Fehmi included some special problem situations and solutions in the fields of geometry, trigonometry, and algebra in his articles published in Darülfünûn Fünûn Fakültesi Mecmuası. Within the scope of the present study, these articles were analyzed mathematically in detail. According to the results obtained, it has been determined that the problems in question are at a level that can be accepted at the undergraduate level today and frequently brought up in the related courses. In this sense, they have a widespread recognition. In addition, the approaches used in problem-solving are not original. Hasan Fahmi does not make such a claim in his articles.

Hasan Fehmi’nin [Çayköy] Darülfünûn Fünûn Fakültesi Mecmuası’nda Yayımlanan Matematik Makaleleri

Volkan

Natural philosophy, which was progressively neglected in the education system of Ottoman Turkey, established a basis for the formation of modern sciences in the Western world. As Western Europe has begun to forge ahead since the sixteenth century, they have not only developed human knowledge through discoveries, observations and experiments, but also created a solid scientific terminology based on Latin. The Latin alphabet, among other cultural elements, was inherited by the barbarian kingdoms, which contributed to the fall of the Western Roman Empire and transformed themselves into the modern Western European nations. Spelling of the vernacular Western European languages were modified based on the Latin script, but pronunciation of the words locally differed. Finally, the position of Latin as the preeminent academic language over the centuries gradually replaced by the national languages starting in the seventeenth century. Although the usage of Latin has been considerably diminished in academic studies, taxonomy, one of the common grounds of biology and paleontology, represents one of the exceptional fields in which the Latin nomenclature still prevails. In the Western world, spelling of the taxonomic nomenclature (i.e., the names representing species, genera, and other groups of organisms belonging to higher taxonomic ranks) is uniformly done according to the Latin grammar, but pronunciation of those may vary in different languages.The Turks, on the other hand, became the permanent settlers of Anatolia towards the end of the eleventh century and built political and cultural relationships with their western rivals, the Eastern Roman Empire. The selection of Greek as the official language of the Eastern Roman Empire created a lack of familiarity with Latin for the Turks. During the period of &nbsp;modernization in Ottoman Turkey, which began in the eighteenth century, numerous terms were subsumed from French, the world language at the time, and most of these terms have been transcribed by following the French pronunciation. English replaced French as the new lingua franca after the Second World War, from which the new terms have been introduced into Turkish.A striking resemblance between Latin and Turkish is that the words are pronounced as they are spelled in both languages. This situation became more apparent after the Alphabet Reform in 1928 when the Latin script was adopted for Turkish. Considering that Turkish was formerly typed with the Arabic script, the new alphabet also eliminated the problem of transliteration and eased the transcription process. In Turkish taxonomic terminology, however, pronunciations imitate either those in French or English, whereas no transcription has been applied to the incorporated Western terms that originated from Latin.To resolve this controversy, a regulatory list with seven clauses is proposed here to establish a standardization of the taxonomic nomenclature in Turkish. The proposed solutions for pronunciation and transcription follow the instructions for the Latin pronunciation as much as possible. For a proper translation, it is strictly advised to have enough knowledge on the subject. The clauses are as briefly follows:1. No translation or transcription should apply to genus and species names, and these names should be typed by using a distinguishably different font/style from the rest of the text. Pronunciations of the genus and species names in Latin may be provided in square brackets if necessary.2. The original Latin names for the groups of organisms representing taxonomic ranks higher than the genus level (in both hierarchical taxonomy and cladistics) should not be transcribed. Transcription can be applied to the names which are derived from the original Latin name in another language using the Latin alphabet (e.g., transcription is not allowed for the Latin group name “Theropoda” but allowed for “theropods,” which is the derivative in English). The original Latin name may be provided in brackets next to the transcribed name if necessary.3. Applications for the pronunciation of the taxonomic names and the transcription of the names representing taxonomic ranks higher than the genus level, containing C, Y, H (in forms of CH, PH, RH, TH), I (in forms of IA, IE, IO, IU), diphthongs (AE, AU, OE, EU), and the letters which are not present in the Turkish alphabet (Q, X, W) are provided, in accordance with the instructions for Latin pronunciation and some particular cases in Turkish. All the silent letters that exist in the Western European languages are nullified, as all the letters must be pronounced in Latin and Turkish.4. Genus and species names should remain intact in the text (i.e., no suffixes or punctuation marks should be placed). 5. There are special applications for the taxonomic names derived from foreign proper nouns. Basically, the foreign proper nouns which have already been incorporated into Turkish should be in use. Those that have not been officially subsumed into Turkish should be pronounced as similar as possible to what it has been done in the original language and should be transcribed according to the provided method. 6. Translation of the names of the groups of organisms should only be applied to those belonging to the ranks higher than the genus level. It is crucial to obtain accurate information about the origin and meaning of the name and the general characteristics of that group to make a decent translation. If this kind of data is not available, it should be contented with the transcription. 7. Transcribed and translated versions may exist separately for the name of a particular group of organisms, but transcription and translation should not be applied together to form a name.

