Asuman

Assoc. Prof.

It is said that the oracular books known as the Libri Sibyllini, which date from the Ancient Roman Kingdom Period, were brought to Rome by a mysterious woman named Sibylla. She has always been described as an old woman. According to legend she offered nine books either to Tarquinius Priscus (according to Varro), the fifth king of Rome or to Tarquinius Superbus (according to Plinius and Gellius), the last king of Rome. When Tarquinius said that the price she offered was too high, she burned three of the books and offered the remaining six at the same price but when the king again refused to accept this offer, she burned three of the remaining six books, just as she had done before. Finally after the soothsayers advised the king to buy the last three books, he bought three books for the price sought for the nine. Owing to these books, which were believed to predict the future, the people of Rome managed to cope with calamities, disasters and wars. Ancient writers have put forward different views on the origin and name of this mysterious woman, some based her origin on Erythrai, one of the twelve Ionian cities, and some on Kyme, one of the first Greek colonies in Italy. The reason for this is that both cities are believed to be the home of the famous seeress called Sibylla.A few ancient writers suggest that Sibylla once existed. A quotation from Heraclitus in Plutarch is the earliest reference to Sibylla. Euripides mentioned Sibylla in his lost play, Bousiris. Although the first clear evidence can be found in Aristophanes’ comedies Equites and Pax, much concrete evidence about Sibylla and the Sibylline Books dates from the second century to the first century BC. Especially in the works of ancient writers such as Titus Livius and Dionysius of Halicarnassus, there is important information about the subject. In the light of these works, although many authors have information about them in the Ancient Period, they inevitably fell into disagreement about the origin of Sibylla. The most detailed research on Sibylla in the Roman Period was done by Varro. Although the book Antiquitates Rerum Humanarum et Divinarum, which was published in 47 BC, was almost lost, a detailed perspective on Sibylla and the Sibylline Books has been obtained thanks to quotations made by ancient writers.&nbsp;The books known as the Libri Sibyllini containing the Sibylline oracles were kept in the temple of Jupiter on the Capitoline hill in Rome until the War of the Allies (Bellum Sociale). In the time of Tarquinius two noble people (duumviri) were appointed to consult the books. After that, this number was increased to ten (decemviri) and in the time of Sulla the priests known as the quindecimviri sacris faciundis were appointed to consult and interpret the books. As the Sibylline Books were destroyed when the Capitol was burned in 83 BC, a new collection was formed in AD 12 and deposited by Augustus in the temple of Apollo on the Palatine hill, where they lasted until the fifth century AD. Considering all oracular consultations as historical, it is clear that the reason was to get a conclusive response about&nbsp;inconceivable prodigies, calamities, disasters and wars. As a result, it is understood that sacrificial ceremonies were held to appease the gods and goddesses, as recommended by the oracular response to ward off all disasters. Owing to these events narrated by ancient writers, while it is known at least why the Sibylline Books were consulted, it is not possible to obtain precise information about exactly what was written in every oracle. Despite this, an oracle was obtained after some centuries which is a unique example today. The oracle, which was brought to light owing to the work Περὶ Θαυμασίων by Phlegon of Tralles – the freedman of Emperor Hadrianus, written in hexameter using the acrostic technique, strengthens the fact that this could be a real Sibylline oracle and gives unique information about its content.It is explained in the book De Reditu Suo by Rutilius Namatianus that the Sibylline Books, known to have been consulted in ancient Rome from 504 BC, were burned on an order given by General Flavius Stilicho in 405 AD. Although the relevant chapter in the work is the only known document that the Sibylline Books were burned by Stilicho, it is doubtful that this document is exact evidence for some reasons when looking at the background of the subject. Regardless, the Sibylline Books, which remained as ashes after this incident, had a different transformation under the name of the Sibylline Oracles (Oracula Sibyllina) which are believed to be a collection of Jewish and Christian writings between the second century BC and the fourth century AD. Numbering fifteen books by the fourth century AD, they have preserved their existence owing to manuscripts from the fourteenth century surviving to this day

