Asuman

Assoc. Prof.

It is said that the oracular books known as the Libri Sibyllini, which date from the Ancient Roman Kingdom Period, were brought to Rome by a mysterious woman named Sibylla. She has always been described as an old woman. According to legend she offered nine books either to Tarquinius Priscus (according to Varro), the fifth king of Rome or to Tarquinius Superbus (according to Plinius and Gellius), the last king of Rome. When Tarquinius said that the price she offered was too high, she burned three of the books and offered the remaining six at the same price but when the king again refused to accept this offer, she burned three of the remaining six books, just as she had done before. Finally after the soothsayers advised the king to buy the last three books, he bought three books for the price sought for the nine. Owing to these books, which were believed to predict the future, the people of Rome managed to cope with calamities, disasters and wars. Ancient writers have put forward different views on the origin and name of this mysterious woman, some based her origin on Erythrai, one of the twelve Ionian cities, and some on Kyme, one of the first Greek colonies in Italy. The reason for this is that both cities are believed to be the home of the famous seeress called Sibylla.A few ancient writers suggest that Sibylla once existed. A quotation from Heraclitus in Plutarch is the earliest reference to Sibylla. Euripides mentioned Sibylla in his lost play, Bousiris. Although the first clear evidence can be found in Aristophanes’ comedies Equites and Pax, much concrete evidence about Sibylla and the Sibylline Books dates from the second century to the first century BC. Especially in the works of ancient writers such as Titus Livius and Dionysius of Halicarnassus, there is important information about the subject. In the light of these works, although many authors have information about them in the Ancient Period, they inevitably fell into disagreement about the origin of Sibylla. The most detailed research on Sibylla in the Roman Period was done by Varro. Although the book Antiquitates Rerum Humanarum et Divinarum, which was published in 47 BC, was almost lost, a detailed perspective on Sibylla and the Sibylline Books has been obtained thanks to quotations made by ancient writers.&nbsp;The books known as the Libri Sibyllini containing the Sibylline oracles were kept in the temple of Jupiter on the Capitoline hill in Rome until the War of the Allies (Bellum Sociale). In the time of Tarquinius two noble people (duumviri) were appointed to consult the books. After that, this number was increased to ten (decemviri) and in the time of Sulla the priests known as the quindecimviri sacris faciundis were appointed to consult and interpret the books. As the Sibylline Books were destroyed when the Capitol was burned in 83 BC, a new collection was formed in AD 12 and deposited by Augustus in the temple of Apollo on the Palatine hill, where they lasted until the fifth century AD. Considering all oracular consultations as historical, it is clear that the reason was to get a conclusive response about&nbsp;inconceivable prodigies, calamities, disasters and wars. As a result, it is understood that sacrificial ceremonies were held to appease the gods and goddesses, as recommended by the oracular response to ward off all disasters. Owing to these events narrated by ancient writers, while it is known at least why the Sibylline Books were consulted, it is not possible to obtain precise information about exactly what was written in every oracle. Despite this, an oracle was obtained after some centuries which is a unique example today. The oracle, which was brought to light owing to the work Περὶ Θαυμασίων by Phlegon of Tralles – the freedman of Emperor Hadrianus, written in hexameter using the acrostic technique, strengthens the fact that this could be a real Sibylline oracle and gives unique information about its content.It is explained in the book De Reditu Suo by Rutilius Namatianus that the Sibylline Books, known to have been consulted in ancient Rome from 504 BC, were burned on an order given by General Flavius Stilicho in 405 AD. Although the relevant chapter in the work is the only known document that the Sibylline Books were burned by Stilicho, it is doubtful that this document is exact evidence for some reasons when looking at the background of the subject. Regardless, the Sibylline Books, which remained as ashes after this incident, had a different transformation under the name of the Sibylline Oracles (Oracula Sibyllina) which are believed to be a collection of Jewish and Christian writings between the second century BC and the fourth century AD. Numbering fifteen books by the fourth century AD, they have preserved their existence owing to manuscripts from the fourteenth century surviving to this day

A Historical Study on “Sibylla” and “Libri Sibyllini”

Murat

Although it is generally accepted that Muslim maritime activities first began in the period of ʻUthmān b. ʻAffān (23-35/644-656), Islamic historical sources mention some maritime landings and conquests carried out during the period/reign of ‘Umar b. al-Khaṭṭāb (13- 23/634-644) without his knowledge, as well as maritime activities carried out at his behest. In this study, the maritime activities carried out in the period of Caliph ‘Umar will be examined, the position and attitude of the caliph in the face of the developments, his perspectives on the sea and maritime affairs, and the measures taken to protect Muslims in the case of possible attacks will be discussed in the light of the information provided by the sources.Before Islam, Arabs were engaged in some maritime activities. As a matter of fact, the use of sea and sea characteristics in the poems written by the poets of the age of Djāhiliyya confirms this situation. As efforts to spread and consolidate Islam in the Arabian Peninsula continued during the reign of Prophet Muḥammad (610-632) with the birth of Islam, activities at sea could not be carried out continuously and regularly by Muslims during the aforementioned years. In Abu Bākr’s short caliphate time (11-13/632-634), Muslims made remarkable progress towards Iraq and Syria. However, it is possible to say that their activities were not very effective in the seas during the reign of the first caliph after Prophet Muhammad since coastal countries such as Bilād al-Shām [Syria] and Egypt were not conquered.In the history of Islam, it is understood from the information provided by the sources that the attempts with the aim of jihad in maritime affairs began in the time of Caliph ‘Umar. The main reason for this was that Muslims had gradually dominated the regions of Bilād al-Shām, Iran, Iraq and Egypt due to the jihadist activities carried out during ‘Umar b. al-Khaṭṭāb’s time.It is worth noting that the capture of Bilād al-Shām and Egypt by the Islamic armies led to the birth of a new maritime age in the Mediterranean. As a matter of fact, the Battle of Yarmūk, which took place in 15 (636), would allow the Muslims to conquer the coastal cities, meaning the Muslims would be neighboring the Byzantine Empire, which was the only dominant power in the seas in this period in the east of the Mediterranean. Although ‘Umar b. al-Khaṭṭāb did not allow sea expeditions in the Mediterranean, with some of his practices in coastal cities, he seems to have laid the groundwork for the operations that his successor would carry out.The first statesman who understood that their dominance in Syria and Egypt was under threat if Byzantium’s superiority at the sea continued and realized that the struggle against Byzantium could not be carried out without the support of the navy during the reign of Caliph ‘Umar was Muʿāwiya (d. 60/680). In general, in addition to the currently available information about the maritime activities carried out in the Persian Gulf, Indian Ocean and&nbsp;Red Sea during ‘Umar b. al-Khaṭṭāb’s era, it is seen that Muʿāwiya, who wanted to carry out maritime activities in the Mediterranean from the coastal parts of Bilād al-Shām, had an insistent request. In this regard, it was natural for Caliph ‘Umar to consult with the governor of Egypt, which is on the Mediterranean coast, to get an idea. However, it seems unlikely that the caliph did not predict that Byzantium was the supreme power in this sea, and his answer to Muʿāwiya was actually about knowing the truth. Another reason for Muʿāwiya’s rejection of his request, on the other hand, was related to the number and value of Muslims.It should be noted ‘Umar b. al-Khaṭṭāb’s reluctance to allow his commanders or governors to make sea journeys was not due to religious requirements. The sunna of the prophet, for example, his actions, rhetoric, and the Ḳurʾān did not prohibit Muslims from traveling in the sea. The Ḳurʾān encourages Muslims to explores the seas and take advantage of the rich resources there. In the same way, the hadiths recommend that Muslims should organize sea travel, go to Makka (Mecca) for Hadj, use sea resources, and develop overseas trade.‘Umar b. al-Khaṭṭāb made every effort to preserve the coastal cities in the captured areas when Iran was conquered. In fact, based on the information provided by Islamic historical sources, it seems possible that Muslims actually started maritime activities during the period of Caliph ‘Umar. The main reason for ‘Umar b. al-Khaṭṭāb’s reaction to the naval operations carried out in this geography without his permission and the hesitation of Muslims to explore the seas are the likely fatal consequences. The answer to Muʿāwiya is that Caliph ‘Umar was sensitive to the value of human life and even the number of Muslim soldiers, anticipating or knowing what power he was facing. Because of the Byzantine naval force, ‘Umar b. al-Khaṭṭāb ordered Muʿāwiya to strengthen the garrisons in the coastal areas and keep the cities under control, even if he did not allow them to make expeditions in the Mediterranean. Although he had hesitated to go to sea, he took various initiatives/steps to protect the coastal cities.It is necessary to emphasize the following: the foundation of maritime activities in the Mediterranean in a de facto manner during ʻUthmān b. ʻAffān’s era was laid during the period of his predecessor. As a matter of fact, during ‘Umar b. al-Khaṭṭāb’s time, naval operations in the Red Sea, Uman, Persian Gulf and India were relatively concentrated, while during ʻUthmān b. ʻAffān’s caliphate, it is necessary to state that naval expeditions were concentrated in the Mediterranean. The attitude of Caliph ‘Umar, who did not allow the sea expeditions that a commander/admiral like Muʿāwiya wanted to conduct in the Mediterranean and restricted maritime activities during his own caliphate, stemmed from the risk of harm to the Muslims under his rule. In addition, the caliph, who was aware of the small number of Muslims and the more deadly consequences of sea expeditions compared to land wars, must have preferred a cautious attitude in order not to allow mass deaths. The main reason why ‘Umar b. al-Khaṭṭāb behaved less tolerantly regarding the sea was the experience of Byzantines and Persians in maritime affairs.In this article, the maritime activities carried out in the Persian Gulf, Indian Ocean, and Red Sea during the caliphate of ‘Umar b. al-Khaṭṭāb, the intensive measures taken to protect the coastal cities in Bilād al-Shām, the factors affecting the attitude of the caliph, known for making decisions on the basis of consultation, towards the sea and maritime affairs were handled and evaluated chronologically in the light of the information provided by the main sources.

“Caution or Fear?” ʻUmar’s (13-23/634-644) Approach to the Sea and Seafaring

Halil

The Mongols that carried out one of the biggest invasions in world history, deeply affected the history of Islam due to the destruction they caused in the geographies where Muslims lived. After Genghis Khan (602-624/1206-1227), the Mongol ruler Möngke (649-657/1251- 1259) commissioned his brother Hūlāgū (654-663/1256-1265) to capture Iran, Iraq, Syria, Egypt, Caucasus and Anatolia, and also Möngke assigned Hūlāgū to rule these regions as a subordinate “ilkhān” (ruler of the region). Thus, the state, whose administrative center was Tabriz and was established in 654 (1256), became independent in 695 (1295) and was named Ilkhānids (654-754/1256-1354) in relation to the title of ilkhān carried by Hūlāgū. Hūlāgū captured Alamut and its surrounding castles in 654 (1256) as a duty given to him, invaded Baghdad two years later and eliminated the Abbāsīds (132-656/750-1258). The present study deals with the political and administrative activities of Ibn al-Alqamī in a period when the threats of the Mongols against the Abbāsīds increased. The views put forward by Ibn alAlqamī within the scope of the measures which needed to be taken against the Mongolian danger and the allegations made about him in connection with these measures constitute the focus of this study.&nbsp;&nbsp;Ibn al-Alqamī started his administrative career as a clerk under the auspices of his uncle, Ustādār Adūd al-Dīn Abū Nasr al-Mubārak and he was promoted to the head of Dār al-tashrīfāt and then to ustādār and lastly to vizier, respectively. It can be said that in the appointment of Ibn al-Alqamī to the vizierate, the highest position after the caliphate under the Abbāsīd administration, his skill in the profession of clerk and his successful fulfillment, as well as his good relationship with the Ustādār Ibn al-Nākıd and the patronage of ustādār were effective. It is possible that some practices that had become relatively basic in the Abbāsīd administration history since 6th/12th century could be considered in his appointment. At this point, it should be emphasized that it was important for Ibn al-Alqamī to fulfill his duty as an ustādār. As a matter of fact, some people such as Nizām al-Dīn Ibn Jahīr (d. 549/1154) and Abū al-Faraj Adūd al-Dīn Ibn al-Muslimah (d. 573/1178), who were the predecessors of Ibn al-Alqamī, rose from ustādār to vizierate. It can be said that a similar statement is also valid in terms of the sectarian affiliation of viziers. Especially since the Caliph al-Nāsır-Lidīn Allāh, in order to establish the authority of the caliphate over all Shiite and Sunni groups, people from Hanafi and Shafii sects were appointed to some high-level positions while persons from Shiite thought such as Ibn al-Qassāb (d. 592/1196), Nāsır alLidīn Nāsır ibn al-Mahdī (d. 617/1220) and Muayyad al-Dīn al-Qummī (d. 630/1232) were assigned as vizier. In this sense, it can be thought that the fact that Ibn al-Alqamī was Shiite, was effective in his appointment to the vizierate. It is seen that Ibn al-Alqamī, who had a very close relationship with the Caliph Musta‘sim in the first period of his vizierate, gained an important administrative influence. Apart from the Caliph, it is understood that Ibn al-Alqamī&nbsp;wanted to establish close relations with other high-level state leaders such as Davātdār alSagīr Mucāhid al-Dīn Aybag and Davātdār al-Kabīr Amīr Alā al-Dīn al-Taybarsī, but he was not successful in this matter. In addition to Aybag and al-Taybarsī, some people in the close vicinity of the caliph were distant to Ibn al-Alqamī after he was appointed to the vizierate. The attitudes of these people against Ibn al-Alqamī caused him to lose his position next to the caliph and to keep relatively in the background in terms of administration. In Karkh, Aybag and Abu Bakr’s, the son of the caliph, excessive behavior towards the Shiites and Ibn alAlqamī’s inability to prevent these behaviors as a vizier caused the hostility between Ibn alAlqamī and Aybag to become inconclusive. While Ibn al-Alqamī accused Aybag of trying to dethrone the caliph, Aybag accused Ibn al-Alqamī of secretly meeting with Hūlāgū. Aybag’s claims about Ibn al-Alqamī were not limited to this and it is mentioned that Ibn al-Alqamī disbanded the Abbāsīd army and left Baghdad defenseless, and tried to establish a Shiite state by eliminating the Sunni Abbāsīd caliphate. Mamlūk sources used expressions such as “traitor”, “enemy of Islam” about Ibn al-Alqamī. It can be said that one of the possible reasons why Mamlūk historians took such a harsh attitude towards Ibn al-Alqamī, who was known as being Shiite, was sect fanaticism. However, it should not be forgotten that these authors, who wrote their works in a period when the destruction of the Mongols was still happening and in a geography where there was the possibility of encountering a new Mongol attack at any moment, had an extremely negative opinion about the Mongols. In other words, since the Mongols were perceived as a chronic enemy in terms of Mamlūks, bad opinions and thoughts about the Mongols were also reflected in the works that were written in this period. Therefore, it should be considered that the opinions of Mamlūk historians about the Mongols, regardless of the sect’s fanaticism, may have been reflected in the records they narrated about Ibn al-Alqamī. Apart from the Mamlūk sources, there is no information about Ibn al-Alqamī’s correspondence with Hūlāgū in the accounts of historians such as Rāshīd al-Dīn Fazl Allāh, Atā Malik el-Cuvaynī, Ibn al-Tiktakā and in the work named Havādis al-Cāmi‘a. At this point, it can be assumed that Ibn al-Tiktakā, just like the Mamlūk historians, acted with sectarian fanaticism. That is, Ibn al-Tiktakā may not have included the narrations expressing a negative opinion about Ibn al-Alqamī in his work because he belonged to the same sect. It is not possible to be content with the records of the Ilkhānid historians about Ibn al-Alqamī’s administrative career and his relations with the Mongols. In addition, the narrations for and against Ibn al-Alqamī cannot be matched with each other and these narrations alone are far from convincing. However, according to what historians who had different views about Ibn al-Alqamī unanimously stated, it is understood that when the Mongols were besieging Baghdad, Ibn al-Alqamī persistently wanted to send a large amount of money and gifts to Hūlāgū, but al-Mustansir, due to the influence of his close circle, especially Aybag, did not accept the opinion of his vizier. This situation reveals that Ibn al-Alqamī lost his power in terms of administration, and he wanted the Mongol danger to be overcome with the least&nbsp;damage with the gifts sent to Hūlāgū. It should also be considered that this attitude of Ibn alAlqamī may have been reflected in the Mamlūk sources as he collaborated with the Mongols.&nbsp;&nbsp;Ibn al-Alqamī’s loss of effectiveness and the presence of commanders such as Aybag and Suleyman Shah, who insisted on waging war against the Mongols, show that it is not possible for Ibn al-Alqamī to detract the Abbāsīd army from Baghdad. At this point, it should be noted that the number of one hundred thousand given by some Mamlūk historians for the Abbāsīd army does not reflect the truth. Again in this period, the fact that there were no problems between the Abbāsīd and the Shiites other than the events in the Karkh and the fact that the Mongols carried out a great massacre after the invasion without a distinction between Shiite and Sunni weakens the claim that Ibn al-Alqamī corresponded with Hūlāgū in order to establish a Shiite state. On the other hand, unlike many statesmen, it is unlikely that Ibn al-Alqamī was not killed by the Mongols and left in his former position as evidence of his cooperation with Hūlāgū because the Mongols did not kill many other Abbāsīd statesmen, they left some of them in their former duties, and they did not show the necessary respect to Ibn al-Alqamī as a vizier.&nbsp;As a result, it should be stated that it is not an easy conclusion to describe this attitude of Ibn al-Alqamī, who desired to contact Hūlāgū at every opportunity, as treason since he thinks that the Mongol danger could be eliminated by sending various gifts.