Bir Fosil Bilimcinin Gözünden Taksonomide Kullanılan İsimlerin Türkçeye Kazandırılması Hakkında Bir Deneme

Ahmet

In the Ottoman Empire, the establishment of vocational and technical education institutions commenced with the Tanzimat reforms. In this context, the Forestry School was founded in 1858 under the guidance of French experts to advance Ottoman forestry. This school, however, produced a limited number of qualified students. Following the return of French experts in 1878, forestry education faced a setback, and in 1880, the school lost its independent structure and was restructured as the Forest and Mining School. As of 1893, this institution was closed, and forestry education was incorporated into the Halkalı Agricultural and Veterinary School [Halkalı Agricultural School (1894) / Halkalı Agricultural and Forestry School (1903)], encompassing a few courses.Following the declaration of the Second Constitutional Era, there emerged a discussion about the need to reform forestry education. During this period, Ali Rıza Efendi communicated his aspiration to establish an independent and high-level forestry school separate from the Halkalı Agricultural and Forestry School to the relevant authorities. With the support of the Minister of Forestry, Mines, and Agriculture, Mavrokordato Pasha, the Forestry Academy was founded in 1909. However, due to the renovation of the school building, education was temporarily conducted under inadequate conditions. While the teaching and administrative staff of the school were deemed sufficient for a newly established institution, the two-year duration of the education was considered inadequate for a high-level school. An elaborate curriculum was prepared to compensate for this deficiency. On the other hand, the regulation prepared at the establishment of the school was revised in a more organized and functional manner in 1914. The internal and external political and economic problems faced by the Ottoman Empire led to challenging times in the education of the Forestry Academy. Particularly, the outbreak of the Italo-Turkish War, the Balkan Wars, and World War I hindered the desired stability in education. Besides the war conditions, budgetary constraints resulted in a lack of quantity and quality in terms of productivity from the school. Nevertheless, despite the difficult circumstances of World War I, forestry education was not neglected. The employment of Dr. Bauer from Germany as the Director of Studies in 1917 led to many reforms in the school. Following Bauer's report, the duration of education was extended from 2 to 3 years, and reforms were made to the curriculum.The defeat of the Ottoman Empire in World War I and the subsequent occupation of İstanbul marked a challenging period for the Forestry Academy. During the Armistice Period, the attempts of Greek residents of Bahçeköy to take over the school building caused distress for the school administration and students. Shortly thereafter, with British support, the Greeks succeeded in evacuating the school building. Despite facing deprivation in terms of infrastructure and education during this period, the school managed to graduate a limited number of students.After the proclamation of the Republic in 1924, the Forestry Academy was run by a director who previously came to be administered by a rector and was entrusted with the management of the Belgrad Forest as a model forest. Investments in the school started to increase regularly in the subsequent period. Accordingly, many innovations, such as establishing laboratories, procuring equipment, afforestation activities, etc., were implemented. In 1926, reports prepared by two important experts, Saby and Bernhard, directed the course of forestry education at the school. Consequently, in 1927, the school was officially recognized as a specialized institution, admitting only high school graduates. Numerous new regulations, including admission requirements and the curriculum, were implemented. With the simplification of language, the school's name was changed to the Higher Forestry School, which started in 1930, and an affiliated Middle Forestry School was also established. Despite increasing interest in the school, the number of graduates declined to 4-5 individuals. In 1934, the Forestry Faculty was included in the faculties established within the Ankara Higher Agricultural Institute. Thus, a new era began for forestry education.

Osmanlıdan Cumhuriyete Orman Mekteb-i Âlisi (1909-1934)

Çiğdem

Beşerin İbtidâ-yı Tahaddüsü ve Hacer Devirleri

“Müderris Tevfik [Subaşı], 1879-1954” Makalesine Ek [Editöre Mektup]

Emre Dölen’in “Modern Yerbilimlerinin Türkiye'ye Girişi ve Kurumlaşması” Adlı Eserinin Değerlendirmesi

@JOURNAL_BOX_CURRENT

@JOURNAL_BOX_EARLYVIEW

Eyüp

Emre

Prof.

İki Dünya Savaşı Arasında Türkiye’de Zehirli Gazlardan Korunma Kursları ve Yasal Düzenlemeler

Derya

Osmanlı Donanması Askerlerinin Tayyarelerde Görevlendirilmek Üzere Yetiştirilmesi

@JOURNAL_BOX_FEATURED

Nilüfer

Assoc. Prof.