“Sibylla” ve “Libri Sibyllini” Üzerine Tarihsel Bir İnceleme

Murat

Although it is generally accepted that Muslim maritime activities first began in the period of ʻUthmān b. ʻAffān (23-35/644-656), Islamic historical sources mention some maritime landings and conquests carried out during the period/reign of ‘Umar b. al-Khaṭṭāb (13- 23/634-644) without his knowledge, as well as maritime activities carried out at his behest. In this study, the maritime activities carried out in the period of Caliph ‘Umar will be examined, the position and attitude of the caliph in the face of the developments, his perspectives on the sea and maritime affairs, and the measures taken to protect Muslims in the case of possible attacks will be discussed in the light of the information provided by the sources.Before Islam, Arabs were engaged in some maritime activities. As a matter of fact, the use of sea and sea characteristics in the poems written by the poets of the age of Djāhiliyya confirms this situation. As efforts to spread and consolidate Islam in the Arabian Peninsula continued during the reign of Prophet Muḥammad (610-632) with the birth of Islam, activities at sea could not be carried out continuously and regularly by Muslims during the aforementioned years. In Abu Bākr’s short caliphate time (11-13/632-634), Muslims made remarkable progress towards Iraq and Syria. However, it is possible to say that their activities were not very effective in the seas during the reign of the first caliph after Prophet Muhammad since coastal countries such as Bilād al-Shām [Syria] and Egypt were not conquered.In the history of Islam, it is understood from the information provided by the sources that the attempts with the aim of jihad in maritime affairs began in the time of Caliph ‘Umar. The main reason for this was that Muslims had gradually dominated the regions of Bilād al-Shām, Iran, Iraq and Egypt due to the jihadist activities carried out during ‘Umar b. al-Khaṭṭāb’s time.It is worth noting that the capture of Bilād al-Shām and Egypt by the Islamic armies led to the birth of a new maritime age in the Mediterranean. As a matter of fact, the Battle of Yarmūk, which took place in 15 (636), would allow the Muslims to conquer the coastal cities, meaning the Muslims would be neighboring the Byzantine Empire, which was the only dominant power in the seas in this period in the east of the Mediterranean. Although ‘Umar b. al-Khaṭṭāb did not allow sea expeditions in the Mediterranean, with some of his practices in coastal cities, he seems to have laid the groundwork for the operations that his successor would carry out.The first statesman who understood that their dominance in Syria and Egypt was under threat if Byzantium’s superiority at the sea continued and realized that the struggle against Byzantium could not be carried out without the support of the navy during the reign of Caliph ‘Umar was Muʿāwiya (d. 60/680). In general, in addition to the currently available information about the maritime activities carried out in the Persian Gulf, Indian Ocean and&nbsp;Red Sea during ‘Umar b. al-Khaṭṭāb’s era, it is seen that Muʿāwiya, who wanted to carry out maritime activities in the Mediterranean from the coastal parts of Bilād al-Shām, had an insistent request. In this regard, it was natural for Caliph ‘Umar to consult with the governor of Egypt, which is on the Mediterranean coast, to get an idea. However, it seems unlikely that the caliph did not predict that Byzantium was the supreme power in this sea, and his answer to Muʿāwiya was actually about knowing the truth. Another reason for Muʿāwiya’s rejection of his request, on the other hand, was related to the number and value of Muslims.It should be noted ‘Umar b. al-Khaṭṭāb’s reluctance to allow his commanders or governors to make sea journeys was not due to religious requirements. The sunna of the prophet, for example, his actions, rhetoric, and the Ḳurʾān did not prohibit Muslims from traveling in the sea. The Ḳurʾān encourages Muslims to explores the seas and take advantage of the rich resources there. In the same way, the hadiths recommend that Muslims should organize sea travel, go to Makka (Mecca) for Hadj, use sea resources, and develop overseas trade.‘Umar b. al-Khaṭṭāb made every effort to preserve the coastal cities in the captured areas when Iran was conquered. In fact, based on the information provided by Islamic historical sources, it seems possible that Muslims actually started maritime activities during the period of Caliph ‘Umar. The main reason for ‘Umar b. al-Khaṭṭāb’s reaction to the naval operations carried out in this geography without his permission and the hesitation of Muslims to explore the seas are the likely fatal consequences. The answer to Muʿāwiya is that Caliph ‘Umar was sensitive to the value of human life and even the number of Muslim soldiers, anticipating or knowing what power he was facing. Because of the Byzantine naval force, ‘Umar b. al-Khaṭṭāb ordered Muʿāwiya to strengthen the garrisons in the coastal areas and keep the cities under control, even if he did not allow them to make expeditions in the Mediterranean. Although he had hesitated to go to sea, he took various initiatives/steps to protect the coastal cities.It is necessary to emphasize the following: the foundation of maritime activities in the Mediterranean in a de facto manner during ʻUthmān b. ʻAffān’s era was laid during the period of his predecessor. As a matter of fact, during ‘Umar b. al-Khaṭṭāb’s time, naval operations in the Red Sea, Uman, Persian Gulf and India were relatively concentrated, while during ʻUthmān b. ʻAffān’s caliphate, it is necessary to state that naval expeditions were concentrated in the Mediterranean. The attitude of Caliph ‘Umar, who did not allow the sea expeditions that a commander/admiral like Muʿāwiya wanted to conduct in the Mediterranean and restricted maritime activities during his own caliphate, stemmed from the risk of harm to the Muslims under his rule. In addition, the caliph, who was aware of the small number of Muslims and the more deadly consequences of sea expeditions compared to land wars, must have preferred a cautious attitude in order not to allow mass deaths. The main reason why ‘Umar b. al-Khaṭṭāb behaved less tolerantly regarding the sea was the experience of Byzantines and Persians in maritime affairs.In this article, the maritime activities carried out in the Persian Gulf, Indian Ocean, and Red Sea during the caliphate of ‘Umar b. al-Khaṭṭāb, the intensive measures taken to protect the coastal cities in Bilād al-Shām, the factors affecting the attitude of the caliph, known for making decisions on the basis of consultation, towards the sea and maritime affairs were handled and evaluated chronologically in the light of the information provided by the main sources.