Ibn al-Alqamī (d. 656/1258), The Last Vizier of Abbāsīd, and His Relationship with The Mongols

Şerife

In 1517, after the Syria, Egypt and Hijaz expeditions of Yavuz Sultan Selim, the city of Hebron joined the Ottoman lands. Necessary repairs were made in the city visited by Sultan Selim I. The southwestern part of western Palestine, or Damascus province, was then divided into four main sanjaks at that time: Gaza, Laccun (northern valleys), Nablus, and Jerusalem. In this administrative and military structure of the Ottoman administration, alKhalil was transformed into a township linked to the Sanjak of Jerusalem. The borders of the Jerusalem sanjak extending to al-Khalil in the south stretched from Ramlah in the north and from Jaffa on the Mediterranean coast to the east of the city from the valley of Jericho and Jordan. Throughout the century, minor border changes have occurred, but in general, this administrative and military division remained largely unchanged from the Ottoman conquest until the 18th century.With the conquest of Syria, Egypt and Hejaz during the reign of Selim I, the administration and organization of the pilgrimage passed to the Ottoman State. After that, the Ottomans had an empire spanning three continents and had achieved the status of being the religious leader of Muslim countries. The mid-16th century was a turning point in the attitude of the Ottoman administration center towards the south of Bilad al-Sham as a whole. The activities of Suleiman the Magnificent in these areas should be seen within the framework of practices aimed at integrating the region into a developing Ottoman state and administration approach. The most important part of the ideal of integrating this newly conquered geography into the imperial imagination was the pilgrimage organization. In the half century after the conquest, a significant number of attempts were made by the imperial center to attract pilgrims or facilitate travel in these areas. The activities carried out in Khasseki Sultan Imâret (Public Kitchen) in Jerusalem and Simât al-Kalîl (Table of Abraham) in Hebron should be seen as important components of this ideal. Because the public kitchens in Jerusalem and al-Khalil were quite large and they played important roles in ensuring the continuity of the pilgrims coming to the holy cities and meeting their needs. Moreover, caravanserais, inns and baths built in the 18th century, -along the roads passing passing from Istanbul to Damascus, from there to Madinah and Mecca, Jerusalem and al-Khalil within the framework of the pilgrimage organization operated with a certain degree of order. The construction of cities, towns and ranges is important in terms of showing the point this viewpoint has reached.The Halilurrahman Waqf, which was also known as the Table of Abraham, was a waqfcomplex that also included the al-Halil Mosque, which was built on the tombs of many prophets, importantly, Abraham the Prophet.Muslim pilgrims who visited Mecca and Medina for centuries with the intention of pilgrimage came to Bayt al-Mukaddis, whose virtues were praised in verses and hadiths,and which were recommended to be visited, with the intention of gaining more rewards. The abundance and contact with mi‘râc of this town, which is “blessed” in the Qur’an, has always been a center of attraction for all Muslims and especially Sufis. The importance of these towns, which have held a special and sacred place for Muslim visitors since the early years of Islam, was fixed with hadiths and was shaped by local traditions. Since the route from Istanbul to Mecca is close to the route, Ottoman pilgrims also frequently visited the cities of Jerusalem and al-Khalil while going on pilgrimage. Due to the location of the city of al-Khalil on these pilgrimage roads and the graves of the prophets found here, visitors from all over the Islamic world were welcomed at the Table of Abraham because they were regarded as guests of Allah. Although it was not a sultan or vizier waqf, the Halilurrahman Waqf was a large-budget waqf, which had important income sources in terms of both the city of al-Khalil and the region in which it was located, and those who came to the city, especially the pilgrims, sufis and travelers, were fed in the Table of Abraham. The inn, baths and shops allocated of the cities of the waqf al-Khalil, Jerusalem, Gaza and Ramlah constitute the revenues of the foundation for urban origin. These revenues were around 103,572 para in 1117-1118 / 1705-1707. However, the waqf obtained revenues in excess of 900,000 para in the same year mainly from rural sources. With this budget size, the services it saw and the employment volume of more than two hundred people, the foundation provided serious amounts to the economy of the city of al-Khalil through purchases of goods and services and salary payments. With the enormous revenues of the villages devoted to it, the foundation had a central position and an important weight in the agricultural economy of the region. With these assets, the foundation was in a position to affect and support the regional and urban economy.For this reason, the control and monitoring mechanism of this waqf, which was controlled by the Ottoman central administration, was more careful and versatile than the mechanism of ordinary waqfs. The most effective tool in this mechanism was the accounting system, which consisted of the annual main accounting book and various detailed records kept according to the standard posting principles. Depending on the accounting, the control and monitoring mechanism had been effective according to the standards of its time, thanks to the officers and auditors responsible for waqf accounting. In addition, although the waqf’s accounts were submitted to the mutawalli of the waqf every year, it was always possible to supervise the waqf accounting by the representatives of the supervisory authorities, and by local judges, usually following a complaint.Accounting records are important as they are one of the main archive sources to reestablish an organization’s actual functioning. Moreover, accounting records have entered the workspace of the historian, considering that the effectiveness of accounting control is seen as a factor that leads to institutional effectiveness and that accounting records reflect&nbsp;corporate development and change. Recently, international publications and symposiums on accounting applications with different approaches and conceptual frameworks have increased and created a new literature. However, it is noteworthy that there are few investigations regarding the accounting practices of the Ottoman Empire, which had a well-established accounting tradition and kept its records in archives. This may be due to the fact that researchers of accounting origin rather than historians turn to the history of accounting, while historians see only the records as material of institutional, economic and financial history.On the other hand, independent studies on Hebron and its waqfs in the Ottoman period are few in number. In addition, there are studies examining Jerusalem and al-Khalil within the framework of the surras sent to “al-Haramayn”. In this context, it is aimed to determine the financial status of the waqf at the beginning of the 18th century by examining the subsequent accounting records of the current study Halilurrahman Waqf. Thus, within the framework of the study aiming to contribute to the existing literature on the city and waqfs of al-Khalil in the Ottoman period, accounting books have been included, which are valuable resources for waqfs as well as for social and economic history, in terms of providing information about the social and economic conditions of the waqf. The records were applied within the boundaries of this article in the context of the Halilurrahman Waqf.As a result of the current study, the total income and expense figures in the two accounting records of the Halilurrahman Waqf dating to the beginning of the 18th century were created and then the method of decomposing them was used to develop a detailed analysis. Thus, foundation village revenues, cash surplus and uncollected revenues from the previous year, which constituted waqf revenues, are stated separately. Personnel expenses, storehouse, kitchen, lighting expenses, repair expenses and miscellaneous expenses, which constituted the waqf expenses together, are also expressed. These accounts show us the diversity and composition of the income sources of the Halilurrahman Waqf in Hebron. In addition, the data obtained from these income records enable us to follow the financial status of the waqf. Examination of the expense side of the accounting books completed the waqf financial statement. Expenditures for food and other products consumed regularly in the public kitchen provided us with important information in terms of the operation and services of the waqfcomplex of Hebron.&nbsp;

The Financal Situation of the Halilurrahman Waqf In Hebron at the Beginning of the 18th Century

Mehmet

While the Ottoman Empire was dealing with political and economic problems in the 19th century, it initiated reforms in many administrative and economic fields as well as in the military. Modern schools were opened by taking military training in the West as an example for the reformation of the army. Turkish military high schools have been opened since 1845 in order to send qualified students to Turkish Military and Naval academies. For the same purpose, military secondary schools were opened in 1875 and began to affect the increase in the quality of military education. In this context, the main objective of this article is to reveal the importance of Kasımpaşa Military Secondary School, which was one of the first military secondary schools in the history of Turkish education.&nbsp;The 19th century, which is described as the age of education for Europe, was an era in terms of having same the aspects in this field for the Ottoman Empire. Ottoman administrators, who saw that the failures, lack of weapons and equipment on the battlefields could be compensated with the qualified manpower to be trained in this field, decided to open modern military schools. Since 1875, the opening of military secondary schools has made important contributions to the modernization of military education. Kasımpaşa Naval Military Secondary School (Kasımpaşa Askerî Rüşdiyesi) was opened in the same year. It was among the military institutions providing modern vocational training in Istanbul. In this school, an average of 250-400 students were trained per year. English was compulsory here as a foreign language. Students were trained at this school in a military discipline. Kasımpaşa was known as the neighborhood of mariner families. These people generally preferred this school for the education of their children. Thus, some families became a part of the navy with the tradition of being a sailor from father to son.Military secondary schools were first opened in Istanbul during the period of Sultan Abdülaziz (1861-1876). These schools seemed to be very useful. In the following years, and especially during the period of Sultan Abdülhamid II (1876-1909), the number of these secondary military schools was increased. In addition, military secondary schools were opened in Anatolia. The new military secondary schools also spread to the Balkan provinces especially near the locations of military high schools. At the beginning of the 20th century, the number of military secondary schools, which were opened over a wide area from the Balkans to the Arabian Peninsula, was over 20.Kasımpaşa Military Secondary School was constructed on a plot 31 meters long, 20 meters wide, based on a 620 square meter plot consisting of two floors. It was planned that 50-60 students would graduate from this school every year and would go to the Naval Academy in Heybeliada. Nevertheless in the first years, the this goal was not achieved. Only 18-20 students were able to graduate from the school between the years of 1877-1878. Some&nbsp;of the students left school because of their lack of success and their absence. This was an unexpected situation which caused the number of students in the Naval Academy to decrease. Every year, it was possible to send an average of about 15-20 students from Kasımpaşa Naval Military Secondary School to the Naval Academy. However, it was decided that the Naval Academy would cater for more than 40 students.It was also seen that this number increased in certain years. For example, in 1890 it reached 25 students and 30 students in 1891. Among those there were some students who had graduated from other civilian secondary schools and who had attended the Naval Academy. There were also difficulties in finding a sufficient number of students.Different studies were also carried out to meet the student needs. In this context, the option of sending students who graduated from civil secondary schools to the Naval Academy came to the agenda. For instance, the special school directorate named Maşrık-ı Füyûzat in the Fatih district of Istanbul was chosen to send students to Naval Academy. This school was required to include maritime-related lessons in its educational programs. The Maşrık-ı Füyûzat, the application of Kasımpaşa Naval Military Secondary School curriculum, was requested. Based on this decision those who graduated from Maşrık-ı Füyuzat were allowed to attend in the Naval AcademyThe curriculum of the Kasımpaşa Military Secondary Naval School was almost the same as other military secondary schools. In other military secondary schools, the foreign language was French, while in the Kasımpaşa Naval Military Secondary School, the foreign language was English. The reason why English language was compulsory was the import of ship and marine technology from England.A new class was opened in 1879 in the Kasımpaşa Naval Military Secondary School. The purpose of this was to take a step towards training clerks for the navy. This class was called Menşe-i Küttab. The training period in this class was two years. Students who graduated from Naval Secondary School but who were over the age of entering the Naval Academy were selected for this training. The number of students in this system changed over the years. It was between 5 and 20 people on average. For example, 11 students graduated from this class in 1892.With all these features, Kasımpaşa Naval Military Secondary School has an important place in the history of Turkish military education. This school was the first and only school among the military secondary schools to offer a naval education. The building of the Naval Military Secondary School continues to raise new students as an educational institution affiliated with the Turkish Ministry of National Education.

Modernization Efforts in Ottoman Military Education: Kasımpaşa Naval Secondary School

Sinem

Yildiz Porcelain Factory: The Heart of Production in the Palace Garden with Its Establishment and Operation

Serdar

While Russia seized Revan, Nakhchivan, Karabakh, Urmia and Ardabil between 1826- 1828, they collected some manuscripts from Iranian libraries and transferred them to Tbilisi and then to St. Petersburg. Some of those manuscripts were presented to the Czar of Russia in 1829 by Feth Ali Shah. During the War of 1828-1829 with the Ottomans, Russians also collected some manuscripts from Turkish cities such as Ahiska, Erzurum and Bayezid. So far, there has been no study dealing with the fate of these manuscripts that were gathered from the aforementioned regions and then taken to St. Petersburg. There are catalogues of oriental manuscripts, but they do not contain any relevant information about these manuscripts. In other words, it does not provide information about who collected these manuscripts and how they changed hands. In this study, we will discuss the manuscripts that Russia collected from the Turkish-Islamic regions in the 1826-1829 War and brought to their capital based on Russian archive sources. Also information will be given on the current state of manuscripts.&nbsp;In the first part of this study, before dealing with those manuscripts, we give information about the manuscripts in Iran. The archive of the period indicates that there were many manuscripts at the Sheikh Safiyuddin Tomb in Ardabil. The archive records show that there were 582 Qur’an and Tafsir, six religious, 11 History, 19 divans, 91 kutub-i muteferrika and 15 books of unknown subject with a total of 724 manuscripts. When the Russian-Iranian War of 1826-1828 started, the Russians who occupied Iranian cities started to collect manuscripts they came cross. Prof. Senkovsky, who was an Orientalist expert in St. Petersburg, wrote a letter to the Chief of Staff to ensure that these works were identified and brought to the centre of the Russian empire. In his letter, Senkovsky stated that despite the darkness of ignorance, the most valuable Arabic, Persian and Armenian writings of the East were present in the libraries of Iranian cities such as Sardarabad, Revan, Nakhchivan, Tabriz, Isfahan, Tehran, Rashd, Mashhad, Merv and Herat. He stressed that Britains, Prussians and French were searching for such works in Istanbul, Damascus and Baghdad libraries through their envoys and agents in vain. In this letter, Senkovsky stress that these books should be confiscated and brought to St. Petersburg. He even wanted them to be considered as part of the war compensation demanded from Iran. In Senkovskiy’s opinion, the books would be brought to the Oriental Institute, thus creating an enormous collection of resources for Oriental studies in Russia.Senkovsky’s letter was sent to A. S. Griboyedov, who was in the region for a diplomatic mission. After the talks between Russia and Iran failed, the war between the two countries started again. After the failure of this talk, the Russian army immediately moved forward and took over Urmia on 15th January of 1828. Despite a number of diplomatic obstructions by the British, the Russian forces entered Ardabil on the 25th January in 1828 and seized the&nbsp;manuscripts found in the tomb of Sheikh Safiyuddin, the ancestor of the Safavids, first to be sent to Tbilisi, then from there, to St. Petersburg. The mullahs, however, objected to the seizure of the manuscripts. Upon their objections, the Russian authorities promised that once the copies of manuscripts were made the original ones would be sent back to Ardabil. The high-level officials in St. Petersburg, on the other hand, demand that if the Iranian authorities insisted on the return of the books, the officials in charge of the manuscripts should give an appropriate excuse (for example, saying that it would take a long time to copy the books) and thus, preventing the return of these valuable works. Among those taken to St. Petersburg were seven cannons, a few rifles, the tent of Abbas Mirza and two paintings seized from the summer palace of Abbas Mirza in Ucan (now a city on the Armenian border), along with all the manuscripts in Ardabil.Some of the manuscripts in Russia today consist of books given to Tsar Nikolai by Prince Husrev Mirza, who went to Russia to issue an apology after the murder of the Russian Ambassador Griboyedov in Tehran in 1829. Iranian ruler Feth Ali Shah, sent his grandson Husrev Mirza with valuable gifts and a crowded delegation to St. Petersburg in order to draw the curtain on this incident (the murder of Griboyedov) and to ease the tension between the two countries that could trigger a new war. The aforementioned manuscripts were brought to Russia and presented to the Imperial Palace at this time. This study identified the names of the manuscripts recorded by Orientalist Christian Martin von Frahn in the palace library on 19th October in 1829 in archival sources.After making peace with Iran, the Russians entered the war with the Ottomans and pursued the manuscripts in the Turkish cities and castles they occupied in Eastern Anatolia during the 1828-1829 Ottoman-Russian War. At the beginning of the war, a total of 45 books on literature, history, geography and religion, including divan and dictionaries, were collected. Eight of the 45 manuscripts sent to St. Petersburg to be registered with the Palace Library were from the Bayezid library and one from Ahiska. The remaining 36 manuscripts were acquired from Dagestan and Erzurum, and in total 45 manuscripts were sent to the Russian Chief of Staff. The names of the manuscripts collected from Bayezid and Erzurum in 1829 were published in the 46th issue (1829) of Tiflisskiye Vedomosti, the official publication of Tbilisi Military Governorate. The names of these manuscripts are mentioned in this study.According to another document held in the Russian State Archives of History (RGIA), it is understood that the Russians took some manuscripts collected from Ahiska to the library of I. Nikolai. According to the information given by Abbas Kulu Aga Bakihanov, who was an interpreter when the Russians entered Ahiska, at that time, there were 300 books and three Qur’an in the library in Ahiska. Therefore, based on archival documents, it is clear that the Russians collected numerous manuscripts from the cities in Caucasus, Iran and the Ottoman border between 1826-1829 and they have made a special effort to take them to St.Petersburg. Although the Russians declared that they would return the originals manuscripts after making copies of those that they had collected, especially from Iran, none of those works were returned. As a result of these Russian activities, Iran and Turkey were obliged to leave at least a certain portion of the wealth of their culture in Russia.It is also important to highlight the role of Prof. Senkovsky in regard to these manuscripts since he played a major role in bringing these works to Russia by drawing attention to these Islamic manuscripts. In addition, during the campaigns of Russian armies in Caucasus, Iran and the Ottomans in 1828-1829, Senkovsky prepared pocket dictionaries to meet the foreign language needs of the soldiers. This shows that the Russian military operations in the Caucasus at the beginning of the XIX. century were carried out in liaison with the scientists working in the field of Orientalism. Senkovsky’s scientific activities have contributed significantly to the development of the so-called Orientalism or Orientalism in Russia. Thus, Russia has become quite rich among the countries that hold manuscripts belonging to the Islamic world.Finally, it would be wise to provide some information about the libraries where these manuscripts are taken in Russia. Most of the manuscripts taken from Ardabil, Ahiska, Erzurum and Bayezid are preserved at the Institute of Oriental Manuscripts of the Russian Academy of Sciences (IVR RAN) in St Petersburg. However, it should be pointed out that this library can be accessed with special permission to work on Turkish-Islamic manuscripts which brings its own challenges. We have also cited the catalogues of the manuscripts that prepared at various times in the text. In addition to this, some manuscripts taken to Russia are also kept in the St. Petersburg State University Faculty of Oriental Studies’ Manuscripts Department and the National Library of Russia’ Manuscripts Department (RNB OR) as well as the Hermitage Museum. These manuscripts can be accessed from the catalogues of the relevant libraries.