Operatör Doktor Ömer Vasfi Aybar ve Ankara’da Yayımladığı Türk Hekimi Dergisi

Osmanlı ve Cumhuriyet Türkiyesi’nde Eczacı Kalfalarının Örgütlenme Girişimleri (1912-1949)

@JOURNAL_BOX_MOSTREAD

İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Bilim Tarihi Bölümü’nün yayın organı olan Osmanlı Bilimi Araştırmaları (Studies in Ottoman Science) dergisi, yılda iki kez yayımlanan hakemli ve uluslararası bir dergidir. 1995 yılında yayına başlayan dergi, Türkiye’de bilim tarihi alanında yayımlanan ilk akademik dergidir. 2024 itibariyle basılı versiyon durdurulmuştur. Dergi sadece online olarak yayınlanmaktadır.

Osmanlı Bilimi Araştırmaları dergisi, bilim, teknoloji ve tıp tarihi konularında hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmiş, Türkçe ve İngilizce dillerinde yazılmış orijinal araştırma makaleleri, derleme makaleler, çeviri makaleler yanında, araştırma notları, katkılar, kitap tanıtımları ve toplantı raporları yayımlar.

Derginin kapsadığı konular arasında, özellikle bilim, teknoloji ve tıp alanında etkin olmuş kurumlarının tarihi; değişik bilim dallarının ve tekniklerin gelişimi; bilimsel ve teknik bilginin toplumlar arasında aktarımı; bilim ve teknik kitapların çevirileri; bilim eğitimi tarihi; bilim insanlarının özgeçmişleri ve ilgili konular yer almaktadır. Eczacılık tarihiyle ilgili yazılar da kabul edilmektedir. Osmanlı İmparatorluğu döneminde Türkiye’deki bilimsel etkinliklerin tarihi (14-20.yüzyıllar) özellikle dergi kapsamı içinde olup, Cumhuriyet dönemi Türkiyesi’ndeki (1923’ten sonra) bilimsel etkinlikleri inceleyen yazılar da yayımlanmaktadır. Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nun yayılmış olduğu bölgelerdeki (Ortadoğu ve Balkanlar) bilimsel faaliyetlerle ilgili yazılar da kabul edilmektedir.

Scopus

EBSCO

ERIH PLUS

TR Dizin

DOAJ

SOBIAD

Gale Cengage

@METRIC_VOLUMES

@METRIC_ISSUES

@METRIC_ARTICLES

@METRIC_OPENACCESS

Osmanlı Bilimi Araştırmaları

@INFO_TAB_ABOUT

Editor in Chief

Co Editor in Chief

Editorial Management Board Member

Language Editor

Editorial Board Member

@INFO_TAB_BOARDS

Osmanlı Bilimi Araştırmaları - Studies in Ottoman Science, bilim, teknoloji ve tıp tarihi konularında hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmiş, Türkçe ve İngilizce dillerinde yazılmış orijinal araştırma makaleleri, derleme makaleler, çeviri makaleler yanında, araştırma notları, katkılar, kitap tanıtımları ve toplantı raporları yayımlar. Ocak ve Temmuz aylarında yayınlanır.Derginin kapsadığı konular arasında, özellikle bilim, teknoloji ve tıp alanında etkin olmuş kurumların tarihi; değişik bilim dallarının ve tekniklerin gelişimi; bilimsel ve teknik bilginin toplumlar arasında aktarımı; bilim ve teknik kitapların çevirileri; bilim eğitimi tarihi; bilim insanlarının özgeçmişleri ve ilgili konular yer almaktadır. Eczacılık tarihiyle ilgili yazılar da kabul edilmektedir. Osmanlı İmparatorluğu döneminde Türkiye’deki bilimsel etkinliklerin tarihi (14-20.yüzyıllar) özellikle dergi kapsamı içinde olup, Cumhuriyet dönemi Türkiyesi’ndeki (1923’ten sonra) bilimsel etkinlikleri inceleyen yazılar da yayımlanmaktadır. Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nun yayılmış olduğu bölgelerdeki (Ortadoğu ve Balkanlar) bilimsel faaliyetlerle ilgili yazılar da kabul edilmektedir.