“İhtiyat mı? Korku mu?” Hz. Ömer’in (13-23/634-644) Deniz ve Denizciliğe Bakışı

Halil

The Mongols that carried out one of the biggest invasions in world history, deeply affected the history of Islam due to the destruction they caused in the geographies where Muslims lived. After Genghis Khan (602-624/1206-1227), the Mongol ruler Möngke (649-657/1251- 1259) commissioned his brother Hūlāgū (654-663/1256-1265) to capture Iran, Iraq, Syria, Egypt, Caucasus and Anatolia, and also Möngke assigned Hūlāgū to rule these regions as a subordinate “ilkhān” (ruler of the region). Thus, the state, whose administrative center was Tabriz and was established in 654 (1256), became independent in 695 (1295) and was named Ilkhānids (654-754/1256-1354) in relation to the title of ilkhān carried by Hūlāgū. Hūlāgū captured Alamut and its surrounding castles in 654 (1256) as a duty given to him, invaded Baghdad two years later and eliminated the Abbāsīds (132-656/750-1258). The present study deals with the political and administrative activities of Ibn al-Alqamī in a period when the threats of the Mongols against the Abbāsīds increased. The views put forward by Ibn alAlqamī within the scope of the measures which needed to be taken against the Mongolian danger and the allegations made about him in connection with these measures constitute the focus of this study.&nbsp;&nbsp;Ibn al-Alqamī started his administrative career as a clerk under the auspices of his uncle, Ustādār Adūd al-Dīn Abū Nasr al-Mubārak and he was promoted to the head of Dār al-tashrīfāt and then to ustādār and lastly to vizier, respectively. It can be said that in the appointment of Ibn al-Alqamī to the vizierate, the highest position after the caliphate under the Abbāsīd administration, his skill in the profession of clerk and his successful fulfillment, as well as his good relationship with the Ustādār Ibn al-Nākıd and the patronage of ustādār were effective. It is possible that some practices that had become relatively basic in the Abbāsīd administration history since 6th/12th century could be considered in his appointment. At this point, it should be emphasized that it was important for Ibn al-Alqamī to fulfill his duty as an ustādār. As a matter of fact, some people such as Nizām al-Dīn Ibn Jahīr (d. 549/1154) and Abū al-Faraj Adūd al-Dīn Ibn al-Muslimah (d. 573/1178), who were the predecessors of Ibn al-Alqamī, rose from ustādār to vizierate. It can be said that a similar statement is also valid in terms of the sectarian affiliation of viziers. Especially since the Caliph al-Nāsır-Lidīn Allāh, in order to establish the authority of the caliphate over all Shiite and Sunni groups, people from Hanafi and Shafii sects were appointed to some high-level positions while persons from Shiite thought such as Ibn al-Qassāb (d. 592/1196), Nāsır alLidīn Nāsır ibn al-Mahdī (d. 617/1220) and Muayyad al-Dīn al-Qummī (d. 630/1232) were assigned as vizier. In this sense, it can be thought that the fact that Ibn al-Alqamī was Shiite, was effective in his appointment to the vizierate. It is seen that Ibn al-Alqamī, who had a very close relationship with the Caliph Musta‘sim in the first period of his vizierate, gained an important administrative influence. Apart from the Caliph, it is understood that Ibn al-Alqamī&nbsp;wanted to establish close relations with other high-level state leaders such as Davātdār alSagīr Mucāhid al-Dīn Aybag and Davātdār al-Kabīr Amīr Alā al-Dīn al-Taybarsī, but he was not successful in this matter. In addition to Aybag and al-Taybarsī, some people in the close vicinity of the caliph were distant to Ibn al-Alqamī after he was appointed to the vizierate. The attitudes of these people against Ibn al-Alqamī caused him to lose his position next to the caliph and to keep relatively in the background in terms of administration. In Karkh, Aybag and Abu Bakr’s, the son of the caliph, excessive behavior towards the Shiites and Ibn alAlqamī’s inability to prevent these behaviors as a vizier caused the hostility between Ibn alAlqamī and Aybag to become inconclusive. While Ibn al-Alqamī accused Aybag of trying to dethrone the caliph, Aybag accused Ibn