Transfer of Some Manuscripts from Ardabil, Ahiska, Bayezid and Erzurum to St. Petersburg in 1826-1829

Selcen

Assist. Prof.

The 1920-1940 period were the most difficult years for Turkey in all respects. One of the many problems faced by the Turkish nation (which emerged from the First World War and struggle for liberation against invasions), and its rulers was the issue of population and identity. The reproduction of the Turkish nation, which had reached the point of extinction as a result of long years of wars, as well as the achievement of a certain identity understanding formed the essence of the population policies of the period. In order to achieve this, every opportunity was used. In this context, the policy of increasing the population was followed in the first years of the republic. While measures were taken to reduce deaths, remedies were sought to increase fertility. Another way to increase the population was to bring the Muslim Turkish population, which was an Ottoman remnant and lived outside Anatolia, to the homeland. The exchange agreements signed with various Balkan countries, especially Greece, and Hatay’s accession to the homeland were important stages in these efforts.As it is known, the Agreement and Protocol on the Exchange of Turkish-Greek People was signed in Lausanne on 30 January 1923. Subsequently, after being accepted in the Turkish Grand National Assembly, joint commissions were established and the process was initiated. Only then did another problem arise: Who would define the adjective exchangee? Because different nations, who lived together for hundreds of years, defining themselves after the empire became a mystery in itself. By means of marriages, births, exchanges and migrations, past identities emerged from each other. This situation must have become a problem for the exchange commission that was established, as the commission was only able to determine the identity that would be recognized as the determining factor for the exchange procedures four years later at its meeting on 31 March 1927. As a result of the meeting, the commission decided to interpret and apply the terms “Muslim Religion” and “Greek Orthodox Religion” regardless of race. The decision of the Exchange Commission in 1927 directly affected the definition of citizen of the newly established state and also the fate of the Gagauz people within the framework of our topic.The greatest concern of Hamdullah Suphi Tanrıöver was that the Gagauz people would not be accepted by the state because they were Christians. For this reason, he gave examples showing that religious differences within the same nation would not be a problem, and he offered material evidence for his ideas and tried to prevent possible objections. Unfortunately, Hamdullah Suphi Tanrıöver will be justified in his concerns, in a sense, what he fears will happen to him. Suphi Bey, who could not get the turns that he expected from the government and could not do what he wanted to do, resorted to a new path in order to realize his plans. Using the power of the press, he wanted to tell the Turkish nation who the Gagauz people were and the difficult conditions they were in. Hamdullah Suphi Tanrıöver tried to introduce&nbsp;the Gagauz people to the Turkish people with the help of people he knew from the Turkish press. Possibly increasing the visibility of the Gagauz society will also create a public and state officials for their transport to Turkey can not remain indifferent to consider.&nbsp;The writings of Yaşar Nabi Nayır about the Gagauz people were really effective. Because, following the series of articles in question, letters written directly to İsmet İnönü by Tevfik Kâmil Koperler, who was the Ambassador in Madrid at that time, starting from 18 January 1936 are the most important proofs of this. What Tevfik Kâmil Koperler wrote would affect the decisions of the state dignitaries. Kâmil Koperler, who was also a law professor, served as the Clerk of the Lausanne Conference Turkish Delegation. However, more importantly, he was the Head of the Turkish Delegation of the Turkish Greek Population Exchange. Direct Addressing the Prime Minister Ismet Inonu, and reports that he wrote the Gagauz and that should not come to Turkey that Turkey has written. According to Kâmil Bey, who was personally present in Lausanne where the exchange decision was made, possible immigration is against Lausanne. The situation has been clarified and a sample of the Gagauz, if Turkey has even said that if they were in built-up to Greece because of the scope of the Exchange Agreement to be Orthodox.In this historical process that the construction of national identity, national identity, they also define the founders of the newly founded Republic of Turkey. Of course, it was a painful process for the state, which was the remnant of the empire, to establish a new Turkish identity from the population dispersed from the Middle East to the Balkans. Although the main element of Turkish identity was seen as the ethnic element, in fact the dominant element of national identity for the founders of this period was the Islam religion. It has been established as a manifestation of the past. Because the Balkan nations always emphasized their being “Orthodox” when defining themselves. In these years when nations were almost rebuilt, the administrators chose “Islam” as the main backbone of the Turkish identity under the conditions of the period. In a sense, the 1927 Exchange Commission decision made it official.

The Unofficial Struggle of a Diplomate: Unknown Gagauz Defense of Hamdullah Suphi

Jean

Prof.

Mantzikert: Askeri Bir Başarısızlık mı?

Arzu

Special Issue on Crimea - Call for Papers

Ekrem

Prof. Dr.

A Turkic Instrument Found In Mongolia: Altay Harp

Burak

Res. Assist.

This study focuses on the life of Shams al-Dawla Chökermish and seeks an answer to the question of the role of the umarā class during the Seljuk struggle for the throne and their relationship with the weakening of the state through Chökermish's life. Shortly after its foundation, the Seljuk State had succeeded in expanding the territory it ruled over a wide area. As a result of this expansion, the administration of the captured lands became an important issue. In this respect, local dynasties or emirs appointed by the centre assumed an important role and a strong administrative class emerged to govern the new cities. Especially the struggle for the throne that started after the death of Malik Shah would bring these emirs to an even more important position. The region of al-Jazīra, which was captured by the Seljuks, was important with its strategic location, developed cities and commercial potential. From the early years of the Seljuk Empire, its interest in this geography began to shift and the most significant gains in the region were achieved during the reign of Malik Shah. With these gains, the Seljuk authority in the region was consolidated and rulers loyal to the Seljuk centre took over the administration in the cities of al-Jazīra. Shams alDawla Chökermish, who started to make a name for himself in the region shortly after the death of Malik Shah, was one of these ruling emirs.&nbsp;Chökermish, one of the emirs of Turkish origin, first established his rule in Jazīra Ibn ‘Umar and succeeded in extending it to Mosul, Nusaybin and Harran, the major cities of the region. After Jazīra Ibn ‘Umar, he could not immediately establish the control of Mosul, which was his main target, and had to obey Kurboga for a while. Chökermish, who knew politics well, adopted a peaceful attitude towards Kurboğa, whom he realised he could not overcome, and sided with him. In the sultanate struggles of the reign of Berkyārūk, he endeavoured to take part in the side of Kurboga. The real rise in his career started after the death of Kürboga. The transfer of Mosul administration to Turkmen Musa’s control mobilised Chökermish and he was able to dominate the city after a while. Chökermish's era of prosperity began after he seized control of Mosul. Chökermish's expanding sovereignty in al-Jazīra and his increasing wealth are covered in detail in the sources of the period. Chökermish, who belonged to the class of wealthy and landowning emirs, set a good example for the umarā of the period in his administration and political career. Chökermish, who prioritised his own interests and did not hesitate to fight even against members of the Seljuk dynasty when necessary, did not hesitate to propagandise his victory over Muhammad Tapar against his other rivals. Chökermish, who never saw war against his enemies as the primary solution, drew attention with his wise and foresighted politics and endeavoured to collapse his rivals from within or to buy them off with money.&nbsp;Chökermish’s main regional struggle was with the Artuqids and he confronted Soqman many times. Due to their common interests, the two formed an alliance against the Crusaders in Harran, but their relationship was not good in this particular incident. Chökermish captured the Count of Urfa, one of the Crusader leaders captured during the war, from Soqman's tent and made him a prisoner on his own behalf. Yāqutī, a descendant of the Artuqids, also encountered Chökermish and lost his life during a battle with him. Another Artuqid, Ilghazi, also confronted Chökermish but was unable to gain the upper hand against him. Chökermish was able to break the alliance of IlghaziRıdvan formed against him thanks to his political intelligence and he was able to remove this threat by separating his rivals from each other. His rule in Mosul also crossed the paths of Chökermish and Imâdeddîn Zengî, and Zengî, who would make his name in the near future of the Islamic world, lived under his patronage in the city.Chökermish’s dominance over the rich cities of al-Jazīra increased his influence and he confronted Muhammad Tapar, a member of the Seljuk dynasty and the future sultan of the state. Muhammad Tapar, who besieged Mosul, could not overcome Chökermish’s strong defence and could not capture the city. Meanwhile, the news of Berkyārūk's death stopped Chökermish and he went to Muhammad Tapar and made peace with him. Muhammad Tapar, who should have focused on the struggle for the throne, had to leave Chökermish in his place and postpone the problem with him to a later date. Chökermish’s successful defence of Mosul cannot be explained solely by military motives. Chökermish had a characteristic not seen in all the umarās of the period, for he was a ruler who was very popular with his people. The people of Mosul had great affection for Chökermish and did not hesitate to fight the Seljuk dynasty for him. When they saw Chökermish go to Muhammad Tapar to discuss the terms of surrender, the people were in great mourning and this did not escape the attention of the future sultan. Muhammad Tapar kept his meeting with him short and told him to return to his people, and the people of Mosul showed loyalty to his family even after the death of Chökermish. His success against Muhammad Tapar further increased Chökermish's prestige and in time he showed some disobedience towards the Seljuk capital. Muhammad Tapar, who had not forgotten the problem he had had with him in the past, removed Chökermish from his duties and appointed another emir, Chavli, in his place. Chökermish disobeyed this order and preferred to fight. Although Chavli was a formidable opponent, Chökermish was confident in himself and believed that his army, which was larger than his rival, would prevail. Meanwhile, Chökermish, who was advanced in age and paralysed, personally participated in the battle with Chavli, but his army was defeated. With the death of his guards who were in charge of protecting him, Chökermish was captured. His captivity with Chavli was difficult and humiliating, and he died after a while. Chökermish became one of the most important symbols of the Seljuk rule in al-Jazīra and established a rich power by winning the love of his people. He is a good example for the emirs of the Seljuk period with his administrative approach, activities, policy and independent behaviour. His career started from the lower ranks of the military organisation and, thanks to the opportunities and weaknesses offered by the Seljuk administrative system, he rose to become the number one name in Al-Jazīra, but he died at the peak of his power.&nbsp;

A Seljuk Governor In al-Jazīra: Shams al-Dawla Chokermısh

Nilgün

Assoc. Prof. Dr.

Politics and Gender in the Last Period of the Ilkhāns: The Case of Bagdād Khatun

Gökhan

Res. Assist. Dr.

It is possible to say that inequality studies generally focus on the post-industrialization period. However, the most important reference that attract economic historians' attention to the pre-industrial period and perhaps encourages them to study the course of long-term inequality in recent years is Zanden's study of the Dutch Republic. Zanden studied the pre-industrial Netherlands and observed an increase in inequality accompanying long-term economic expansion. Thus he suggested that a “Super Kuznets Curve” can be defined that connects pre-modern with industrial economic growth. The "Super Kuznets Curve" paved the way for literature on inequality, which is assumed to be stagnant, especially for the pre-industrial period. The Super Kuznets Curve has been questioned by economic historians in two different ways. First, if economic growth and the increase in inequality acted together, what happened to inequality during the periods of economic contraction? Secondly, if the main trend in the pre-industrial period was indeed the increase of inequality, was this accompanied by a continuous economic growth? In other words, was the economic expansion sine qua non for inequality?Economic historians have created a long-term literature on inequality covering the late medieval and early modern periods by examining the left side of the Kuznets curve. It should be note that a significant part of these studies contradicts the Kuznetsyan paradigm and causes economic historians to rethink about the possible explanations of inequality. It should also be noted that the content of inequality is at least as important as its evolution. Ottoman historians have tended to be imagine an Ottoman society in which inequality was low for many reasons, such as land ownership regime, egalitarian Islamic law of inheritance until recently. But in recent years, some scholars who used tax and probate records as primary sources, have shown that the Ottoman Empire also witnessed serious inequality. These studies are very important in the context of comparisons with Western literature. It is the aim of this paper both to contribute to this literature and to understand the content of inequality.Probate records provide invaluable insights into the lives of common people. These are court records created after an individual’s death that regarding the distribution of the estate. Firstly, it should be emphasized that these documents are personal. Additionally, in Ottoman practice, if the separation principle of property in Islam is taken into account, women's whealth may not be a direct indicator of the level of prosperity they are in. Therefore, the most reasonable approach would be to compare women with each other. On the other hand, it can be expected that probate records for men would be more capable of reflecting household wealth.This study is based on 919 probate records found scattered in Galata court registers. A significant part of these belongs to men (675), while the limited part belongs to women (244). Firstly the net worth used in the study is calculated by subtracting all liabilities from all assets. And then, these amounts is adjusted for inflation. There are different measures to describe inequality. Firstly, the GINI coefficient, which is the most common measure, was used. Because it provides the opportunity to compare with different regions. These results show that there was a remarkable inequality in Galata in the first half of the 17th century with 0,71 Gini score. It can even be said that it was more unequal than similar port cities. But beyond the GINI, different methods were also used to understand the content of inequality. Theil Index offers a more nuanced perspective on inequality because it is naturally decomposable by population subgroups. Thus, it is possible to evaluate inequality within and between groups by using information such as title and place of residence found in probate records. Theil index results show that inequality within groups accounts for very much more of total inequality than inequality between groups does. This result confirms that although some titles have a significant relationship with wealth, the titles should not be considered as a direct determinant of wealth.Last exercise in exploring the nature of inequality is to decompose inequality by wealth type. There are seven types of wealth: real estate, investments, debts, receivables, cash, slaves and moveable goods. The Gini coefficient for each wealth source, its share of total wealth, the percentage contribution of each to the overall Gini, and the elasticity of total inequality to an increase of one percentage point in the source of wealth was examined. According to the findings in male sample, moveables were more equally distributed than other forms of wealth and had an equalizing effect on the distribution of total wealth. Real estate and slaves, no matter how unequally distributed, they were in favor of poors. Indebtedness, which can be thought of as a negative wealth component, has worked against the poors. In females, moveables goods were more equally distributed and had equalizing effect on total inequality similarly. It must be remarked, receivables had unequalizing effect on total inequality. Considering that an important part of these receivables is “mahr”, it can be said that the application of mahr was in favor of the rich.&nbsp;To summarise, this article proposes that Galata had serious inequality in the first half of the 17th century. The wealth distribution was more polarized among man than women. There is a significant relationship between the net wealth and having a high-class military title, sayyid, pilgrim, and captain titles as a professional identity, but still the total inequality was largely due to inequality within groups. Lastly one should not expect that a source of wealth, which has a relatively high Gini, will directly increase total inequality. For example, slaves were dramatically unequally distributed but favored poors in both males and females.&nbsp;

Wealth Inequality in Galata in the First Half of the 17th Century: Evidence from Probate Records

Filiz

Assist. Prof. Dr.