Amaç ve Kapsam

<ul><li>SCOPUS</li><li>TÜBİTAK-ULAKBİM TR Dizin </li><li>DOAJ</li><li>ERIH PLUS</li><li>EBSCO Academic Search Ultimate</li><li>EBSCO Central &amp; Eastern European Academic Source</li><li>SOBİAD</li><li><a href="https://go.gale.com/ps/dispAdvSearch.do?userGroupName=anon~84c5a0c7&amp;prodId=AONE" target="_blank">Gale Cengage</a></li></ul>

Dizinler

Dergi yayın etiğinde en yüksek standartlara bağlıdır ve <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a> ve <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> tarafından yayınlanan etik yayıncılık ilkelerini benimser; Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing başlığı altında ifade edilen ilkeler için: <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a> Gönderilen makaleler derginin amaç ve kapsamına uygun olmalıdır. Orijinal, yayınlanmamış ve başka bir dergide değerlendirme sürecinde olmayan, her bir yazar tarafından içeriği ve gönderimi onaylanmış yazılar değerlendirmeye kabul edilir. Makale yayınlanmak üzere Dergiye gönderildikten sonra yazarlardan hiçbirinin ismi, tüm yazarların yazılı izni olmadan yazar listesinden silinemez ve yeni bir isim yazar olarak eklenemez ve yazar sırası değiştirilemez.İntihal, duplikasyon, sahte yazarlık/inkar edilen yazarlık, araştrma/veri fabrikasyonu, makale dilimleme, dilimleyerek yayın, telif hakları ihlali ve çıkar çatışmasının gizlenmesi, etik dışı davranışlar olarak kabul edilir. Kabul edilen etik standartlara uygun olmayan tüm makaleler yayından çıkarılır. Buna yayından sonra tespit edilen olası kuraldışı, uygunsuzluklar içeren makaleler de dahildir.İntihal Ön kontrolden geçirilen makaleler, iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal/kendi kendine intihal tespit edilirse yazarlar bilgilendirilir. Editörler, gerekli olması halinde makaleyi değerlendirme ya da üretim sürecinin çeşitli aşamalarında intihal kontrolüne tabi tutabilirler. Yüksek benzerlik oranları, bir makalenin kabul edilmeden önce ve hatta kabul edildikten sonra reddedilmesine neden olabilir. Makalenin türüne bağlı olarak, bunun oranın %15 veya %20'den az olması beklenir.Çift Kör Hakemlikİntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir. Editör, makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakemlikten geçmesini sağlar ve makale biçimsel esaslara uygun ise, gelen yazıyı yurtiçinden ve /veya yurtdışından en az iki hakemin değerlendirmesine sunar, hakemler gerek gördüğü takdirde yazıda istenen değişiklikler yazarlar tarafından yapıldıktan sonra yayınlanmasına onay verir.

Politikalar

Dergi açık erişimlidir ve derginin tüm içeriği okura ya da okurun dahil olduğu kuruma ücretsiz olarak sunulur. Okurlar, ticari amaç haricinde, yayıncı ya da yazardan izin almadan dergi makalelerinin tam metnini okuyabilir, indirebilir, kopyalayabilir, arayabilir ve link sağlayabilir. Bu <a href="https://www.budapestopenaccessinitiative.org/translations/turkish-translation" target="_blank">BOAI</a> açık erişim tanımıyla uyumludur. Derginin açık erişimli makaleleri Creative Commons Atıf-GayrıTicari 4.0 Uluslararası (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.tr" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) olarak lisanslıdır.

Derginin tüm giderleri İstanbul Üniversitesi tarafından karşılanmaktadır. Dergide makale yayını ve makale süreçlerinin yürütülmesi ücrete tabi değildir. Dergiye gönderilen ya da yayın için kabul edilen makaleler için işlemleme ücreti ya da gönderim ücreti alınmaz.

Yazarlar dergide yayınlanan çalışmalarının telif hakkına sahiptirler ve çalışmaları  Creative Commons Atıf-GayrıTicari 4.0 Uluslararası (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.tr" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) olarak lisanslıdır. CC BY-NC 4.0 lisansı, eserin ticari kullanım dışında her boyut ve formatta paylaşılmasına, kopyalanmasına, çoğaltılmasına ve orijinal esere uygun şekilde atıfta bulunmak kaydıyla yeniden düzenleme, dönüştürme ve eserin üzerine inşa etme dâhil adapte edilmesine izin verir.

Editörler, yayınlanan makalede, bulguları, yorumları ve sonuçları etkilemeyen küçük hatalar tespit edilirse düzeltme yayınlamayı düşünebilirler. Editörler, bulguları ve sonuçları geçersiz kılan büyük hatalar / ihlaller söz konusu olduğunda, makaleyi geri çekmeyi düşünmelidir. Yazarlar tarafından araştırma veya yayını kötüye kullanmaya yönelik olasılık söz konusu ise; bulguların güvenilir olmadığına ve yazarların kurumlarının olayı soruşturmadığına dair kanıtlar var veya olası soruşturma haksız veya sonuçsuz görünüyor ise, editörler endişe ifadesi yayınlamayı düşünmelidir. Düzeltme, geri çekme veya endişe ifadesi ile ilgili olarak <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/flowcharts/complete-set-english" target="_blank">COPE</a> ve <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/" target="_blank">ICJME</a> yönergeleri dikkate alınır.