al-Alqamī of secretly meeting with Hūlāgū. Aybag’s claims about Ibn al-Alqamī were not limited to this and it is mentioned that Ibn al-Alqamī disbanded the Abbāsīd army and left Baghdad defenseless, and tried to establish a Shiite state by eliminating the Sunni Abbāsīd caliphate. Mamlūk sources used expressions such as “traitor”, “enemy of Islam” about Ibn al-Alqamī. It can be said that one of the possible reasons why Mamlūk historians took such a harsh attitude towards Ibn al-Alqamī, who was known as being Shiite, was sect fanaticism. However, it should not be forgotten that these authors, who wrote their works in a period when the destruction of the Mongols was still happening and in a geography where there was the possibility of encountering a new Mongol attack at any moment, had an extremely negative opinion about the Mongols. In other words, since the Mongols were perceived as a chronic enemy in terms of Mamlūks, bad opinions and thoughts about the Mongols were also reflected in the works that were written in this period. Therefore, it should be considered that the opinions of Mamlūk historians about the Mongols, regardless of the sect’s fanaticism, may have been reflected in the records they narrated about Ibn al-Alqamī. Apart from the Mamlūk sources, there is no information about Ibn al-Alqamī’s correspondence with Hūlāgū in the accounts of historians such as Rāshīd al-Dīn Fazl Allāh, Atā Malik el-Cuvaynī, Ibn al-Tiktakā and in the work named Havādis al-Cāmi‘a. At this point, it can be assumed that Ibn al-Tiktakā, just like the Mamlūk historians, acted with sectarian fanaticism. That is, Ibn al-Tiktakā may not have included the narrations expressing a negative opinion about Ibn al-Alqamī in his work because he belonged to the same sect. It is not possible to be content with the records of the Ilkhānid historians about Ibn al-Alqamī’s administrative career and his relations with the Mongols. In addition, the narrations for and against Ibn al-Alqamī cannot be matched with each other and these narrations alone are far from convincing. However, according to what historians who had different views about Ibn al-Alqamī unanimously stated, it is understood that when the Mongols were besieging Baghdad, Ibn al-Alqamī persistently wanted to send a large amount of money and gifts to Hūlāgū, but al-Mustansir, due to the influence of his close circle, especially Aybag, did not accept the opinion of his vizier. This situation reveals that Ibn al-Alqamī lost his power in terms of administration, and he wanted the Mongol danger to be overcome with the least&nbsp;damage with the gifts sent to Hūlāgū. It should also be considered that this attitude of Ibn alAlqamī may have been reflected in the Mamlūk sources as he collaborated with the Mongols.&nbsp;&nbsp;Ibn al-Alqamī’s loss of effectiveness and the presence of commanders such as Aybag and Suleyman Shah, who insisted on waging war against the Mongols, show that it is not possible for Ibn al-Alqamī to detract the Abbāsīd army from Baghdad. At this point, it should be noted that the number of one hundred thousand given by some Mamlūk historians for the Abbāsīd army does not reflect the truth. Again in this period, the fact that there were no problems between the Abbāsīd and the Shiites other than the events in the Karkh and the fact that the Mongols carried out a great massacre after the invasion without a distinction between Shiite and Sunni weakens the claim that Ibn al-Alqamī corresponded with Hūlāgū in order to establish a Shiite state. On the other hand, unlike many statesmen, it is unlikely that Ibn al-Alqamī was not killed by the Mongols and left in his former position as evidence of his cooperation with Hūlāgū because the Mongols did not kill many other Abbāsīd statesmen, they left some of them in their former duties, and they did not show the necessary respect to Ibn al-Alqamī as a vizier.&nbsp;As a result, it should be stated that it is not an easy conclusion to describe this attitude of Ibn al-Alqamī, who desired to contact Hūlāgū at every opportunity, as treason since he thinks that the Mongol danger could be eliminated by sending various gifts.