An Example of Political Ritual in the Ottoman Empire: The Sword of Prophet David

Selda

L’Institut d’Égypte Between Colonialism and Orientalism (1798-1801)

Serkan

This work examines the Caucasus as both a periphery and a centre of interaction between three competing empires —Russia, the Ottomans, and Iran—each seeking to shape the region to serve their strategic ambitions. While the mountainous terrain provided a stronghold against Russian influence, the presence of Christian communities like Armenians and Georgians played a key role in imperial struggles. While Russia’s military successes in the early XIXth century initially fostered positive perceptions among Armenians in Tbilisi and Karabakh, attitudes varied in regions with stronger trade and cultural ties to Iran and the Ottoman Empire. When Russia’s influence declined, religious leaders like the Armenian catholicos played a greater role in shaping allegiances through religious rhetoric. During the Russian-Iranian (1826-1828) and Russian-Ottoman (1828-1829) wars, Russia’s advances were welcomed by some Armenians in frontier regions. The Treaties of Turkmenchay and Adrianople allowed non-Muslims to migrate under Russian protection and sell their property. Russia viewed Christian Armenians and Georgians as potential allies in governing the region’s large Muslim population.By the late XIXth century, demographic shifts became a strategic tool in imperial conflicts. Migrations became more systematic, leading to what can be described as "demographic warfare," with both non-Muslims and Muslims relocating between Russian, Ottoman, and Iranian territories. The mass migration of Iranian and Ottoman Armenians to the Russian Caucasus was a gradual process, encouraged—and at times coerced—by local Armenian clergy and Russian military officials, some of whom were of Armenian descent. Unlike the forced deportations of Armenians by Shah Abbas I in the XVIIth century, this migration occurred as a post-war movement. Following the Treaties of Turkmenchay and Edirne, an estimated 150,000 Armenians left Iranian and Ottoman territories, settling in newly acquired Russian regions such as Revan, Nakhchivan, Akhalkalak, and Akhaltsyhe. There was a significant divide between the educated, affluent Armenian elites in the imperial capitals and the majority of Armenians—peasants, artisans, and small farmers —living in Anatolia and the South Caucasus. Many rural Armenians did not even speak Armenian, sharing little with the urban elite beyond their religion. To maintain influence over this dispersed population, Armenian elites relied on economic, financial, and religious networks. This arrangement also benefited the Iranian and Ottoman authorities, as they could use the elites to manage and appease the Armenian population in the provinces, particularly during periods of unrest.The 1813 Treaty of Gulistan brought several key khanates, including Derbent, Baku, Ganja, and Karabakh, under Russian control, while Revan and Nakhchivan remained under Iran. Russia’s growing military prestige was particularly welcomed by Armenians in Tbilisi and Karabakh. In Tbilisi, the headquarters of the Caucasus Independent Corps, Armenians benefitted from cultural and intellectual opportunities, while in Karabakh, Russia relied on the Armenian elite, the maliks, to govern the region despite their fragmented leadership. Their political and military struggles with the local khans were driven more by local interests than by ethno-national conflicts. Armenians around the Caspian Sea, engaged in trade, maintained ties with both Russia and Iran, while those in Revan and Nakhchivan remained distant from Russian influence. In regions where Russia’s military presence was strong, Armenians aligned with Russian interests. However, in areas where Russian influence weakened, alternative powers filled the vacuum, shaping the pragmatic choices of Armenian elites and rural populations. Religious rhetoric also played a role in shaping Armenian loyalties, especially during crises.Karabakh was divided into mountainous and lowland regions. The mountainous areas, controlled by Armenian lords, provided a military advantage, and Russian studies indicated that Armenians were the majority in these areas, while Muslims dominated the plains. Under Safavid rule, Karabakh maliks enjoyed privileges, which were later renewed by Nadir Shah after they resisted the Ottomans. As Russia expanded into Georgia, the maliks saw its growing power and sided with Russia against Iran during the Russo-Iranian War (1804–1813), seeking military protection amid shifting regional dynamics. The Aras River Valley and the Ararat Plain were key agricultural and trade centres in the South Caucasus, serving as an important corridor for the Ottomans, Iranians, and Russians. The Khanate of Revan, home to the Armenian Catholicosate of Echmiadzin, remained under Iranian influence, allowing Armenians in Revan and Nakhchivan to maintain their religious and cultural identity while having relatively strong ties with Iran.&nbsp;In the Ottoman Empire, the Armenian community was disorganized at the start of the XIXth century. However, the wealthy Armenian amiras in İstanbul held significant influence, both within the Armenian Patriarchate and in the Ottoman administration. The Russo-Ottoman War (1828-1829) highlighted the Patriarchate's role in influencing the Armenian population, many of whom viewed Russia positively, causing concern for the Ottoman authorities. The Armenian Church had a long tradition of lay participation in leadership, which in the early XIXth century resulted in control by the affluent Armenian elite in İstanbul. The amiras’ loyalty to the Ottoman regime contrasted with the weaker influence of the Patriarchate over Armenians in the eastern frontier provinces.&nbsp;In the 1840s, Russian authorities sought greater control over the South Caucasus. In 1840, the Armenian province was dissolved and merged into the Georgian-Imeret province, with all administration conducted in Russian. This reorganization failed to stabilize the region. In 1845, Emperor Nicholas I appointed Prince Mikhail Vorontsov as governor-general to improve governance by involving local elites. In 1846, he divided the South Caucasus into four provinces along ethno-religious lines. In 1849, to strengthen Russian control, he created a fifth province—the Yerevan province—by separating Armenian-majority areas from neighbouring provinces, though its southern half remained predominantly Muslim.In 1845, Emperor Nicholas I appointed Prince Mikhail Vorontsov as governor-general of the Caucasus to address unrest in the region. Vorontsov aimed to integrate local elites into the administration and in 1846 convinced the tsar to divide the South Caucasus into four provinces along ethno-religious lines. Seeking Armenian support, he later reestablished an Armenian province. On 9 June 1849, he created the Yerevan province by separating it from Tbilisi province and incorporating the predominantly Armenian Aleksandropol region. This new province was larger, had improved transport links, and had an Armenian-majority north, while the south remained Muslim-majority.

A Subject Between Russian, Ottoman and Iranian Rivalry: The Situation of Armenians in the Caucasus in the First Half of the XIXth Century (1801-1849)

Abdullah

Bedirhan Bey, who was in control of Cizre and its surroundings, was captured and exiled to Crete in 1847 when he started rebellious behaviour against the orders and prohibitions of the government. Cizre and its surroundings were taken under state control and Tanzimat reforms were started to be implemented in the region. In this context, Cizre was turned into a sanjak and Mustafa Pasha, was appointed as District Governor (6 December 1847).&nbsp;After taking office in Cizre, Mustafa Pasha first ensured the formation of the sanjak council. Afterwards, he showed meticulousness in matters such as maintaining public order, determining taxes fairly, and avoiding cruelty and corruption in all kinds of state affairs. However, shortly after he took office, he was complained to the Sublime Porte that he oppressed the people, did not act fairly in tax assessment, took bribes and was involved in some murders.The presence of Reshid Pasha, the Commander of the Anatolian Army, among those who conveyed the complaints to Istanbul put Mustafa Pasha in a very difficult situation. He was investigated and dismissed for the sake of the investigation. His replacement, Mesrur Agha, who was appointed District Governor of Cizre, did not find any evidence of corruption by Mustafa Pasha during the handover process. The Sanjak Council of Cizre came to the same conclusion. However, both Reshid Pasha and the Porte were not convinced.The Sublime Porte asked Esrar Efendi, who was sent to the region on a special mission from Istanbul, to personally deal with the issue. Esrar Efendi worked together with Esad Pasha, the Governor of the Kurdistan Province. The first findings revealed that Mustafa Pasha was innocent. Especially some aghas, whom Mustafa Pasha had arrested and sent to Muş, had not made any accusations against Mustafa Pasha, even though they were his enemies. Although Esad Pasha and Esrar Efendi were convinced of Mustafa Pasha's innocence, they continued the investigation in the belief that Reshid Pasha would find the investigation suspicious.&nbsp;Mustafa Pasha's first judgement was held at the Sanjak Council of Cizre. The allegations of irregularities raised in the court were as follows: Raising the taxes beyond the tolerance of the people, awarding the tenders of taxation to his own men, taking bribes on a large scale in the appointments made to district and tribal aghas, taking money and goods from some people unjustly… etc. Mustafa Pasha gave clear and comprehensive answers to the accusations. He stated that the taxation tenders had been made before him, that the tax was determined by the Sanjak Council, that only one of his men had taken the abolished tax and that he was immediately punished, that he did not take bribes, and that he did not take even an acre more from the fees than the law stipulated. The Council's secret and public investigations did not find any evidence to prove the accusations against Mustafa Pasha.&nbsp;Esad Pasha, having received the report of the Sanjak Council of Cizre and the relevant documents, requested that the matter be examined by the Sanjak Council of Diyarbekir. Esrar Efendi also participated in the discussions here. All allegations, defences and evidence were examined one by one. As a result, it was decided that none of the accusations against Mustafa Pasha were true, that he was innocent, and that he was victimised because of the slander. The result of the trial was conveyed to the Porte with a joint letter dated 28 February 1850 by Reshid Pasha, Esad Pasha and Esrar Efendi.Emin Pasha, who had been the District Governor of Cizre before Mustafa Pasha, wrote a letter to the government claiming that Mustafa Pasha had been involved in incidents such as murder, poisoning, bribery and oppression. Emin Pasha's allegations were deemed serious since he was one of the senior pashas who had served in the region. He found the murder and poisoning cases particularly important. Grand Vizier Mustafa Reshid Pasha concluded that the investigation had not been conducted properly and that negligence had been shown, and sternly warned Esad Pasha to be meticulous in the investigation. Thus, everything was restarted in Cizre and Diyarbekir.&nbsp;Thus, an intensive investigation into the alleged crimes committed by Mustafa Pasha in Cizre was resumed. However, it was concluded that he had nothing to do with the murders committed in the region, but that he had received bribes and gifts in various amounts from a significant number of people. Mustafa Pasha was not present when these matters were discussed in the Sanjak Council of Cizre and could not make a defence. Therefore, the report of the Sanjak Council of Cizre was not a court decision but an indictment.&nbsp;The report of the Sanjak Council of Cizre was discussed in the court established in the Sanjak Council of Diyarbekir, attended by Esrar Efendi. Mustafa Pasha and some of the claimants were also present in the court. Based on the report sent from Cizre, the Sanjak Council asked Mustafa Pasha about the allegations one by one. As a result of the testimonies of the witnesses, the deeds sent by the people who were related to the incident but were not present, and the archive researches made when necessary, it was proved that Mustafa Pasha did not commit any of the alleged offences. The Council decided that he was not guilty of any offence and that he had been subjected to slander as a result of grudge and enmityAs a result, the Sublime Porte was convinced that Mustafa Pasha was innocent. Thus, Mustafa Pasha, whose judgement was concluded, was appointed as the District Governor of Yozgat after a great deal of effort and started to be employed in the state service again.

Facing Accusations of Atrocities, Bribery, and Murder: The Legal Struggle of Mustafa Pasha, the Kâimmakam of Cizre

In addition to being one of the most significant intellectual figures of the Ottoman Empire during the nineteenth century, Teodor Kasap was also one of the most prominent publishers of the period, particularly in the field of humour magazine publishing. The primary reason for his distinctive position in the history of the Turkish press is that he pioneered new frontiers and established the benchmarks for humor magazine publishing within the Ottoman Empire. One of the factors that contributed to Kasap's significant position in the history of the Turkish press is the publication of the 'Karagöz in chains' caricature. In this caricature, Karagöz was depicted in chains in order to critique the 12th article of the Kanun-i Esasi pertaining to freedom of the press. This caricature was regarded as a seminal exemplar of the tension between freedom of the press and censorship during this period. As a consequence of this caricature, Kasap was subjected to trial in 1877 on charges of insulting the Constitution and humiliating the government, and was sentenced to a period of three years' imprisonment. Following a six-month incarceration, Teodor Kasap was released on bail and subsequently fled to Paris. The literature on Turkish press history provides only limited information on what happened after Kasap's trial, his escape and his return to Istanbul. Furthermore, the information that is available is incomplete or contradictory. This study aims to determine what happened between Teodor Kasap's escape to Paris and his return to Istanbul. Additionally, it aims to contribute to Turkish press history with the new information obtained. The content analysis method was used in the study, which was designed with the descriptive research motif. The European press also addressed the issue of Teodor Kasap's three-year imprisonment. The European press was unconvinced by the accusations of 'insulting the Constitution and humiliating the government', which were the reason for the sentence. Instead, they based Teodor Kasap's sentence on facts such as Mithat Pasha's dismissal as grand vizier and his friendship with Namik Kemal, who was arrested for a verse he read. In the context of Turkish press history, Teodor Kasap's conviction is also linked to the closure of humour magazines in the Ottoman Empire in June 1877. The publication of the final issue of Hayal magazine, which he owned, on 30 June 1877 marked the end of Turkish humour magazines being produced in the Ottoman Empire during the nineteenth century.On 3 October 1877, Teodor Kasap fled to Paris and revealed his dissident identity in the work Lettres à Son Excellence Said Pacha. In this work, in which he offered criticism of Abdülhamit II and his advisors, Kasap asserted that the Kanun-i Esasi did not result in the anticipated reforms, that the constitutional order remained merely superficial, and that Abdülhamit II's despotic style of governance had been presented in a constitutional guise. This work, which has not hitherto been the subject of discussion in the literature on Turkish press history, constitutes an important source of information regarding the intellectual foundations of the opposition movement that developed in Europe against Abdülhamit II's regime.Following the publication of his work, Lettres à Son Excellence Said Pacha, Teodor Kasap was compelled to depart from Paris, where he had been pursuing initiatives on behalf of the Ottoman Empire, and relocate to Naples. The year 1878 was a period of significant turmoil for the Ottoman Empire and Abdulhamid II. First, the Çırağan Raid and then the discovery of the Scalieri-Aziz Bey Committee resulted in the opposition to Abdülhamit II being identified as a 'criminalised' formation. This situation resulted in the categorisation of the opposition actions of the exiled Teodor Kasap as 'revolutionary'. In particular, his meeting in Naples with Ali Şefkati, a member of the Scalieri-Aziz Bey Committee, reinforced the perception that Kasap might be involved in any potential opposition to Abdülhamit II and the Ottoman Empire. Consequently, an investigation was initiated by the Ottoman authorities, targeting both Kasap and Şefkati. In Naples, Kasap and Şefkati initiated the publication of the newspaper İstikbal on 26 October 1879. This newspaper constituted a significant development in the opposition movement that had emerged in Europe against the rule of Abdülhamit II.In 1879, Teodor Kasap was granted clemency through a petition submitted by his wife to Abdülhamit II and returned to Istanbul in 1880. Following his return to Istanbul, Kasap was appointed to the Palace library and remained in the publishing sector until the end of his life.Teodor Kasap (d. 25 July 1897) is regarded as one of the most significant publishers of Ottoman humour magazines. However, he is erroneously referred to as 'the first humour magazine publisher' in Turkish Press History. His humour magazines, Diyojen, Çıngıraklı Tatar and Hayal, are not only seminal works of the period in the field of humour magazine publishing, but also form a prominent part of the canon of Turkish press history, having set the standards for such publications. Following his release on bail following a three-year prison sentence, Teodor Kasap fled to Europe, where he died at the age of 63. The final two decades of his life were shaped by his relationship with Abdülhamit II. The study has revealed that the nature and process of this relationship has not been sufficiently analysed in the existing literature on Turkish press history. Furthermore, the existing information on this topic is unreliable. The principal cause of this state of affairs is the reiteration of erroneous and inadequate data without substantiation. For instance, three distinct dates are presented in the existing literature as the date of Teodor Kasap's demise. However, none of these dates are accurate. It is of the utmost importance that a significant number of these data points be revised and corrected in order to present a comprehensive history of the Turkish press. Furthermore, the study has revealed new information regarding the date of Teodor Kasap's escape to Paris, the content of the book he published in Paris, the process and date of his return to Istanbul, and the cause of his death.