Dergide yayınlanan tüm yazıların korunmasını ve kalıcı olarak erişilebilir olmasını sağlamak için makaleler, ulusal bir arşiv sitesi olarak hizmet veren ve aynı zamanda LOCKSS'in içeriği toplamasına, korumasına ve sunmasına izin veren Dergipark'ta saklanmaktadır.Ek olarak, yazarların kendilerinin makalelerinin son PDF sürümünü Open Archives Initiative (<a href="https://www.openarchives.org/" target="_blank">https://www.openarchives.org/</a>) standartlarına uygun açık elektronik arşivlerde arşivlemeleri önerilir. Yazarlar, yayınladıkları arşiv versiyonundan, İ.Ü. Yayınevinin dergi web sitesinin URL'sine bağlantı sağlamalıdır.

Osmanlı Bilimi Araştırmaları- Studies in Ottoman Science, yayın etiğinde en yüksek standartlara bağlıdır ve <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a> ve <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> tarafından yayınlanan etik yayıncılık ilkelerini benimser; Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing başlığı altında ifade edilen ilkeler için adres: <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a>Gönderilen tüm makaleler orijinal, yayınlanmamış ve başka bir dergide değerlendirme sürecinde olmamalıdır. Yazar makalenin orijinal olduğu, daha önce başka bir yerde yayınlanmadığı ve başka bir yerde, başka bir dilde yayınlanmak üzere değerlendirmede olmadığını beyan etmelidir. Uygulamadaki telif kanunları ve anlaşmaları gözetilmelidir. Telife bağlı materyaller (örneğin tablolar, şekiller veya büyük alıntılar) gerekli izin ve teşekkürle kullanılmalıdır. Başka yazarların, katkıda bulunanların çalışmaları ya da yararlanılan kaynaklar uygun biçimde kullanılmalı ve referanslarda belirtilmelidir. Her bir makale editörlerden biri ve en az iki hakem tarafından çift kör değerlendirmeden geçirilir. İntihal, duplikasyon, sahte yazarlık/inkar edilen yazarlık, araştırma/veri fabrikasyonu, makale dilimleme, dilimleyerek yayın, telif hakları ihlali ve çıkar çatışmasının gizlenmesi, etik dışı davranışlar olarak kabul edilir.Kabul edilen etik standartlara uygun olmayan tüm makaleler yayından çıkarılır. Buna yayından sonra tespit edilen olası kuraldışı, uygunsuzluklar içeren makaleler de dahildir.

Etik

Osmanlı Bilimi Araştırmaları- Studies in Ottoman Science araştırma etiğinde en yüksek standartları gözetir ve aşağıda tanımlanan uluslararası araştırma etiği ilkelerini benimser. Makalelerin etik kurallara uygunluğu yazarların sorumluluğundadır.<ul><li>Araştırmanın tasarlanması, tasarımın gözden geçirilmesi ve araştırmanın yürütülmesinde, bütünlük, kalite ve şeffaflık ilkeleri sağlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma ekibi ve katılımcılar, araştırmanın amacı, yöntemleri ve öngörülen olası kullanımları; araştırmaya katılımın gerektirdikleri ve varsa riskleri hakkında tam olarak bilgilendirilmelidir.</li><li>Araştırma katılımcılarının sağladığı bilgilerin gizliliği ve yanıt verenlerin gizliliği sağlanmalıdır. Araştırma katılımcıların özerkliğini ve saygınlığını koruyacak şekilde tasarlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma katılımcıları gönüllü olarak araştırmada yer almalı, herhangi bir zorlama altında olmamalıdırlar.</li><li>Katılımcıların zarar görmesinden kaçınılmalıdır. Araştırma, katılımcıları riske sokmayacak şekilde planlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma bağımsızlığıyla ilgili açık ve net olunmalı; çıkar çatışması varsa belirtilmelidir.</li><li>İnsan denekler ile yapılan deneysel çalışmalarda, araştırmaya katılmaya karar veren katılımcıların yazılı bilgilendirilmiş onayı alınmalıdır. Çocukların ve vesayet altındakilerin veya tasdiklenmiş akıl hastalığı bulunanların yasal vasisinin onayı alınmalıdır.</li><li>Çalışma herhangi bir kurum ya da kuruluşta gerçekleştirilecekse bu kurum ya da kuruluştan çalışma yapılacağına dair onay alınmalıdır.</li><li>İnsan öğesi bulunan çalışmalarda, “yöntem” bölümünde katılımcılardan “bilgilendirilmiş onam” alındığının ve çalışmanın yapıldığı kurumdan etik kurul onayı alındığı belirtilmesi gerekir.</li></ul>