Abbâsîler’in Son Veziri İbnü’l-Alkamî (ö. 656/1258) ve Moğollar’la İlişkisi

Şerife

In 1517, after the Syria, Egypt and Hijaz expeditions of Yavuz Sultan Selim, the city of Hebron joined the Ottoman lands. Necessary repairs were made in the city visited by Sultan Selim I. The southwestern part of western Palestine, or Damascus province, was then divided into four main sanjaks at that time: Gaza, Laccun (northern valleys), Nablus, and Jerusalem. In this administrative and military structure of the Ottoman administration, alKhalil was transformed into a township linked to the Sanjak of Jerusalem. The borders of the Jerusalem sanjak extending to al-Khalil in the south stretched from Ramlah in the north and from Jaffa on the Mediterranean coast to the east of the city from the valley of Jericho and Jordan. Throughout the century, minor border changes have occurred, but in general, this administrative and military division remained largely unchanged from the Ottoman conquest until the 18th century.With the conquest of Syria, Egypt and Hejaz during the reign of Selim I, the administration and organization of the pilgrimage passed to the Ottoman State. After that, the Ottomans had an empire spanning three continents and had achieved the status of being the religious leader of Muslim countries. The mid-16th century was a turning point in the attitude of the Ottoman administration center towards the south of Bilad al-Sham as a whole. The activities of Suleiman the Magnificent in these areas should be seen within the framework of practices aimed at integrating the region into a developing Ottoman state and administration approach. The most important part of the ideal of integrating this newly conquered geography into the imperial imagination was the pilgrimage organization. In the half century after the conquest, a significant number of attempts were made by the imperial center to attract pilgrims or facilitate travel in these areas. The activities carried out in Khasseki Sultan Imâret (Public Kitchen) in Jerusalem and Simât al-Kalîl (Table of Abraham) in Hebron should be seen as important components of this ideal. Because the public kitchens in Jerusalem and al-Khalil were quite large and they played important roles in ensuring the continuity of the pilgrims coming to the holy cities and meeting their needs. Moreover, caravanserais, inns and baths built in the 18th century, -along the roads passing passing from Istanbul to Damascus, from there to Madinah and Mecca, Jerusalem and al-Khalil within the framework of the pilgrimage organization operated with a certain degree of order. The construction of cities, towns and ranges is important in terms of showing the point this viewpoint has reached.The Halilurrahman Waqf, which was also known as the Table of Abraham, was a waqfcomplex that also included the al-Halil Mosque, which was built on the tombs of many prophets, importantly, Abraham the Prophet.Muslim pilgrims who visited Mecca and Medina for centuries with the intention of pilgrimage came to Bayt al-Mukaddis, whose virtues were praised in verses and hadiths,and which were recommended to be visited, with the intention of gaining more rewards. The abundance and contact with mi‘râc of this town, which is “blessed” in the Qur’an, has always been a center of attraction for all Muslims and especially Sufis. The importance of these towns, which have held a special and sacred place for Muslim visitors since the early years of Islam, was fixed with hadiths and was shaped by local traditions. Since the route from Istanbul to Mecca is close to the route, Ottoman pilgrims also frequently visited the cities of Jerusalem and al-Khalil while going on pilgrimage. Due to the location of the city of al-Khalil on these pilgrimage roads and the graves of the prophets found here, visitors from all over the Islamic world were welcomed at the Table of Abraham because they were regarded as guests of Allah. Although it was not a sultan or vizier waqf, the Halilurrahman Waqf was a large-budget waqf, which had important income sources in terms of both the city of al-Khalil and the region in which it was located, and those who came to the city, especially the pilgrims, sufis and travelers, were fed in the Table of Abraham. The inn, baths and shops allocated of the cities of the waqf al-Khalil, Jerusalem, Gaza and Ramlah constitute the revenues of the foundation for urban origin. These revenues were around 103,572 para in 1117-1118 / 1705-1707. However, the waqf obtained revenues in excess of 900,000 para in the same year mainly from rural sources. With this budget size, the services it saw and the employment volume of more than two hundred people, the foundation provided serious amounts to the economy of the city of al-Khalil through purchases of goods and services and salary payments. With the enormous revenues of the villages devoted to it, the foundation had a central position and an important weight in the agricultural economy of the region. With these assets, the foundation was in a position to affect and support the regional and urban economy.For this reason, the control and monitoring mechanism of this waqf, which was controlled by the Ottoman central administration, was more careful and versatile than the mechanism of ordinary waqfs. The most effective tool in this mechanism was the accounting system, which consisted of the annual main accounting book and various detailed records kept according to the standard posting principles. Depending on the accounting, the control and monitoring mechanism had been effective according to the standards of its time, thanks to the officers and auditors responsible for waqf accounting. In addition, although the waqf’s accounts were submitted to the mutawalli of the waqf every year, it was always possible to supervise the waqf accounting by the representatives of the supervisory authorities, and by local judges, usually following a complaint.Accounting records are important as they are one of the main archive sources to reestablish an organization’s actual functioning. Moreover, accounting records have entered the workspace of the historian, considering that the effectiveness of accounting control is seen as a factor that leads to institutional effectiveness and that accounting records reflect&nbsp;corporate development and change. Recently, international publications and symposiums on accounting applications with different approaches and conceptual frameworks have increased and created a new literature. However, it is noteworthy that there are few investigations regarding the accounting practices of the Ottoman Empire, which had a well-established accounting tradition and kept its records in archives. This may be due to the fact that researchers of accounting origin rather than historians turn to the history of accounting, while historians see only the records as material of institutional, economic and financial history.On the other hand, independent studies on Hebron and its waqfs in the Ottoman period are few in number. In addition, there are studies examining Jerusalem and al-Khalil within the framework of the surras sent to “al-Haramayn”. In this context, it is aimed to determine the financial status of the waqf at the beginning of the 18th century by examining the subsequent accounting records of the current study Halilurrahman Waqf. Thus, within the framework of the study aiming to contribute to the existing literature on the city and waqfs of al-Khalil in the Ottoman period, accounting books have been included, which are valuable resources for waqfs as well as for social and economic history, in terms of providing information about the social and economic conditions of the waqf. The records were applied within the boundaries of this article in the context of the Halilurrahman Waqf.As a result of the current study, the total income and expense figures in the two accounting records of the Halilurrahman Waqf dating to the beginning of the 18th century were created and then the method of decomposing them was used to develop a detailed analysis. Thus, foundation village revenues, cash surplus and uncollected revenues from the previous year, which constituted waqf revenues, are stated separately. Personnel expenses, storehouse, kitchen, lighting expenses, repair expenses and miscellaneous expenses, which constituted the waqf expenses together, are also expressed. These accounts show us the diversity and composition of the income sources of the Halilurrahman Waqf in Hebron. In addition, the data obtained from these income records enable us to follow the financial status of the waqf. Examination of the expense side of the accounting books completed the waqf financial statement. Expenditures for food and other products consumed regularly in the public kitchen provided us with important information in terms of the operation and services of the waqfcomplex of Hebron.&nbsp;