The Last Publisher of Tanzimat Humour Theodor Kasap’s Escape to Europe and Return to Istanbul

Toroshan

After the silkworm diseases that spread to the Ottoman provinces after the 1860s, the indigenous Baghdad white silkworms began to disappear. Consequently, healthy yellow silkworm eggs were imported to the Ottoman Empire from the Var, Alpes-Maritime, and Corsica regions of France. Due to their compatibility with the prevailing climatic conditions in the Ottoman Empire and their capacity to produce high yields of cocoons, the French yellow silkworm race came to dominate the market for silkworm eggs between the years 1880 and 1890. However, Ottoman Public Debt Administration (OPDA), the Ottoman authority responsible for the collection of silk taxes, initiated initiatives aimed at the reproduction and popularization of the indigenous Baghdad race of silkworm eggs. However, these efforts posed a threat to the interests of French silkworm egg producers and traders, who had secured a significant market share in the Ottoman Empire. Consequently, the French capital, which constituted the most significant actor within the Ottoman silk industry, and OPDA became rivals in the production of silkworm eggs. This rivalry can be observed in the reports published by the French Chamber of Commerce and the Lyon Silk Merchants Association. In particular, the Revue Commerciale du Levant, a monthly bulletin of the French Chamber of Commerce in Istanbul, which published reports from its members and French consular staff operating in the major commercial centers of the Ottoman Empire, frequently mentioned this rivalry. This study addresses matters pertaining to the response of French merchants to the OPDA silkworm egg production initiatives and the competition between indigenous and French silkworm eggs in the domestic and foreign markets. It is based on the Revue Commerciale du Levant bulletin.In order to facilitate the development and popularization of indigenous silkworm egg production, the OPDA initially established the Bursa School of Sericulture (Bursa Harîr Dâruttalîmi). Those who received diplomas from the school and the incentives offered by the Ottoman government saw a significant increase in the amount of indigenous silkworm eggs used in Bursa and Izmit, two regions with a high production of cocoons. At the time of the founding of the Bursa School of Sericulture in 1888, the proportion of native Bursa silkworm eggs of the Baghdad white race used in the aforementioned regions was only 20%. However, by 1890, this figure had reached 65%, and by 1896, it had reached 98%. Consequently, the market share of French silkworm eggs in Bursa and Izmit was effectively negligible. In the Aleppo, Beirut, and Damascus provinces, the second largest silk production center and the largest silkworm egg market of the Ottoman Empire, the use of indigenous silkworm eggs never reached the desired levels, remaining at approximately 10-15% of the total. In the aforementioned provinces, which the French merchants designated as the Syrian region, it can be posited that both physical and political factors contributed to the underutilization of indigenous silkworm eggs. One of the main physical reasons is that indigenous silkworms consume more mulberry leaves than French silkworms. In addition, the raw silk factories of the region were very conservative in spinning cocoons produced from French yellow silkworms. Political factors are associated with the influence of France in the region. It is a historical fact that the region, especially around Beirut, was perceived as a natural area of political expansion for the French. It can be surmised that this fact was instrumental in exempting the region from silkworm eggs regulations and practices. As a matter of fact, even though the OPDA was engaged in activities such as the promotion of mulberry cultivation in the region, it is understood that it did not make intensive efforts in the use of indigenous races.&nbsp;Bursa region became a leading exporter of silkworm eggs during this period. Especially after 1895, more than half of the silkworm eggs produced in the Bursa region were exported to Iran, Caucasus and Turkestan. Before the introduction of Bursa silkworm eggs, one of the most important suppliers of these regions was France. Therefore, Bursa silkworm eggs became the biggest competitor of French silkworm eggs not only in the domestic market but also in Iran, the Caucasus and Turkestan. Bursa producers exported an average of 400.000 boxes of eggs to these regions annually with an estimated value of 2.500.000 francs. It should be noted that these figures do not include possible unregistered exports from eastern Anatolia, where OPDA control was weak. Thus, even with their exports to the Caucasus and Turkestan alone, Bursa producers reduced the volume of trade in French silkworm eggs. On the other hand, it should be noted that French merchants in Bursa acted as intermediaries in exports to these regions.French merchants, who were the dominant element in the Ottoman silk industry, showed different reactions to indigenous silkworm egg production. The French operating in the Bursa and Izmit regions recognized that indigenous eggs increased cocoon yields and thus raw silk production. They also established companies producing indigenous silkworm eggs in the region and started to earn income from the egg trade. The French operating in Aleppo, Beirut and Damascus provinces, on the other hand, were prejudiced against indigenous silkworms and criticized the work of the Ottoman government and OPDA. They even believed that OPDA was harming French interests in the Ottoman silk sector.&nbsp;In the end, OPDA's efforts to produce indigenous silkworm eggs, supported by the Ottoman government, were successful and made the Ottoman Empire an important actor on a global scale. Nevertheless, it would not be inaccurate to assert that OPDA, which in our economic history is often discussed with concepts such as imperialism and resource exploitation, created a new resource for the Ottoman finance and farmers, at least in this sector, rather than exploitation.&nbsp;

Indigenous Silkworm Egg Production and Competition in the Ottoman Empire According to the Istanbul French Chamber of Commerce (1890-1912)

The First Balkan War resulted in the loss of the last lands of the Ottoman Empire in the Balkans (Albania, Macedonia). But not only that, the whole of Western Thrace and a very important part of Eastern Thrace had also fallen into the hands of Bulgaria. Especially the loss of Edirne and Kırklareli was seen as a disaster among the Muslim subjects of the Empire. However, the fact that Bulgaria, which could not achieve the expected gains from the First Balkan War, entered into a conflict with its former allies Serbia and Greece in order to force a new partition in the Balkans and was additionally attacked by Romania, was perceived as an opportunity by the Ottoman-Islamic public opinion to at least take back Edirne and Kırklareli from the Bulgarians. The Ottoman army, mobilised especially with the efforts of Enver Bey, recaptured Edirne, Kırklareli and Dimetoka from the Bulgarians on 21-23 July 1913 almost without encountering any resistance.Signed on 10 August 1913, the Treaty of Bucharest ended the war between Bulgaria and the other Balkan states. With this treaty, the Bulgarians had to say goodbye, at least for the time being, to their dream of possessing Macedonia, while they had to cede Dobrudja to Romania. The most unacceptable loss for the Bulgarians was North Macedonia. According to the compromise they had reached with the Serbs before the Balkan Wars and under the guarantee of the Russians, most of North Macedonia would belong to Bulgaria if the war was won. However, the Serbs, who actually fought the Ottoman armies in North Macedonia during the war and occupied the region step by step, did not comply with this agreement and annexed the region, while Russia did not react to this. For the Bulgarians, who had been fighting for the autonomy of North Macedonia or its annexation to Bulgaria for a very long time, especially through the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organisation (IMRO), by resorting to terrorist methods against the Ottoman administration and the Muslim population, this was a real devastation. In the words of British Foreign Secretary Edward Grey, the Bulgaria was ‘sore, injured and despoiled of what she believed belonged to her' and ‘any future Balkan peace was impossible as long as the Treaty of Bucharest remained'.However, the Bulgarians, realising that it would not be possible even in the distant future to fight against the Serbs, Greeks and Romanians at the same time, considered it necessary to achieve their ambitions gradually and in stages. In order to achieve these ambitions, they also found it necessary to form an alliance with the Ottomans and to obtain at least the neutrality of the Romanians.The Bulgarian government was initially very keen and in a hurry to establish an alliance with the Ottoman Empire. So much so that the Sublime Porte was encouraged to conduct the alliance negotiations in parallel with the peace negotiations. As a result, peace was achieved with the Treaty of Constantinople dated 29 September 1913. Eastern Thrace remained with the Turks and Western Thrace with the Bulgarians. In the meantime, the 'Provisional Government of Western Thrace', which had been formed in Western Thrace with the efforts of an irregular force that could be considered as the nucleus of Ottoman Special Organisation (OSO) (Teşkilat-ı Mahsusa) under the leadership of Süleyman Askerî Bey, was to be disbanded. Following the treaty, diplomatic relations between the two countries were re-established.However, the issue of alliance could not be concluded so quickly. The initial eager attitude of the Bulgarians gave way to a more cautious and procrastinating approach. They stalled the Turkish side by constantly amending their territorial demands. Moreover, despite the Treaty of Constantinople, they displayed an attitude towards the Western Thrace Turks that caused the reaction of the Porte. As a result, they were not in a position to start a war immediately, and the Bulgarian government avoided actions that might arouse suspicion in the Serbian, Greek and Romanian governments.On the other hand, the leaders of IMRO thought differently from the Bulgarian Government and wanted immediate action, especially for Macedonia. In this direction, they were working to create a ground where they could carry out activities in Macedonia. If the Macedonian Turks, along with the Serbs and Greeks who dominated the region, were to turn against them, their ability to act would be greatly restricted. In this direction, the leaders of IMRO made contact with the leaders of the Committee of Union and Progress and negotiations were held in Istanbul in October and November 1913. As a result, a compromise was reached on the basis of the autonomy of Macedonia and a protocol was signed. According to the agreement, Western Thrace would be left to the Ottoman Empire if Bulgaria gained an exit to the Aegean Sea via Kavala. The parties confirmed that the Turkish and Bulgarian Macedonian committees were ready to work together for the autonomy of Macedonia by resorting to all legal and illegal methods.However, it took time for this compromise to be reflected on the field. The reason for this was the cautious and indecisive attitude of the Radoslavov Government. However, Austria's declaration of war against Serbia was seen as an opportunity for IMRO and it was thought that the time for the Macedonian operation had come. Meanwhile, the Turkish side, which had concluded a secret alliance agreement with Germany on 2 August 1914, wanted this operation to be launched immediately in order to bring Bulgaria into the war and thus support the Central Powers. OSO, to which the armed groups that would participate in the operation on behalf of the Turkish side would be affiliated, was officially formed on 4 August 1914. After that, the necessary instructions were given to the Turkish gangs that would participate in the Macedonia operation and their dispatch to Bulgaria began. Turkish and Bulgarian gangs gathered in Ustrumca in August and September and started to enter Serbian Macedonia. The aim was to incite the Muslim and Bulgarian population there to revolt against the Serbian rule in North Macedonia and to sabotage the bridges over the Vardar River in order to break the communication between the Serbs and the Entente states. The propaganda-oriented activities of the Turkish gangs during this period were quite effective. The propaganda in question was supported by the narrative that the Turkish and Bulgarian armies would enter the region in a short time and expel the Serbs from the region. During this period, many Muslims living in Serbian Macedonia were recruited into the organisation. However, the indecisive attitude of the Bulgarian government prevented the IMRO from giving strong support to the Turkish gangs in the region. In the face of the activities of the Turkish gangs, the Serbian administration started to use violent methods against the Muslim population of the region and also neutralised the Turkish gangs in a short period of time. During this period, many Muslim peasants were forced to leave their lands and seek refuge in Bulgaria. Although the Turkish embassy in Sofia objected to the continuation of the operation in the face of this outcome, the Minister of War Enver Pasha, on the contrary, wanted the activities of the Turkish gangs to gain momentum and the Bulgarians to be encouraged. He believed that joint gang activities would encourage the Bulgarian government to enter the war on the side of the Central Powers.&nbsp;In 1915, new gangs affiliated to OSO were sent to the region. Some of the Muslims who had taken refuge in Bulgarian lands also joined these gangs. The leadership of the IMRO also decided to take a more active stance. The number and intensity of joint actions gradually increased and especially effective acts of sabotage were carried out against railway bridges. The Serbs gradually began to lose the initiative in the region. On 2 April 1915, a mixed Turkish-Bulgarian force of 1000-1500 men, supported by the Austrian Intelligence Service, carried out a large-scale action. In this action, known as the "Valandovo incident", a battalion of Serbian soldiers in Valandovo suffered heavy casualties and the railway bridge near Udovo was blown up. After the incident, the gangs retreated back to Bulgaria.&nbsp;After the Valandovo incident, the Entente Powers accused the Bulgarian government of supporting the aggressors. The Bulgarian government denied this, but Bulgarian public opinion reacted strongly against the centres that were trying to drag the country into the war. Turkish gangs withdrew from Bulgaria to Turkey. Then the Serbs started a new wave of violence against Muslims in the region. In the following months, the failures of the Entente on the fronts, especially at Gallipoli, were important data for Bulgaria's final decision. The Entente's promises to Bulgaria of gains in Macedonia, Greece and Romania if it joined the war on their side were also more miserly than those of the Central Powers'. Finally, on 6 September 1915, Bulgaria signed treaties of alliance and friendship with Germany and AustriaHungary, as well as secret military agreements that envisaged Bulgaria's immediate action against Serbia. One of the incentives for the Bulgarians to enter into these treaties was that the Ottoman Empire had agreed to cede to the Bulgarians a piece of territory on the banks of the Maritsa river, including Dimetoka and Karaagac, in a treaty signed on the same day. In October, Bulgaria finally declared war on Serbia, ending its neutral position and taking its place on the side of the Central Powers.

Forcing Bulgaria Into War: North Macedonia Operation of the Ottoman Special Organization (Teşkilât-ı Mahsusa) (1914-1915)

Ünsal

The primary focus of this study is the investigations which conducted by the Greek Parliament's commission of inquiry following the Cyprus Peace Operation. In the aftermath of this operation, which proved to be a significant setback for Greece, the question that Greek officials are attempting to address is as follows: What factors did Greece fail to anticipate in Türkiye's intervention in Cyprus in 1974, and what were the underlying reasons for its inability to prevent the Turkish operation?In 1975, Greece initiated a preliminary investigation in an attempt to address this question; however, due to the prevailing political circumstances of the era, this endeavour remained unfinished.Subsequently, in 1986, a parliamentary investigation committee was established with the objective of ascertaining the errors that had occurred. The committee's comprehensive investigations spanned a duration of two and a half years, concluding on 31 October 1988. The committee held a total of 154 sessions to investigate the mistakes made in Cyprus from the coup attempt against Makarios on July 15, 1974 until Turkey's intervention in the island. In addition, the committee conducted faceto-face interviews with 86 people, mostly high-ranking military officers, who played a role in the political, military and diplomatic events of the period.The results of the Committee's investigations were disseminated to the public in Greek in 2018. The study's primary focus is on the deficiencies in the decisions made by Greece's senior state and military officials prior to and during the peace operation. In this context, the committee reports emphasise the lack of initiative on the part of senior military officers due to the presence of inaccurate intelligence data.In the Committee reports, it is stated that an effective counter-intervention could not be carried out due to Turkey's geographical proximity to Cyprus and the range problems of the armed forces of Greece at that time. Furthermore, it was emphasised that the Greek National Guard army units lacked preparation due to the internal conflict on the island. Additionally, although a possible Turkish intervention had been expected since 1964, the plans developed in this direction were incomplete and unrealistic.Whilst examining the committee reports as part of the study, it became evident that there were notable discrepancies in opinion amongst Greece's senior military leaders, in addition to deficiencies within the crisis management apparatus. It was noted that substantial deliberations took place between the commanders of the Greek Naval and Air Forces and the Greek Chief of General Staff concerning intervention on the island. Furthermore, there was a recurring emphasis on discordant directives, particularly with regard to the deployment of submarines and fighter jets to the region.A further issue that emerged from the Committee's investigation pertains to the fact that, since the night of July 18, 1974, Greek intelligence officers, particularly those stationed in Cyprus who were proficient in Turkish, reported heightened Turkish activity to their superiors in Nicosia and to the Greek General Staff in Athens. However, the leaders of the Greek junta in power in Athens disregarded these warnings and concluded that Turkey was preparing a routine exercise, that it was merely bluffing Greece, and that the Western powers would never permit the Turks to intervene on the island.Despite the efforts of the committee reports to maintain objectivity in their treatment of military missteps, a discernible bias and a certain degree of historical inaccuracy were evident in their accounts. For instance, EOKA, a terrorist organisation that sought to massacre the Turkish population on the island, was presented in the committee reports as an organisation operating for independence. Similarly, Colonel Grivas, a founder of EOKA and responsible for the massacre of many Turks, is unilaterally described in the report as an important freedom fighter of the Greek nation.In the context of this study, the analysis will encompass the examination of committee reports on the subject, a novel approach in the context of Turkish academia.The study will draw upon a range of sources to enrich its analysis, including committee reports, the memoirs of Greek senior officials from the period, and Greek literature on the subject. The objective of this study is to provide a comprehensive analysis of the errors committed by Greece in relation to Cyprus, a matter that continues to be a significant point of contention between Turkey and Greece despite the passage of over five decades since the Peace Operation. A thorough examination of the committee reports reveals that Greece has learned from past missteps and has since 1993 developed a military strategy focused on providing support to Southern Cyprus.