Makalelerin bilimsel ve etik kurallara uygunluğu yazarların sorumluluğundadır. Yazar makalenin orijinal olduğu, daha önce başka bir yerde yayınlanmadığı ve başka bir yerde, başka bir dilde yayınlanmak üzere değerlendirmede olmadığı konusunda teminat sağlamalıdır. Uygulamadaki telif kanunları ve anlaşmaları gözetilmelidir. Telife bağlı materyaller (örneğin tablolar, şekiller veya büyük alıntılar) gerekli izin ve teşekkürle kullanılmalıdır. Başka yazarların, katkıda bulunanların çalışmaları ya da yararlanılan kaynaklar uygun biçimde kullanılmalı ve referanslarda belirtilmelidir.Gönderilen makalede tüm yazarların akademik ve bilimsel olarak doğrudan katkısı olmalıdır, bu bağlamda “yazar” yayınlanan bir araştırmanın kavramsallaştırılmasına ve dizaynına, verilerin elde edilmesine, analizine ya da yorumlanmasına belirgin katkı yapan, yazının yazılması ya da bunun içerik açısından eleştirel biçimde gözden geçirilmesinde görev yapan birisi olarak görülür. Yazar olabilmenin diğer koşulları ise, makaledeki çalışmayı planlamak veya icra etmek ve / veya revize etmektir. Fon sağlanması, veri toplanması ya da araştırma grubunun genel süpervizyonu tek başına yazarlık hakkı kazandırmaz. Yazar olarak gösterilen tüm bireyler sayılan tüm ölçütleri karşılamalıdır ve yukarıdaki ölçütleri karşılayan her birey yazar olarak gösterilebilir. Yazarların isim sıralaması ortak verilen bir karar olmalıdır. Tüm yazarlar yazar sıralamasını <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/A7D94EDE1BF14AA4A532AB7DE53B5128" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formunda</a> imzalı olarak belirtmek zorundadırlar.Yazarlık için yeterli ölçütleri karşılamayan ancak çalışmaya katkısı olan tüm bireyler “teşekkür / bilgiler” kısmında sıralanmalıdır. Bunlara örnek olarak ise sadece teknik destek sağlayan, yazıma yardımcı olan ya da sadece genel bir destek sağlayan, finansal ve materyal desteği sunan kişiler verilebilir.Bütün yazarlar, araştırmanın sonuçlarını ya da bilimsel değerlendirmeyi etkileyebilme potansiyeli olan finansal ilişkiler, çıkar çatışması ve çıkar rekabetini beyan etmelidirler. Bir yazar kendi yayınlanmış yazısında belirgin bir hata ya da yanlışlık tespit ederse, bu yanlışlıklara ilişkin düzeltme ya da geri çekme için editör ile hemen temasa geçme ve işbirliği yapma sorumluluğunu taşır.

Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirirler. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar. Gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalacağını garanti eder. Baş editör içerik ve yayının toplam kalitesinden sorumludur. Gereğinde hata sayfası yayınlamalı ya da düzeltme yapmalıdır. Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemler, araştırma, yazarlar ve/veya araştırmaya fon sağlayanlarla çıkar çatışması içinde olmamalıdır. Hakemler değerlendirmelerinin sonucunda tarafsız bir yargıya varmalıdırlar. Gönderilmiş yazılara ilişkin tüm bilginin gizli tutulmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar. Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir. Bazı durumlarda editörün kararıyla, ilgili hakemlerin makaleye ait yorumları aynı makaleyi yorumlayan diğer hakemlere gönderilerek hakemlerin bu süreçte aydınlatılması sağlanabilir.

Daha önce yayınlanmamış ya da yayınlanmak üzere başka bir dergide halen değerlendirmede olmayan ve her bir yazar tarafından onaylanan makaleler değerlendirilmek üzere kabul edilir. Gönderilen ve ön kontrolü geçen makaleler iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir.Seçilen makaleler en az iki ulusal/uluslararası hakeme çift taraflı kör hakemlik ile değerlendirmeye gönderilir; yayın kararı, hakemlerin talepleri doğrultusunda yazarların gerçekleştirdiği düzenlemelerin ve hakem sürecinin sonrasında baş editör tarafından verilir.

Hakemlik Hakkında

Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirir. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar. Gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalacağını garanti eder. Baş editör içerik ve yayının toplam kalitesinden sorumludur. Gereğinde hata sayfası yayınlamalı ya da düzeltme yapmalıdır.Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemlerin araştırmayla ilgili, yazarlarla ve/veya araştırmanın finansal destekçileriyle çıkar çatışmaları olmamalıdır. Değerlendirmelerinin sonucunda tarafsız bir yargıya varmalıdırlar. Gönderilmiş yazılara ilişkin tüm bilginin gizli tutulmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar.Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir. Bazı durumlarda editörün kararıyla, ilgili hakemlerin makaleye ait yorumları aynı makaleyi yorumlayan diğer hakemlere gönderilerek hakemlerin bu süreçte aydınlatılması sağlanabilir.