Halilürrahman Vakfı’nın 18. Yüzyıl Başında Mali Durumu

Mehmet

While the Ottoman Empire was dealing with political and economic problems in the 19th century, it initiated reforms in many administrative and economic fields as well as in the military. Modern schools were opened by taking military training in the West as an example for the reformation of the army. Turkish military high schools have been opened since 1845 in order to send qualified students to Turkish Military and Naval academies. For the same purpose, military secondary schools were opened in 1875 and began to affect the increase in the quality of military education. In this context, the main objective of this article is to reveal the importance of Kasımpaşa Military Secondary School, which was one of the first military secondary schools in the history of Turkish education.&nbsp;The 19th century, which is described as the age of education for Europe, was an era in terms of having same the aspects in this field for the Ottoman Empire. Ottoman administrators, who saw that the failures, lack of weapons and equipment on the battlefields could be compensated with the qualified manpower to be trained in this field, decided to open modern military schools. Since 1875, the opening of military secondary schools has made important contributions to the modernization of military education. Kasımpaşa Naval Military Secondary School (Kasımpaşa Askerî Rüşdiyesi) was opened in the same year. It was among the military institutions providing modern vocational training in Istanbul. In this school, an average of 250-400 students were trained per year. English was compulsory here as a foreign language. Students were trained at this school in a military discipline. Kasımpaşa was known as the neighborhood of mariner families. These people generally preferred this school for the education of their children. Thus, some families became a part of the navy with the tradition of being a sailor from father to son.Military secondary schools were first opened in Istanbul during the period of Sultan Abdülaziz (1861-1876). These schools seemed to be very useful. In the following years, and especially during the period of Sultan Abdülhamid II (1876-1909), the number of these secondary military schools was increased. In addition, military secondary schools were opened in Anatolia. The new military secondary schools also spread to the Balkan provinces especially near the locations of military high schools. At the beginning of the 20th century, the number of military secondary schools, which were opened over a wide area from the Balkans to the Arabian Peninsula, was over 20.Kasımpaşa Military Secondary School was constructed on a plot 31 meters long, 20 meters wide, based on a 620 square meter plot consisting of two floors. It was planned that 50-60 students would graduate from this school every year and would go to the Naval Academy in Heybeliada. Nevertheless in the first years, the this goal was not achieved. Only 18-20 students were able to graduate from the school between the years of 1877-1878. Some&nbsp;of the students left school because of their lack of success and their absence. This was an unexpected situation which caused the number of students in the Naval Academy to decrease. Every year, it was possible to send an average of about 15-20 students from Kasımpaşa Naval Military Secondary School to the Naval Academy. However, it was decided that the Naval Academy would cater for more than 40 students.It was also seen that this number increased in certain years. For example, in 1890 it reached 25 students and 30 students in 1891. Among those there were some students who had graduated from other civilian secondary schools and who had attended the Naval Academy. There were also difficulties in finding a sufficient number of students.Different studies were also carried out to meet the student needs. In this context, the option of sending students who graduated from civil secondary schools to the Naval Academy came to the agenda. For instance, the special school directorate named Maşrık-ı Füyûzat in the Fatih district of Istanbul was chosen to send students to Naval Academy. This school was required to include maritime-related lessons in its educational programs. The Maşrık-ı Füyûzat, the application of Kasımpaşa Naval Military Secondary School curriculum, was requested. Based on this decision those who graduated from Maşrık-ı Füyuzat were allowed to attend in the Naval AcademyThe curriculum of the Kasımpaşa Military Secondary Naval School was almost the same as other military secondary schools. In other military secondary schools, the foreign language was French, while in the Kasımpaşa Naval Military Secondary School, the foreign language was English. The reason why English language was compulsory was the import of ship and marine technology from England.A new class was opened in 1879 in the Kasımpaşa Naval Military Secondary School. The purpose of this was to take a step towards training clerks for the navy. This class was called Menşe-i Küttab. The training period in this class was two years. Students who graduated from Naval Secondary School but who were over the age of entering the Naval Academy were selected for this training. The number of students in this system changed over the years. It was between 5 and 20 people on average. For example, 11 students graduated from this class in 1892.With all these features, Kasımpaşa Naval Military Secondary School has an important place in the history of Turkish military education. This school was the first and only school among the military secondary schools to offer a naval education. The building of the Naval Military Secondary School continues to raise new students as an educational institution affiliated with the Turkish Ministry of National Education.