Greece’s Mistakes in the 1974 Cyprus Peace Operation According to the Reports of the Investigative Committee of the Greek Parliament: “Fakelos Kyprou (Cyprus File)”

@JOURNAL_BOX_CURRENT

@JOURNAL_BOX_EARLYVIEW

Vural

It is well known that many Iranian scholars and intellectuals traveled between Ajam and Rum towards the end of the 15th century, in order to secure wealthy and benevolent patrons. The reason for the mobility of scholars, which can be traced back to the reign of Murad the Second (1421-1451), was undoubtedly related to the changes occurred across the Islamic world. Of these changes, the conquest of Istanbul was the most important. Adding “the protector of Islam” to his extant titulatures with this conquest, Sultan Mehmed the Conqueror, proclaimed that he was the only representative of the Islamic world. The second reason was the decline of Timurid Empire after the demise of Shahrukh (d. 1447) who were the reputed patron of science and art like&nbsp;his father towards the second half of the 15th century. By exiling scholars and crafters from newly conquered lands to his capital Samarqand, Timur created a Renaissance era and bequeathed this cultural heritage to his successors. Timurid princes’ fights for the throne perpetuated in Iraq, Fars, Mazandaran, Mawara al-Nahr and Khurasan, and several handovers and plunders of Samarqand and Herat precipitated the exodus of Timurid scholars and craftsmen in order to secure wealthy patrons and safe places, after the demise of Shahrukh. This chaotic atmosphere pervaded in Iran and on the other hand Ottoman sultans’ patronage of science and art made the Ottoman lands a safe and inviting shelter for Iranian scholars and literary men. Based on the claims that they were the only representative of Islam, the Ottomans’ superiority over the Aqquyunlus who presented themselves as Timur’s licit heirs, led this competition to another phase. Reputed with his wealth, benevolence and power, Sultan Mehmed the Conqueror made his capital Istanbul a center of attraction for Iranian scholars and poets.&nbsp;His patronage of science and art had spread across Iran so much so that his palace was replete with Iranian scholars and encomiasts at the very beginning of his reign. Along with scholars and bureaucrats such as Şemseddin Fenârî, Molla Gürânî, Mevlana Şeyh Ebu İshak Tebrizî and Ali Kuşçu, encomiasts and man of letters such as Ma’âlî, Kâşifî, Hamidî, and Kabûlî presented their works to Sultan Mehmed and, made contributions to sultan’s imperial image from the viewpoint of Ajamness. It is also well known that Sultan Mehmed endeavored to take famous Iranian scholars under his patronage and, for this purpose he sends them enticing gifts.&nbsp;Benevolent and wealthy image of Sultan Mehmed the Conqueror and, his capital’s hallmark as a center for a multi-cultural junction, attracted another Ajam known as Riyâzî. He was less known among the Ajams in Sultan’s palace. Neither contemporary chroniclers nor collection of the biographies of poets mention him. Beside his Persian epistle, which he penned on the occasion of Sultan Mehmed’s conquest of Akçahisar and constitutes the subject of the present study, there are at least three copies of his Divan survived to this date. None of these primary sources provide any information concerning his migration from Ajam to Rum and his residence in Istanbul. According to his Divan, his full name was Mawlana Riyâzî-i Samarqandî. This specifies the fact that he was native of Timurids’ cultural center Samarqand. Most probably in order to escape the political chaos and seeking a new patron, he headed towards Istanbul, after the decline of the Timurid Empire in Iran and Mawara al-Nahr. In the patrimonial states of the 16th-century Islamic world, scholars and craftier were more depended on court patronage. Because of that sultans were the only resorts. When the scholars fell from the grace of their patron(s), they set on a journey seeking for welfare and patronage in another sultan’s court.&nbsp;Riyâzî’s venture was not different from the scholars and bureaucrats who lost their patronage and set out to secure a new one in 15th and 16th centuries Islamic world. Although it is not known how and when he managed, he might have come to Istanbul and secured Sultan Mehmed’s patronage prior to 1479. Beyond the Sultan Mehmed’s personal interest to attract many Iranians, this phenomenon should be supported with the role which sultan played himself. Eventually, patronizing Muslim scholars and craftsmen was an indispensable source of legitimacy for the sultan who had claims for superiority in the Islamic world.&nbsp;&nbsp;Although his contemporaries Ma’âlî and Kabûlî gave huge details on their journeys, observations on the palace and how they managed to secure Sultan’s patronage, neither in his Persian epistle presented to Sultan Mehmed nor in his Divan replete with poems of love and separation Riyâzî-i Samarqandî does not provide any information about himself and his personal experiences. In contrast to Ma’âlî, Kabûlî, and Hamidî, he has never presented a panegyric to his patron. The only information about his life in Istanbul was his disease, which he could not recuperate and finally died in 884/1479-80. Though he did not relate his observations on the palace and the Sultan, and how he behaved, accounts of other Ajam’s provide details about the perception of Ajamness in the Ottoman palace, which we can further elaborate on. Furthermore, it is well known that there was a competition of superiority between highly-educated Ajams and their rival Rumîs in Sultan Mehmed’s palace.Riyâzî-i Samarqandî penned his Persian epistle entitled with Risâle-i Tehniyet-i ‘Iyd ve Nevrûz Berây-ı Ebu’l-feth Sultan Mehmed or Tehniyet-i ‘Iyd ve Fethnâme-i Akçahisar in 1479 on the occasion of the conquest of Akçahisar in Albania and presented to the Sultan. The seal of Sultan Mehmed on the folios verifies that the epistle was accepted to the personal library of Sultan. The coincidence of Sultan Mehmed’s conquest of Akçahisar with Nawruz feast was a double occasion for Riyâzî to present himself to the Sultan. Unlike his fellows in this genre, he merely confined his epistle to create an imperial image for the Sultan with titles and titulatures, which he formulated for him. He furthermore explained the reason for giving these titles to the Sultan under each titulatures. It should also be specified that this Persian epistle penned and presented to the Sultan to proclaim Ottoman dynasty’s superiority over the other dynasties such as Aqquyunlu and Mamluk, and to show them how Ottomans were the only protectors of Islam.As a wealthy, powerful, benevolent and just sultan, Mehmed the Conqueror took many Iranian scholars, encomiasts, and craftsmen under his patronage. Thus, he commenced “Eastern Renaissance” which would last in his successor’s reign Bayezid the Second (1481-1512). Thanks to this cultural mobility, those who came from Ajam, penned and presented many epistles and panegyric to the Sultan. It should not be forgotten that Iranian shahnama-writers had major contributions for the creation of the imperial image of Sultan Mehmed, which would be imitated in Bayezid the Second’s reign as well. It can be concluded that like his Iranian contemporaries’ pieces, Riyâzî-i Samarqandî’s Persian epistle was also a contribution to create an imperial image for the Sultan from the viewpoint of an Ajam.

THE CONTRUBUTION OF AN IRANIAN LITERARY MAN TO THE IMPERIAL IMAGE OF THE MEHMED THE CONQUEROR: MAWLĀNĀ RIYĀZĪ-I SAMARQANDĪ

Arda

The efforts for founding an Israeli state in Palestine, which gained momentum with the Balfour Declaration issued in the end of World War I, constituted one of the most important problems causing instability in the Middle East during the interwar period. In this process, when Jewish immigration to Palestine increased and Arabs and Jews began to have serious conflicts in the region, Turkey did not get involved in the developments in Palestine. The conflicts became bitterer following World War II when the victorious USA began to back up the efforts for the establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine. The ambitions of Western countries and the Jews for Palestine became the prominent issue for Arab countries after World War II. Arab nationalists gathered around anti-Westernism and the Palestine issue.&nbsp;&nbsp;Unlike its passive position in the interwar period, Turkey began to take more active involvement in the Palestine issue after the war. Turkey’s increasing interest in the issue following 1945 was due to its convergence with Arab nations, rather than religious or nationalist considerations. Turkey was left alone against the Soviet Union by Western nations. With no alternative but to create stronger bonds with the states in the region against the Soviet threat, Turkey approached its Arab neighbours and realized that the Palestine issue was the first item on their agenda. When the Palestine issue was brought to UN, Turkey supported Arab nations due to its sense of solidarity with Arab nations and its concern that a Jewish state to be founded in the area might cause instability. Turkey’s support to Arab nations for the Palestine issue would come to an end with the improvements in Turkey’s relations with Western nations and the outbreak of the First Arab-Israeli War.As a result of its strategic alliance with Western nations against the Soviet Union threat, Turkey felt the need for acting in concert with its allies in the international area. Meanwhile, it became clear to Turkey during the First Arab-Israeli War that military alliance with Israel would be more beneficial than with Arabs. At this stage, the UN decided to set up a Conciliation Commission for resolution of the Palestine issue. Acting uniformly with Western nations in the Conciliation Commission and carrying out missions together with the USA and France, Turkey made it clear that it would no longer take an approach supporting Arab theses in the Palestine issue.The UN Conciliation Commission for Palestine was important in that it was the first multilateral attempt for resolution and Turkey’s first critical alliance with Western nations following World War II. Turkey was included in the conciliation commission with the USA and France due to its support for Arab countries in the conflict, but it did not maintain its support in the works of the commission. Commission membership increased Turkey’s diplomatic contact with Israel, and as a result&nbsp;of these interactions Turkey’s concerns over Israel disappeared and led Turkey to become the first Muslim country to recognize Israel.&nbsp;The Conciliation Commission was set up with great expectations and strong international support. At the time the Commission made serious efforts for resolution of the problem, the disagreement between the two parties was new and so there were suitable grounds for resolution. However, the biggest disadvantage of the Commission was its Western identity which caused lack of trust with Arab nations. France, a member of the Commission that aimed to provide suitable conditions for lasting peace following the First Arab-Israeli War, was known for its colonial past among Arab nations. Turkey’s membership was also met with mistrust due to memories from the Ottoman Empire period and the Hatay issue, which was seen as a conspiracy set against Arab countries by Turkey and Western nations. The USA was the only nation with no colonial past from the point of view of Arab nations. However, the USA’s strong support for the founding of a Jewish state in Palestine following World War II was known by the Arab public. For these reasons, the Commission’s neutrality was questioned by Arab nations.&nbsp;Between the Commission’s most active years of 1949 and 1952, Arab nations were devoid of strong governments that could sign a peace treaty with Israel, as they were struggling with political and military depression caused by the First Arab-Israeli War. Israel, on the other hand, had seen the weaknesses of Arab troops during the War, and aimed to extend and strengthen its boundaries through further conflicts rather than make peace with Arab nations. The works of the Conciliation Commission failed as they were trying to reconcile those with no power for making peace and those with no intention of doing so. After the Paris Conference of 1951, the Commission acknowledged that it would be unable to reach its aim of ensuring a peace accord, and decided to focus on the resolution of the problems of Arab refugees. However, it failed to gain effective results in its smaller targets because the parties of the Arab-Israeli conflict adopted more uncompromising attitudes as the Cold War began to influence the Palestine issue. During the course of the work of the Commission after 1952, the relations between some of the Arab nations that were expected to be made better through the joint efforts of the members, namely Turkey, the USA, and France, became even worse. With Arab nations being supported by the Soviet Union, and Israel by the USA in the international area, the parties of the conflict began to manifest their uncompromising attitudes more comfortably, which put the Conciliation Commission in a situation where it could no longer function.&nbsp;The Conciliation Commission was an unsuccessful experience on the part of Turkey. Turkish foreign policy pursued until the 1960s did more harm than good on&nbsp;the works of the Conciliation Commission. During the 1950s, Turkey formed closer economic and political relationships with Israel, while its relations with important Arab nations such as Egypt and Syria deteriorated. Such direct conflicts between Western and Arab nations as the Suez Crisis did not only worsen the relations between Western and Arab nations in the Conciliation Commission, but also caused Turkey to lose its role of mediator. With Cold War and the Soviet Union becoming more influential over Middle East, Turkey’s policies on Arab nations, especially Egypt and Syria, became stricter. When Turkey and Syria were on the brink of war in 1957, the two nations had no chance of cooperation and resolution under the Conciliation Commission. Egypt and Syria also sharpened their irreconcilable attitudes against Turkey both in terms of regional policies and of international relations with the support they received from the Soviet Union. Because Egypt perceived a Muslim state’s contribution to the resolution of the Palestine issue as interference in the internal affairs of Arab nations at a time when it saw itself as the protector of Arab nations, it did not support Turkey’s efforts for conciliation. The Conciliation Commission for Palestine was imbedded in history as another UN initiative that failed to provide solutions to international relations under the existing structure of the UN.

PALESTINE CONCILIATION COMMISSION AND TURKEY

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Known as the Neo-Babylonian Chronicles, the cuneiform texts were compiled (copied) by Babylonian scribes and mostly concern the historical events of both the recent and distant past. Recorded concisely and chronologically, they detail events starting from the Babylonian king Nabunassar era in 747-734 BC and continue to the period just after the capture of Babylonia by the Persians in 539 BC. In this study, the records concerning the illnesses and disabilities of the Mesopotamian and Elamite kings in these chronicles will be discussed. We will attempt to determine the historical importance of these medical problems of the kings with regards to the medical history of Mesopotamia. Some assessments will be made concerning the relations between these records and the political, religious, and traditional aspects of Babylonian historiography. Additionally, other pieces of information in other chronicles such as Esarhaddon, Weidner, and Chronicle of Early Kings will be referred to when needed. Although numerous Babylonian and Assyrian kings are mentioned concerning political events in the Neo-Babylonian Chronicles, the only king whose illness is mentioned is the Neo-Assyrian king Esarhaddon (681- 669 BC). The king fell ill during one of his campaigns and subsequently died. There is not much detailed information about the king’s illness in the relevant chronicles. Similarly, the chronicles do not mention the illnesses of the Babylonian kings in much detail. While the Neo-Babylonian king Nabunassar (747-734 BC) died after becoming sick in his palace, another Babylonian king Nabonidus (555-539 BC) was also ill but recovered. In brief, it is observed that the medical backgrounds of some of the numerous Babylonian and Assyrian kings are mentioned in the Neo-Babylonian Chronicles and that these references are only superficial. However, it is very clear that the illnesses and disabilities of the Neo-Elamite kings, who reigned during the 1st millennium BC, are mentioned in more detail by the chronicle scribes. What is the reason behind the fact that no detailed information is given about the illnesses of the Assyrian and Babylonian kings, while the health situations and deaths of their contemporary Neo-Elamite kings include more details? There might be more than one answer to this question. One answer might be that the scribes could not find sufficient information in the ancient sources about these issues while compiling the chronicles. In addition, statements indicating that the demise of the kings did not result from an illness and particularly that some of them “died in the palaces” are either proof of&nbsp;the fact that there is not sufficient information about the cause of death of these kings or it is possible that these individuals were accepted as “well-remembered figures” in Babylonian history. However, another answer (and one which is the main focus of the study) should be sought in the relation between the medical knowledge and tradition of Babylonian historiography, in which political and religious ideologies are dominant. It is possible to find pieces of information about the health problems of kings such as Esarhaddon and Nabonidus in other cuneiform sources such as the royal inscriptions and correspondence. However, only in the chronicles is it possible to encounter details about the illnesses of the Elamite kings. The records of the death of two Neo-Elamite kings following a stroke and/or paralysis can be considered as an example of the reflection of a pro-Babylonian attitude towards historiography. It is certain that the scribe or scribes, who mentioned these pieces of information, are eager to leave no stone unturned about information and the details concerning the disabilities or deaths of the Elamite kings. It should be considered that a conscious preference in deciding which pieces of information to be recorded might be related to the world views of the scribes, the relevance of the kings, the form of the illnesses to be mentioned, divine background, and the political/ideological aspects of historiographical tradition. Similarly, this relation is conspicuous in the health problems of the Sargon of Akkad and Isin king Erra-imitti written in the records of the Chronicles of the Early Kings and Weidner as well.It is possible that some of the details concerning the illnesses of the kings might contain fabrications, exaggerations, or personal comments. However, even if these details are supported by information from other cuneiform sources or even if it is medically possible, it doesn’t change the possible views asserted in the study about the intentions behind adding them to the chronicles. Sometimes concise and sometimes relatively longer, the information provided by the chronicle writers about the illnesses of the Assyrian, Babylonian, and Elamite kings, and even about the Isin king Erra-imitti contribute to our knowledge about the medical history of ancient Mesopotamia. Independent from the individuals, since these medical cases (such as stroke, paralysis, fever, insomnia, and respiratory problems) are common in royal correspondence and literary texts and particularly in medical texts, they have no particular privilege. However, these medical details in the chronicles are important with regards to Babylonian historiography. It is observed in the chronicles that only the health problems of the kings are detailed with interest. However, some kings like the Neo-Babylonian King Nabonidus (who recovered after the illness), or kings who died without getting sick, are also discussed. Particularly in the latter case, it was also relevant that some of the scribes did not have knowledge about the causes of deaths of the kings. Additionally, it was recorded that some of the kings (like the Babylonian king Nabunassar) died in the palaces, even without getting sick. The Babylonian scribes were probably informed about the details of the illness of the Neo-Assyrian king Esarhaddon; however, they did not mention it. In fact, Esarhaddon was a Neo-Assyrian king, who was trying to revive the city of Babylonia and return it to its old magnificent days after his father, Sennacherib, wrathfully devastated the city. It can be considered that these kings were not remembered with ill feelings by later generations. However, this interpretation can involve problems, since it is a result of an overall general view about the whole life of the individual. It is also possible that they were punished with illnesses resulting in death by the gods due to their misconduct in any period of their kingdom or in any issue that might annoy (!) the gods.Therefore, all of these examples have great importance since they reflect the dominant understanding concerning the ancient Mesopotamian historiography: a religious belief that the illness is a divine punishment arising from the faults of an individual. The common trait of almost all of the kings, about whom the chronicles give detailed information concerning their illnesses, is that they were all remembered negatively with regards to the history of Babylonia. It is possible that there was an attempt to create a perception that the patron deity of the city of Babylon Marduk (Bel) punished these kings who were in the wrong. Illnesses and deaths related with these situations were remarkable events since they demonstrated the proof of the relation between the crime and the punishment. Thus, the motives behind the intention to abstain from recording the known or fabricated medical causes of deaths of some kings should not be examined, to a large extent, in the epistemological concerns. These motives should be investigated in the relations between historiography and its political, religious, and traditional aspects. For example, mentioning the insomnia problems of Sargon of Akkad doesn’t have a medical or historical importance in itself. This record reaches significance when there is an attempt to establish relations between the current ideologies and compilation of literary narratives, whose “reality is suspicious”, that are dated to the 1st millennium BC. It might also be mentioned that, sometimes while narrating, the role and influence of these relations are behind the inclusion of the themes and contents, which are thought to arouse curiosity and interest, with a high potential of speculation.