Daha önce yayınlanmamış ya da yayınlanmak üzere başka bir dergide halen değerlendirmede olmayan ve her bir yazar tarafından onaylanan makaleler değerlendirilmek üzere kabul edilir. Gönderilen ve ön kontrolü geçen makaleler iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir. Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirir. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar.Seçilen makaleler en az iki ulusal/uluslararası hakeme değerlendirmeye gönderilir; yayın kararı, hakemlerin talepleri doğrultusunda yazarların gerçekleştirdiği düzenlemelerin ve hakem sürecinin sonrasında baş editör tarafından verilir.Hakemlerin değerlendirmeleri objektif olmalıdır. Hakem süreci sırasında hakemlerin aşağıdaki hususları dikkate alarak değerlendirmelerini yapmaları beklenir.-Makale yeni ve önemli bir bilgi içeriyor mu?-Öz, makalenin içeriğini net ve düzgün bir şekilde tanımlıyor mu?-Yöntem bütünlüklü ve anlaşılır şekilde tanımlanmış mı?-Yapılan yorum ve varılan sonuçlar bulgularla kanıtlanıyor mu?-Alandaki diğer çalışmalara yeterli referans verilmiş mi?-Dil kalitesi yeterli mi?Hakemler, gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar. Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir.

Aksi belirtilmedikçe gönderilen yazılarla ilgili tüm yazışmalar ilk yazarla yapılacaktır. Makale gönderimi online olarak ve <a href="https://iupress.istanbul.edu.tr/tr/journal/oba/home" target="_blank">https://iupress.istanbul.edu.tr/tr/journal/oba/home</a> adresinden erişilen <a href="http://dergipark.gov.tr/login" target="_blank">http://dergipark.gov.tr/login</a> üzerinden yapılmalıdır. Gönderilen yazılar, makale türünü belirten ve makaleyle ilgili detayları içeren (bkz: Son Kontrol Listesi) <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/5564651367904C9793844598DB878B67" target="_blank">kapak sayfası</a>; editöre mektup, yazının elektronik formunu içeren Microsoft Word 2003 ve üzerindeki versiyonları ile yazılmış elektronik dosya ve tüm yazarların imzaladığı <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/A7D94EDE1BF14AA4A532AB7DE53B5128" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a> eklenerek gönderilmelidir. Yazıların üzerinde yazarların kimliğini gösteren herhangi bir bilgi (Ad, soyadı, kurum vs.) bulunmamalıdır.1. Yazılar, Türkçe ve İngilizce olarak hazırlanabilir. Yazıların, 10 000 kelimeyi (dipnotsuz) ve 120 dipnot sayısını aşmaması tercih edilir.2. Ana metin, çift aralıklı 11 punto ile Times New Roman fontlarıyla MS Word formatında elektronik dosya olarak hazırlanır. PDF dosyası gönderilmemesi rica olunur. Makale başlığı büyük harflerle ve 12 punto koyu; ara başlıklar küçük harflerle ve 11 punto koyu yazılır.3. İngilizce araştırma ve derleme makalelerinin, araştırma notu ve çeviri yazıların ilk sayfasına, 150-200 kelimelik (anahtar sözcükler hariç) İngilizce özet eklenir; opsiyonel olarak 150-200 kelimelik Türkçe özet de eklenebilir. İngilizce olmayan makalelerde, 150-200 kelimelik makale dilinde özet, 150-200 kelimelik İngilizce özet ve 600-800 kelimelik İngilizce genişletilmiş özet de eklenmelidir. Özetlerin sonunda, en fazla 10’ar adet makalenin dilinde ve İngilizce anahtar sözcük bulunmalıdır. Her anahtar sözcük birden fazla kelime içerebilir. Kitap ve toplantı tanıtımları ve editöre mektuplara özet ve bibliyografya gerekmez. Bunlar DergiPark’a yüklenirken “Özet” alanına yazının ilk paragrafı yüklenir.4. Ekler, ana metnin arkasına, kaynakçanın önüne yerleştirilmelidir. Eklerin kaynakları, ek başlığı altında ve ayrıca kaynakçada belirtilmelidir.5. Yüzyıllar ve tarihler açık ve tam yazılır: “Onbeşinci yüzyıl”, “29 Ekim 1923” gibi. İngilizce metinlerde BCE ve CE, Türkçe metinlerde MÖ ve MS kullanılması önerilir.6. Kısa alıntılar paragraf içinde çifte tırnak arasında verilir. Uzun alıntılar tırnak işaretleri kullanılmadan sadece soldan iki kez girinti (tab) yapılmış olarak ve 10 punto ile verilir.7. Resimler ve şekillerin altyazıları bulunmalıdır. Bu altyazılarda görselle ilgili açıklama ve kaynak verilmelidir. Altyazılarda verilen kaynaklar makale sonundaki kaynakçada yer almalıdır. Resimler, şekiller ve altyazıları metnin içine, yayımlanması istenilen yerlere yerleştirilmiş olmalı, hepsi metnin sonunda toplanmamalıdır. Ayrıca bütün resimler ve şekiller DergiPark sistemine ayrı ayrı yüklenmelidir. Resimler ve şekiller ayrı ayrı numaralandırılır. Alt yazıları 9 punto ile yazılır.8. Not ve bibliyografya derginin benimsediği ve Chicago Manual of Style 16’yı temel alan referans sistemine uygun olmalıdır (Bkz: Kaynaklar)9. Dipnotlar (8 punto) her sayfanın altında verilir. Dipnot numarası metin içinde üst simge ile belirtilir. Dipnot referans numaraları noktalama işaretlerinden sonra konulmalıdır (.35 veya ,23).10. Gönderilen metin ve özetler, kullanılan dilin (Türkçe ve İngilizce) dilbilgisi ve yazım kurallarına uygun olarak yazılmış olmadır. Editör, gönderilen metnin ve özetlerin Türkçe ve yabancı dil düzenlemesini yapmakla sorumlu değildir. Anadili İngilizce olmayan yazarlar, metin ve özetlerini dergiye göndermeden önce dil düzenleme hizmetlerinden faydalanmalıdır.11. Yayınlanmak üzere gönderilen makale ile birlikte yazar bilgilerini içeren <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/5564651367904C9793844598DB878B67" target="_blank">kapak sayfası</a> gönderilmelidir. Kapak sayfasında, makalenin başlığı, yazar veya yazarların bağlı bulundukları kurum ve unvanları, kendilerine ulaşılabilecek adresler, cep, iş ve faks numaraları, ORCID ve e-posta adresleri yer almalıdır (bkz. Son Kontrol Listesi).