Osmanlı Askerî Eğitiminde Modernleşme Çabaları: Kasımpaşa Bahriye Askerî Rüşdiye Mektebi

Sinem

Yıldız Porselen Fabrikası: Kuruluş ve İşleyişiyle Sarayın Bahçesindeki Üretim Merkezi

Serdar

While Russia seized Revan, Nakhchivan, Karabakh, Urmia and Ardabil between 1826- 1828, they collected some manuscripts from Iranian libraries and transferred them to Tbilisi and then to St. Petersburg. Some of those manuscripts were presented to the Czar of Russia in 1829 by Feth Ali Shah. During the War of 1828-1829 with the Ottomans, Russians also collected some manuscripts from Turkish cities such as Ahiska, Erzurum and Bayezid. So far, there has been no study dealing with the fate of these manuscripts that were gathered from the aforementioned regions and then taken to St. Petersburg. There are catalogues of oriental manuscripts, but they do not contain any relevant information about these manuscripts. In other words, it does not provide information about who collected these manuscripts and how they changed hands. In this study, we will discuss the manuscripts that Russia collected from the Turkish-Islamic regions in the 1826-1829 War and brought to their capital based on Russian archive sources. Also information will be given on the current state of manuscripts.&nbsp;In the first part of this study, before dealing with those manuscripts, we give information about the manuscripts in Iran. The archive of the period indicates that there were many manuscripts at the Sheikh Safiyuddin Tomb in Ardabil. The archive records show that there were 582 Qur’an and Tafsir, six religious, 11 History, 19 divans, 91 kutub-i muteferrika and 15 books of unknown subject with a total of 724 manuscripts. When the Russian-Iranian War of 1826-1828 started, the Russians who occupied Iranian cities started to collect manuscripts they came cross. Prof. Senkovsky, who was an Orientalist expert in St. Petersburg, wrote a letter to the Chief of Staff to ensure that these works were identified and brought to the centre of the Russian empire. In his letter, Senkovsky stated that despite the darkness of ignorance, the most valuable Arabic, Persian and Armenian writings of the East were present in the libraries of Iranian cities such as Sardarabad, Revan, Nakhchivan, Tabriz, Isfahan, Tehran, Rashd, Mashhad, Merv and Herat. He stressed that Britains, Prussians and French were searching for such works in Istanbul, Damascus and Baghdad libraries through their envoys and agents in vain. In this letter, Senkovsky stress that these books should be confiscated and brought to St. Petersburg. He even wanted them to be considered as part of the war compensation demanded from Iran. In Senkovskiy’s opinion, the books would be brought to the Oriental Institute, thus creating an enormous collection of resources for Oriental studies in Russia.Senkovsky’s letter was sent to A. S. Griboyedov, who was in the region for a diplomatic mission. After the talks between Russia and Iran failed, the war between the two countries started again. After the failure of this talk, the Russian army immediately moved forward and took over Urmia on 15th January of 1828. Despite a number of diplomatic obstructions by the British, the Russian forces entered Ardabil on the 25th January in 1828 and seized the&nbsp;manuscripts found in the tomb of Sheikh Safiyuddin, the ancestor of the Safavids, first to be sent to Tbilisi, then from there, to St. Petersburg. The mullahs, however, objected to the seizure of the manuscripts. Upon their objections, the Russian authorities promised that once the copies of manuscripts were made the original ones would be sent back to Ardabil. The high-level officials in St. Petersburg, on the other hand, demand that if the Iranian authorities insisted on the return of the books, the officials in charge of the manuscripts should give an appropriate excuse (for example, saying that it would take a long time to copy the books) and thus, preventing the return of these valuable works. Among those taken to St. Petersburg were seven cannons, a few rifles, the tent of Abbas Mirza and two paintings seized from the summer palace of Abbas Mirza in Ucan (now a city on the Armenian border), along with all the manuscripts in Ardabil.Some of the manuscripts in Russia today consist of books given to Tsar Nikolai by Prince Husrev Mirza, who went to Russia to issue an apology after the murder of the Russian Ambassador Griboyedov in Tehran in 1829. Iranian ruler Feth Ali Shah, sent his grandson Husrev Mirza with valuable gifts and a crowded delegation to St. Petersburg in order to draw the curtain on this incident (the murder of Griboyedov) and to ease the tension between the two countries that could trigger a new war. The aforementioned manuscripts were brought to Russia and presented to the Imperial