IDEOLOGICAL READINGS THROUGH THE MEDICAL RECORDS: ILLNESSES IN THE NEO-BABYLONIAN CHRONICLES AND BABYLONIAN HISTORIOGRAPHY

Ebru

The Last Penetration of The Crusader Armies into the Seljuḳ Territory of Anatolia: Emperor Friedrich Barbarossa’s Crusade (1089-1190)In the 12th century, Anatolia witnessed the great struggles between the Crusaders and the Turks, and the Crusaders penetrated into Seljuḳ territory for the last time during the Third Crusade (1189–1192). By conquering Jerusalem in 1187, the Egyptian-Syrian ruler, Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn, put an end to the Crusaders’ domination in Jerusalem, which lasted 88 years. It was at this point that German Emperor Friedrich Barbarossa, who had accompanied his uncle Conrad III, King of Germany during the Second Crusade, once again agreed to participate in the Crusade—this time as a 70-year-old ruler. He formed an immense army with the goal of capturing Jerusalem from Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn. While the English and French kings traveled by sea to the Holy Land with their forces, Friedrich tried to reach the East through Anatolia. This paper discusses the march of the German Crusaders under the command of Friedrich Barbarossa in Anatolia, and the Seljuk-Crusader relations in this period.&nbsp;Emperor Friedrich, who started to prepare for the expedition after accepting the cross, sent ambassadors to Hungarian King Bela III, Byzantine Emperor Isaakios Angelos II, and Seljuk Sultan Ḳilidj Arslan II to ask for permission to pass through their countries. In response, Emperor Isaakios said that the Crusaders would be allowed to enter the territory of the empire if they promised not to take any action against the Byzantine State. When this stipulation was accepted by Friedrich, the Byzantine emperor agreed to provide guidance and suitable markets to the Crusaders during the transition from Anatolia. After that, Emperor Isaakios took the necessary measures in accordance with the agreement reached; however, Barbarossa’s contact with the enemies of Byzantine Serbs and Seljuks increased Isaakios’s concerns. Faced with such danger, Isaakios found it appropriate to contact Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn for the interest of his country. According to Ibn al-Asir, when Isaakios learned of the German emperor’s movement, he sent an envoy to Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn and promised that he would prevent Friedrich from passing through the Byzantine land.After the year-long preparations, Friedrich finally moved from Regensburg to the East in May 1189. His enormously large and well- organized army seemed almost invincible. Barbarossa passed Hungary, where he was welcomed by King Bela, and by crossing the Danube near Belgrade, he entered the Byzantine territory in 1189. The Crusader army was said to have 50,000 horsemen and 100,000 infantrymen. Meanwhile, the Serbs and Bulgarians’ attempt to form an alliance with the German emperor destressed the Byzantines.Because of the events in the Balkans, the relations between the two sides became so bad that Friedrich even contemplated attacking Istanbul. Eventually, Friedrich, who intended to arrive in Palestine after spending the winter months in Adrianople, went to Gallipoli in March 1190, and by crossing through the Dardanelles into Anatolia, he entered the path that Alexander the Great had followed about 15 centuries prior. After crossing the Granikos Stream and the Angelokomites River, the Crusaders followed a Byzantine military road between Miletopolis and today’s Balikesir (Akhyraous), and they moved southward through Balikesir-Ala Shehir before heading toward Seljuḳ territory after the Byzantine border town of Laodiceia (Denizli). The German emperor thought that he would easily pass from Anatolia, in accordance with the old friendship and the agreements between Ḳilidj Arslan II and him. In the last two years, he sent ambassadors to the sultan several times, and he stated that his intention was to go to Jerusalem. When the German army was in Adrianople, Sultan Ḳilidj Arslan and his son Malik Shah’s envoys had gone to Friedrich and promised to help him. Meanwhile, the Anatolian Seljuk State had lost its political unity. Sultan Ḳilidj Arslan did not actually have power. The feuds for the throne had begun among the Maliks soon after he allocated the country between his 11 sons in 1187. Because of these circumstances, the Turks were not in a position to openly fight against this enormous army, but they also did not want to let them pass through Anatolia. As a result, they followed the German Crusader army and harassed them. In the meantime, the Turkmens, who acted on their own at the borders, also pursued the Crusaders along the road from Denizli. The Turkmens initially retreated to the mountains and grazed large herds of animals (around 5,000) along the Germans’ way and therefore condemned the horses of the Crusaders to starvation. Then they suddenly attacked the Crusaders, who were devastated by fatigue and starvation. As&nbsp;a result of these attacks in the mountains and passages in the Uluborlu region, the Germans suffered great losses. While the attacks of the Turkmens continued along the way, the Germans were forced to carry out a series of fierce battles (from April 28 to May 18). The Turks also continued their activities around the Crusader camp at nights, shouting and shooting arrows until the morning, causing the Germans sleepless and troubled nights. In the meantime, under the rain of arrows that pierced the tents, the Crusaders were sometimes killed while they were asleep. For this reason, most of the Crusaders were unable to remove their armor at night for weeks. This situation created an exasperating impact on them. Also, the water resources along the way of the Crusader army were rendered unusable, all kinds of foodstuffs were destroyed, cities were evacuated, and the people hid in the forests and mountains.As a result of the war tactics applied by the Turks, the German army, which was miserable because of both the lack of food and water and the constant Turkish attacks, suffered heavy losses. They set Aḳshehir on fire and marched toward Iconium (Konya). After a fierce battle, Emperor Friedrich finally managed to enter Iconium by force on May 18th. However, after leaving Iconium, Friedrich drowned while crossing the Saleph River (Silifke /Salūḳiya). As a result of this, the German army disbanded (June 10, 1190), and only a small part of the army, led by his son Friedrich VI of Swabia, reached Acre.

THE LAST PENETRATION OF THE CRUSADER ARMIES INTO THE SELJUḲ TERRITORY OF ANATOLIA: EMPEROR FRIEDRICH BARBAROSSA’S CRUSADE (1089-1190)

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Turkish Journal of History (Turk J Hist) is an international, scientific, open access periodical published in accordance with independent, unbiased, and double-blinded peer-review principles. This is a scholarly, international, peer-reviewed and open-access journal published three times a year in February, June and October.
The publication languages of the journal are Turkish and English. Turkish Journal of History (Turk J Hist) aims to contribute to the literature by publishing manuscripts at the highest scientific level on all fields of history. The journal publishes original articles and translations.
Turkish Journal of History (Turk J Hist) aims to contribute to the literature by publishing manuscripts at the highest scientific level on all fields of history.
Turkish Journal of History (Turk J Hist) publishes research articles and translations on national, regional and world history. The journal also includes book reviews and critiques.

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Turkish Journal of History (Turk J Hist) aims to contribute to the literature by publishing manuscripts at the highest scientific level on all fields of history. Turkish Journal of History (Turk J Hist) publishes research articles and translations on national, regional and world history. The journal also includes book reviews and critiques.

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Editor should consider publishing correction if minor errors that do not effect the results, interpretations and conclusions of the published paper are detected. Editor should consider retraction if major errors and/or misconduction that invalidate results and conclusions are detected.Editor should consider issuing an expression of concern if there is evidence of research or publication misconduct by the authors; there is evidence that the findings are not reliable and institutions of the authors do not investigate the case or the possible investigation seems to be unfair or nonconclusive. The guidelines of <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/flowcharts/complete-set-english" target="_blank">COPE</a> and <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/" target="_blank">ICJME</a> are taken into consideration regarding correction, retractions or expression of concern.RetractionJournal follows <a href="https://publicationethics.org/sites/default/files/retraction-guidelines-cope.pdf" target="_blank">COPE’s Retraction Guidelines</a> in case of retraction. The editor has the right to retract an article if: <ul><li>There is clear evidence that the findings are unreliable; either as a result of a major error (e.g. miscalculation or experimental error), or as a result of fabrication (e.g. of data) or falsification (e.g. image manipulation).</li><li>It contains plagiarised content. </li><li>It has been published elsewhere without proper attribution. </li><li>It contains material or data without authorisation for use.</li><li>There is copyright infringement or there is some other serious legal issue.</li><li>It reports unethical research. </li><li>There is evidence that the peer-review process is compromised or manipulated.</li><li>The author(s) failed to disclose a significant competing interest (also known as a conflict of interest) that, in the opinion of the editor, would have unduly influenced the interpretation of the work or the recommendations of the editors and peer reviewers.</li></ul>In case of retraction the following steps are followed:<ul><li>Retraction notice including article title is published in a subsequent issue of the journal. The retraction notice is paginated and listed in the table of contents. </li><li>A link is provided between the retraction notice and the original article in the electronic version. </li><li>The online article is preceded by a page containing the retraction notice; the reader can then proceed to the article itself.</li><li>The original article remains unchanged, except for a watermark on the .pdf on each page stating that it has been &#34;retracted”.</li></ul>Article Removal for Legal ReasonsIn the following circumstances, except the metadata (title and authors), the text of the article is removed and a page informing that the article has been removed for legal reasons replaces the article. <ul><li>The article is found to be defamatory or to infringe the legal rights of others, and retraction is not deemed to be an adequate solution.</li><li>The article has been, or is reasonably likely to be the subject of a court order.</li><li>There is a significant risk to public health. </li></ul>

To guarantee that all papers published in the journal are maintained and permanently accessible, articles are stored in Dergipark which serves as a  national archival web site and at the same time permits LOCKSS to  collect, preserve, and serve the content.Additionally, authors are encouraged to self-archive the final PDF version of their articles in open electronic archives with  that conform to standards of Open Archives Initiative (<a href="https://www.openarchives.org/" target="_blank">https://www.openarchives.org/</a>). Authors should provide a link from the deposited version to the URL of IUPress journal website.

The Artificial Intelligence Policy, prepared in light of developments in artificial intelligence (AI) and practices in scholarly publishing, sets out the editorial and ethical principles that authors, reviewers, and editors should follow when using such technologies. The following sources have been considered in the preparation of the AI policy:Committee on Publication Ethics <a href="https://publicationethics.org/guidance/cope-position/authorship-and-ai-tools" target="_blank">(COPE) - Authorship and AI tools</a>; International Committee of Medical Journal Editors <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/browse/roles-and-responsibilities/defining-the-role-of-authors-and-contributors.html#four" target="_blank">(ICMJE) - Artificial Intelligence (AI)-Assisted Technology; World Association of Medical Editors  (WAME) Chatbots, Generative AI, and Scholarly Manuscripts</a><a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/browse/roles-and-responsibilities/defining-the-role-of-authors-and-contributors.html#four"></a>AI-assisted technologies (such as large language models [LLMs], chatbots, or image generators) can develop and produce a wide variety of content, including text, images, audio, and synthetic data. When used ethically and safely, these capabilities can increase productivity and foster innovation, but when used without human guidance, they pose risks such as inaccurate and biased results, omissions and errors in citations, deficiencies in protecting privacy and intellectual property rights, and potential violations of authors' and publishers' rights. IUPress adopts the following core principles to avoid these risks in the use of AI:  <ul><li>Details of any AI used in the production of content (including but not limited to text, figures, images, and code) must be declared and clearly explained in the appropriate section of the paper (as an acknowledgement and/or in the methods section). </li><li>No AI tool may be listed as an author in any scientific paper. </li><li>Authors are responsible for the accuracy, completeness, and originality of their work, even if AI is used in any way; they are responsible for the proper referencing and attribution of others' ideas, data, words, or other materials. </li><li>Reviewers and editors must not upload submitted work, in whole or in part, to any generative AI application.</li></ul>In the editorial processes of IUPress publications, tools are available to assist editors in identifying AI-generated content. On the other hand, it is common to use AI tools that provide suggestions for improving and enhancing readability, language, and grammar, and such AI tools can be used in IUPress publications under the supervision of editors and authors.

Artificial Intelligence Policy

<ul><li>Authors are required to declare if they have used AI-assisted technologies (such as large language models [LLMs], chatbots, or image generators) in the creation of their submitted work. </li><li>Authors should explain, both in the cover letter and in the appropriate section of the submitted paper (as a footnote and/or in the methods section), which AI tool and which version of it they have used and for what purpose. </li><li>Authors should also indicate how they used the AI tool and how they assessed the validity of the results obtained using this technology, and what aspects of the paper, manuscript content, data or supporting files were influenced by the use of the AI tool or were generated by AI.</li><li>It is the authors' responsibility to ensure the accuracy, validity and appropriateness of content and citations generated by AI-assisted technologies and to eliminate potential errors, inconsistencies and biased results. </li><li>Authors should always check the original sources to eliminate possible plagiarism, recognising that there is a potential for plagiarism in texts produced with AI-assisted technologies. They should confirm that they have checked and that the sources are original.  </li><li>AI-assisted tools (such as ChatGPT) cannot be listed as authors because they cannot be responsible for the accuracy, integrity, and originality of the work, and these responsibilities are essential to authorship. Therefore, authors are responsible for all material involving the use of AI-assisted technologies. Authors should ensure that all statements in the article that state the hypotheses, interpretations, conclusions, limitations, and implications of the study represent their own opinions.  </li><li>Studies created by authors using AI tools in the following ways, which substitute for the basic researcher's and author's responsibilities, violate the principles of scientific publishing and publication ethics, and such studies are not eligible for inclusion in publications: </li></ul><ul><ul><li>Generation of text or code without rigorous review, </li><li>Generation of synthetic data to replace missing data without a robust methodology, </li><li>Creation of any inaccurate, synthetic content, including abstracts or supplementary materials, </li><li>Creation and manipulation of images and figures (pictures, graphs, data tables, medical images, image snippets, computer codes and formulae) or original research data (enhancing, hiding, moving, removing or adding a particular feature within an image or figure) using AI.</li></ul></ul>

It is essential to maintain confidentiality in the peer review process and not to share or use the reviewed work in this process. <a href="https://publicationethics.org/sites/default/files/ethical-guidelines-peer-reviewers-cope.pdf" target="_blank">(COPE – Ethical Guidelines for Peer Reviewers</a>)<ul><li>Reviewers should not upload a manuscript or part of a manuscript submitted to them for review to generative AI tools or large language models to assist in the review, evaluation or decision-making process, as uploading content to such AI tools by reviewers violates the authors' privacy and property rights.  </li><li>Reviewing a scientific paper is a responsibility that can only be undertaken by human beings. The critical thinking and original evaluation required for peer review is beyond the scope of this technology, and there is a risk that the technology will produce inaccurate, incomplete or biased conclusions about the paper. The peer review report and decision letters should reflect the personal assessment of the reviewers and editors of the submitted content. The reviewer is responsible and accountable for the content of his/her report. </li><li>AI tools may be used in a limited way to improve the quality of the language of the peer review report (for translation or language editing) in the context of peer review. If such use is made, the reviewer must declare the use when submitting the report. </li><li>Reviewers who suspect inappropriate or undisclosed use of generative AI in a submission should report their concerns to the editor.</li></ul>

Editors are obliged to ensure that the confidentiality of the manuscripts submitted to the journal is maintained during the evaluation process, and it is essential that the peer-reviewed work is not shared or used outside the parties involved in that process. (COPE - Code of Conduct and Best Practice Guidelines for Journal Editors) <a href="https://publicationethics.org/files/Code_of_conduct_for_journal_editors_Mar11.pdf" target="_blank">(COPE – Code of Conduct and Best Practice Guidelines for Journal Editors)</a>.<ul><li>Editors should not upload a submitted article, or any part of it, to generative Artificial Intelligence tools or Big Language Models to assist in the review, evaluation or decision-making process, as this may violate authors' privacy and property rights. </li><li>Managing the editorial review of a scientific article implies responsibilities that can only be attributed to humans. Generative AI or AI-assisted technologies should not be used by editors to assist in the evaluation or decision-making process of an article, as the critical thinking and original evaluation required for this task is beyond the scope of this technology and there is a risk that the technology will produce inaccurate, incomplete or biased conclusions about the article. The editor is responsible and accountable for the editorial process, the final decision and its communication to the authors.</li><li>Editors should not use generative AI tools to compose decision letters or abstracts of unpublished research. </li><li>Editors may use generative AI tools to help find appropriate reviewers.</li><li>If editors suspect the use of generative AI in a submitted manuscript or a submitted referee report, they should conduct an editorial review of the matter and consider the policy.</li></ul>

Turkish Journal of History is committed to upholding the highest standards of publication ethics and pays regard to Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing published by the <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, the <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, the <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a>, and the <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> on <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-bestpractice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-bestpractice-scholarly-publishing</a>All submissions must be original, unpublished (including as full text in conference proceedings), and not under the review of any other publication synchronously. Each manuscript is reviewed by one of the editors and at least two referees under double-blind peer review process. Plagiarism, duplication, fraud authorship/denied authorship, research/data fabrication, salami slicing/salami publication, breaching of copyrights, prevailing conflict of interest are unnethical behaviors. All manuscripts not in accordance with the accepted ethical standards will be removed from the publication. This also contains any possible malpractice discovered after the publication. In accordance with the code of conduct we will report any cases of suspected plagiarism or duplicate publishing.