Yazım Kuralları

<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/A564840AC87049A0AF62827E5AFCD62B" target="_blank">Kapak Sayfası</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/A7D94EDE1BF14AA4A532AB7DE53B5128" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/6ABEC8C924D746E5ACAB361930307428" target="_blank">Yazar Formu</a>

Makalenin türüBaşka bir dergiye gönderilmemiş olduğuİngilizce yönünden kontrolünün yapıldığıYazarlara Bilgide detaylı olarak anlatılan dergi politikalarının gözden geçirildiğiReferansların derginin benimsediği Chicago Manual of Style’ı temel alan referans sistemine uygun olarak düzenlendiği<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/A7D94EDE1BF14AA4A532AB7DE53B5128" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a> (Yazar, makale yayına kabul bilgisini aldıktan sonra göndermelidir.)<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/6ABEC8C924D746E5ACAB361930307428" target="_blank">Yazar Formu</a>Daha önce basılmamış materyal (yazı-resim-tablo) kullanılmış ise izin belgesi<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/709B69CBB2304F74A6F459F72465F294" target="_blank">Kapak sayfası</a><ul><li>Makalenin kategorisi</li><li>Makale dilinde ve İngilizce başlık</li><li>Yazarların ismi soyadı, unvanları ve bağlı oldukları kurumlar (üniversite ve fakülte bilgisinden sonra şehir ve ülke bilgisi de yer almalıdır), e-posta adresleri</li><li>Sorumlu yazarın e-posta adresi, açık yazışma adresi, iş telefonu, GSM, faks numarası</li><li>Tüm yazarların ORCID’leri</li></ul>● Makale ana metni<ul><li>Önemli: Ana metinde yazarın / yazarların kimlik bilgilerinin yer almamış olması gerekir.</li><li>Makale dilinde ve İngilizce başlık</li><li>Özetler: 150-200 kelime makale dilinde ve 150-200 kelime İngilizce</li><li>Anahtar Kelimeler: Maksimum 10 adet makale dilinde ve 10 adet İngilizce</li><li>Makale ana metin bölümleri</li><li>Teşekkür, Çıkar çatışması, Finansal destek belirtilmelidir</li><li>Kaynaklar</li><li>Tablolar-Resimler, Şekiller (başlık, kaynak ve alt yazılarıyla)</li></ul>

Sayı Türü	Regular
Editör(ler)	Kaan Ata
Kapak (PDF)
Tam Metin (PDF)
Ön Sayfalar (PDF)