Ethics

Turkish Journal of History adheres to the highest standards in research ethics and follows the principles of international research ethics as defined below. The authors are responsible for the compliance of the manuscripts with the ethical rules.<li>Principles of integrity, quality and ransparency should be sustained in designing the research, reviewing the design and conducting the research.</li><li>The research team and participants should be fully informed about the aim, methods, possible uses and requirements of the research and risks of participation in research.</li><li>The confidentiality of the information provided by the research participants and the confidentiality of the respondents should be ensured. The research should be designed to protect the autonomy and dignity of the participants.</li><li>Research participants should participate in the research voluntarily, not under any coercion.</li><li>Any possible harm to participants must be avoided. The research should be planned in such a way that the participants are not at risk.</li><li>The independence of research must be clear; and any conflict of interest or must be disclosed.</li><li>In experimental studies with human subjects, written informed consent of the participants who decide to participate in the research must be obtained. In the case of children and those under wardship or with confirmed insanity, legal custodian’s assent must be obtained.</li><li>If the study is to be carried out in any institution or organization, approval must be obtained from this institution or organization.</li><li>In studies with human subject, it must be noted in the method’s section of the manuscript that the informed consent of the participants and ethics committee approval from the institution where the study has been conducted have been obtained.</li>

It is authors’ responsibility to ensure that the article is in accordance with scientific and ethical standards and rules. And authors must ensure that submitted work is original. They must certify that the manuscript has not previously been published elsewhere or is not currently being considered for publication elsewhere, in any language. Applicable copyright laws and conventions must be followed. Copyright material (e.g. tables, figures or extensive quotations) must be reproduced only with appropriate permission and acknowledgement. Any work or words of other authors, contributors, or sources must be appropriately credited and referenced. All the authors of a submitted manuscript must have direct scientific and academic contribution to the manuscript. The author(s) of the original research articles is defined as a person who is significantly involved in “conceptualization and design of the study”, “collecting the data”, “analyzing the data”, “writing the manuscript”, “reviewing the manuscript with a critical perspective” and “planning/ conducting the study of the manuscript and/or revising it”. Fund raising, data collection or supervision of the research group are not sufficient roles to be accepted as an author. The author(s) must meet all these criteria described above. The order of names in the author list of an article must be a co-decision and it must be indicated in the <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/23902FFD8AED477FACB35089D3B27DD8" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form.</a> The individuals who do not meet the authorship criteria but contributed to the study must take place in the acknowledgement section. Individuals providing technical support, assisting writing, providing a general support, providing material or financial support are examples to be indicated in acknowledgement section. All authors must disclose all issues concerning financial relationship, conflict of interest, and competing interest that may potentially influence the results of the research or scientific judgment. When an author discovers a significant error or inaccuracy in his/her own published paper, it is the author’s obligation to promptly cooperate with the Editor-in-Chief to provide retractions or corrections of mistakes.

Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, sexual orientation, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors. He/She provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles for publication and ensures that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential before publishing.Editor-in-Chief is responsible for the contents and overall quality of the publication. He/She must publish errata pages or make corrections when needed.Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers. Only he has the full authority to assign a reviewer and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal.Reviewers must have no conflict of interest with respect to the research, the authors and/or the research funders. Their judgments must be objective.Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees must be ensured. In particular situations, the editor may share the review of one reviewer with other reviewers to clarify a particular point.

Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by editor-in-chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope.The editor hands over the papers matching the formal rules to at least two national/international referees for double-blind peer review evaluation and gives green light for publication upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.

Peer Review

Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, sexual orientation, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors. He/She provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles for publication and ensures that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential before publishing. Editor-in-Chief is responsible for the contents and overall quality of the publication. He/She must publish errata pages or make corrections when needed. Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers. Only he has the full authority to assign a reviewer and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal. Reviewers must have no conflict of interest with respect to the research, the authors and/or the research funders. Their judgments must be objective. Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side. A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process. The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees must be ensured. In particular situations, the editor may share the review of one reviewer with other reviewers to clarify a particular point.

Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation.Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by Editor-in-Chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope. Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender, citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors and ensures a fair double-blind peer review of the selected manuscripts.The selected manuscripts are sent to at least two national/international external referees for evaluation and publication decision is given by Editor-in-Chief upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal.Reviewers’ judgments must be objective. Reviewers’ comments on the following aspects are expected while conducting the review.- Does the manuscript contain new and significant information?- Does the abstract clearly and accurately describe the content of the manuscript?- Is the problem significant and concisely stated?- Are the methods described comprehensively?- Are the interpretations and consclusions justified by the results?- Is adequate references made to other Works in the field?- Is the language acceptable?Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees is important.

Language Articles in Turkish and English are published. Submitted manuscript must include an abstract both in the article language and in English.The journal publishes articles in Turkish and English. Submitted articles should have an abstract in the language of the article and an abstract in English. Manuscript Preparation and Submission Manuscripts can only be submitted through the journal's online manuscript submission and evaluation system at https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/iutarih. Articles submitted through other platforms will not be evaluated. Authors are required to upload the Copyright Agreement Form to the online article system during the first submission. All manuscripts submitted to the Journal of History should not exceed 12,500 words excluding footnotes and bibliography. All manuscripts submitted to the Journal of History should be written in A4 size in MS Word compatible program in Times New Roman font, 11 pt. For articles written in Turkish, TDK spelling guide is taken as basis. The title should be 14-point, bold and capitalized. The title should be center-aligned. Main and subheadings can be used in the text. Main headings should be 11-point, lowercase and bold, left justified; subheadings should be 11-point, bold, lowercase and left justified. Spacing between headings and paragraphs should be 6 pt. - When quotations exceed 5 lines, they should start 1 cm from the paragraph indent and should be italicized in quotation marks. Quotations of less than 5 lines are italicized in quotation marks within the text. Statements that need to be emphasized are also italicized. Footnotes It should be written in Times New Roman font, 9 point, single spaced. The alignment should be justified and the paragraph indent should be 0.5 cm and the ascending line should be on the first line. One space should be left after all punctuation marks and a full stop should be placed at the end of all footnotes. References in the text should be numbered starting from 1 as footnotes at the bottom of the page. Other than this, no references should be made in the text. When giving references in footnotes, book and journal names should be italicized, article names should be given in plain quotation marks. In footnotes, the author's name and the full citation tag should be given at the first mention, then only the author's surname and the abbreviations determined by the author such as a.g.e., a.g.m., or a.g.t. should be written. If more than one book or article by one author is used, the surname of the author should be given after the first use of the second work, followed by the abbreviated name of the book or article. In the first mention of multi-author references, all authors should be written, and the following references should be abbreviated. In footnotes, if there is a reference to the entire article, chapter in a book or encyclopedia article, the starting and ending pages should be indicated. A&#65279;bstract: Research articles should contain an 80-100 words abstract in Turkish and English. The abstract should be prepared without any subheadings. Keywords: Each submission must be accompanied by a minimum of three to a maximum of six keywords for subject indexing at the end of the abstract. The keywords should be listed in full without abbreviations. Manuscript Types Research Articles: This is the most important type of article since it provides new information based on original research. The main text of original articles should be structured in accordance with the context of the article. Translations: This type of manuscript should be submitted with a file that contains the original text with its full bibliographic information. A formal consent letter from the author of the original text is also required.Tables Tables should be included in the main document, presented after the reference list, and they should be numbered consecutively in the order they are referred to within the main text. A descriptive title must be placed above the tables. Abbreviations used in the tables should be defined below the tables by footnotes (even if they are defined within the main text). Tables should be created using the “insert table” command of the word processing software and they should be arranged clearly to provide easy reading. Data presented in the tables should not be a repetition of the data presented within the main text but should be supporting the main text. Figures and Figure Legends Figures, graphics, and photographs should be submitted as separate files (in TIFF or JPEG format) through the submission system. The files should not be embedded in a Word document or the main document. When there are figure subunits, the subunits should not be merged to form a single image. Each subunit should be submitted separately through the submission system. Images should not be labeled (a, b, c, etc.) to indicate figure subunits. Thick and thin arrows, arrowheads, stars, asterisks, and similar marks can be used on the images to support figure legends. Like the rest of the submission, the figures too should be blind. Any information within the images that may indicate an individual or institution should be blinded. The minimum resolution of each submitted figure should be 300 DPI. To prevent delays in the evaluation process, all submitted figures should be clear in resolution and large in size (minimum dimensions: 100 × 100 mm). Figure legends should be listed at the end of the main document. All acronyms and abbreviations used in the manuscript should be defined at first use, both in the abstract and in the main text. The abbreviation should be provided in parentheses following the definition. All references, tables, and figures should be referred to within the main text, and they should be numbered consecutively in the order they are referred to within the main text. Limitations, drawbacks, and the shortcomings of original articles should be mentioned in the Discussion section before the conclusion paragraph. Revisions When submitting a revised version of a paper, changes made according to the reviewers’ comments should be highlighted in the revised document. Revised manuscripts must be submitted within 30 days from the date of the decision letter. If the revised version of the manuscript is not submitted within the allocated time, the revision option may be canceled. If the submitting author(s) believe that additional time is required, they should request this extension before the initial 30-day period is over. Accepted manuscripts are copy-edited for grammar, punctuation, and format. Once the publication process of a manuscript is completed, it is published online on the journal’s webpage as an ahead-of- print publication before it is included in its scheduled issue. A PDF proof of the accepted manuscript is sent to the corresponding author and their publication approval is requested within 2 days of their receipt of the proof.

Author Guidelines

While citing publications, preference should be given to the latest, most up-to-date publications. Authors are responsible for the accuracy of references. References should be prepared according the detailed information and examples provided below. In-text references should be stated in superscripts and numbered starting from 1 as footnotes. Footnotes should be written in Times New Roman style, type size 9 with one space. All footnotes should be end with a full stop. While stating references in footnotes, the title of books and journals should be in italic whereas the title of articles should be plain text font in quotation marks. In the footnotes, the author name and source must be given exactly in the first place, then only the author’s surname and abbreviation ibid should be written. When citing different publications of the same author, last name of the author and the abbreviated title of the book or the article should be provided after the first citation of the second work. In books with multiple authors, all authors must be written in the first citation and only the surnames of the authors should be given in the following citations of the same book. While citing an article, book section or an encyclopedia item, start and end pages should be provided.Examples: Books with a Single Author: Mübahat S. Kütükoğlu, Menteşe Sancağı 1830 (Nüfus ve Toplum Yapısı), TTK Yay., Ankara 2010, p. 115.For following citations: Kütükoğlu, ibid., p. 123 or Kütükoğlu, p. 123. Different publications of the same author: Arzu Terzi, Hazine-i Hassa Nezareti, TTK Yay., Ankara 2000, p. 98 (Terzi, Hazine-i Hassa). If the same book will be cited again, the abbreviated title of it should be provided in the parenthesis as shown in the example. To indicate the volume of the book, only the volume should be written in Roman numerals. Hoca Sa‘deddin Efendi, Tâcü’t-tevârîh, I, İstanbul 1279, 25. Tayyâr-zâde Atâ, Osmanlı Saray Tarihi Târîh-i Enderûn, haz. Mehmet Arslan, Kitabevi, III, İstanbul 2010, 138. Book Translations: Philippe du Fresne-Canaye, Fresne-Canaye Seyahatnamesi 1573, tran. Teoman Tunçdoğan, İstanbul 2009, p. 51.Encyclopedia items: Feridun M. Emecen, “Başmukataa Kalemi”, DİA, V, 135. Books with multiple authors: Robert Anhegger-Halil İnalcık, Kānūnnāme-i Sultānī Ber Mūceb-i ‛Örf-i ‛Osmānī, II. Mehmed ve II. Bayezid Devirlerine Ait Yasaknāme ve Kānūnnāmeler, TTK Yay., Ankara 2000, p. 25. For following citations of the same book: Anhegger-İnalcık, ibid, p. 36. Editor(s) or compiler(s) as authors: Osmanlı Uygarlığı, eds. Halil İnalcık-Günsel Renda, Kültür Bakanlığı Yay., I-II, Ankara 2009. Book section: Terzi, Arzu, “II. Abdülhamid’in Emlakı ve Irak Petrolleri”, Sultan II. Abdülhamid ve Dönemi, ed. Coşkun Yılmaz, İstanbul 2014, s. 181-188. Journal Article: Mübahat S. Kütükoğlu, “Osmanlıdan Günümüze Yer Adları”, Belleten, LXXVI/275 (2012), p.149. Bekir Kütükoğlu, “Ahmed Cevdet Paşa, Ma‘rûzât”, Güney-Doğu Avrupa Araştırmaları Dergisi, issue 10-11, İstanbul 1983, p. 251. Mücteba İlgürel, “Şer‘iyye Sicillerinin Toplu Kataloğuna Doğru”, Tarih Dergisi, issue 28-29 (1975), p. 164. Journal article with multiple authors: Kayhan Orbay-Hatice Oruç, “Sultan II. Murad’ın Edirne Câmi‘-i Şerîf ve Dârü’l-hadîs Vakfı (1592- 1607)”, Tarih Dergisi, issue 56 (2012/2), İstanbul 2013, p. 10. For the following citations of the same book: Orbay-Oruç, ibid, p. 15. Journal Translations: Géza Dávid, “XVI. Yüzyılda Osmanlı-Habsburg Mücadelesinin Bir Kaynağı Olarak Mühimme Defterleri”, tran. Özgür Kolçak, Tarih Dergisi, issue 53 (2011/1), İstanbul 2012, pp. 295-349. Articles of the authors with the same surname: Mübahat S. Kütükoğlu, “Osmanlıdan Günümüze Yer Adları”, Belleten, LXXVI/275 (2012), 149. Bekir Kütükoğlu, “Ahmed Cevdet Paşa, Ma‘rûzât”, Güney-Doğu Avrupa Araştırmaları Dergisi, issue 10-11, İstanbul 1983, p. 251. For the following citations of the same authors: M. S. Kütükoğlu, ibid, p. 160 or B. Kütükoğlu, ibid, p. 250. Thesis: Sinem Serin, Yıldız Çini/Porselen Fabrikası, İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Tarih Anabilim Dalı Osmanlı Müesseseleri ve Medeniyeti Tarihi Bilim Dalı, Unpublished Master Thesis, İstanbul 2009, p. 146.Archive Documents: In the footnotes; the name of the archive, the title of the classification, file and the document number should be stated respectively. Abbreviated classifications of the archives may be written in the footnote, however the full title of the classification should be given in the bibliography. • BOA, Maliyeden Müdevver Defterler (MAD), nr. 9146, s. 200. • BOA, Mühimme Defteri, nr. 120, s. 103, h. 250.Bibliography All sources that are cited in the footnotes should be stated in alphabetically by the surnames of the authors under Bibliography heading. Mübahat S. Kütükoğlu, Menteşe Sancağı 1830 (Nüfus ve Toplum Yapısı), TTK Yay., Ankara 2010. Hoca Sa‘deddin Efendi, Tâcü’t-tevârîh, I-II, İstanbul 1279-80. Translated texts: Fresne-Canaye, Philippe du, Fresne-Canaye Seyahatnamesi 1573, tran. Teoman Tunçdoğan, İstanbul 2009. *The edition number of the book should be indicated as superscript. Terzi, Arzu, Sultan Abdülhamid’in Mirası, Petrol ve Arazi, Timaş Yayınları, İstanbul 20142. Thesis: Sinem Serin, Yıldız Çini/Porselen Fabrikası, İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Tarih Anabilim Dalı Osmanlı Müesseseleri ve Medeniyeti Tarihi Bilim Dalı, Unpublished Master Thesis, İstanbul 2009, p. 146. Archive Documents: Archive classifications that are stated in footnotes should be written in full in bibliography, abbreviations should be stated in parenthesis. When references are used from different archives, these archives should be classified. Since the document numbers of the archives are stated in the footnotes, only the document classifications should be stated in bibliography section. • Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi (BOA) • Cevdet Bahriye Evrakı (C.BH.) • Şura-yı Devlet (ŞD.) • Deniz Tarihi Arşivi (DTA) • Bahriye Nezareti (BN.)

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Editor(s)	Arzu Tozduman Terzi
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