Palace at this time. This study identified the names of the manuscripts recorded by Orientalist Christian Martin von Frahn in the palace library on 19th October in 1829 in archival sources.After making peace with Iran, the Russians entered the war with the Ottomans and pursued the manuscripts in the Turkish cities and castles they occupied in Eastern Anatolia during the 1828-1829 Ottoman-Russian War. At the beginning of the war, a total of 45 books on literature, history, geography and religion, including divan and dictionaries, were collected. Eight of the 45 manuscripts sent to St. Petersburg to be registered with the Palace Library were from the Bayezid library and one from Ahiska. The remaining 36 manuscripts were acquired from Dagestan and Erzurum, and in total 45 manuscripts were sent to the Russian Chief of Staff. The names of the manuscripts collected from Bayezid and Erzurum in 1829 were published in the 46th issue (1829) of Tiflisskiye Vedomosti, the official publication of Tbilisi Military Governorate. The names of these manuscripts are mentioned in this study.According to another document held in the Russian State Archives of History (RGIA), it is understood that the Russians took some manuscripts collected from Ahiska to the library of I. Nikolai. According to the information given by Abbas Kulu Aga Bakihanov, who was an interpreter when the Russians entered Ahiska, at that time, there were 300 books and three Qur’an in the library in Ahiska. Therefore, based on archival documents, it is clear that the Russians collected numerous manuscripts from the cities in Caucasus, Iran and the Ottoman border between 1826-1829 and they have made a special effort to take them to St.Petersburg. Although the Russians declared that they would return the originals manuscripts after making copies of those that they had collected, especially from Iran, none of those works were returned. As a result of these Russian activities, Iran and Turkey were obliged to leave at least a certain portion of the wealth of their culture in Russia.It is also important to highlight the role of Prof. Senkovsky in regard to these manuscripts since he played a major role in bringing these works to Russia by drawing attention to these Islamic manuscripts. In addition, during the campaigns of Russian armies in Caucasus, Iran and the Ottomans in 1828-1829, Senkovsky prepared pocket dictionaries to meet the foreign language needs of the soldiers. This shows that the Russian military operations in the Caucasus at the beginning of the XIX. century were carried out in liaison with the scientists working in the field of Orientalism. Senkovsky’s scientific activities have contributed significantly to the development of the so-called Orientalism or Orientalism in Russia. Thus, Russia has become quite rich among the countries that hold manuscripts belonging to the Islamic world.Finally, it would be wise to provide some information about the libraries where these manuscripts are taken in Russia. Most of the manuscripts taken from Ardabil, Ahiska, Erzurum and Bayezid are preserved at the Institute of Oriental Manuscripts of the Russian Academy of Sciences (IVR RAN) in St Petersburg. However, it should be pointed out that this library can be accessed with special permission to work on Turkish-Islamic manuscripts which brings its own challenges. We have also cited the catalogues of the manuscripts that prepared at various times in the text. In addition to this, some manuscripts taken to Russia are also kept in the St. Petersburg State University Faculty of Oriental Studies’ Manuscripts Department and the National Library of Russia’ Manuscripts Department (RNB OR) as well as the Hermitage Museum. These manuscripts can be accessed from the catalogues of the relevant libraries.

1826-1829’da Erdebil, Ahıska, Bayezid ve Erzurum’da Bulunan Bazı Yazma Eserlerin St. Petersburg’a Nakli

Selcen

Assist. Prof.

The 1920-1940 period were the most difficult years for Turkey in all respects. One of the many problems faced by the Turkish nation (which emerged from the First World War and struggle for liberation against invasions), and its rulers was the issue of population and identity. The reproduction of the Turkish nation, which had reached the point of extinction as a result of long years of wars, as well as the achievement of a certain identity understanding formed the essence of the population policies of the period. In order to achieve this, every opportunity was used. In this context, the policy of increasing the population was followed in the first years of the republic. While measures were taken to reduce deaths, remedies were sought to increase fertility. Another way to increase the population was to bring the Muslim Turkish population, which was an Ottoman remnant and lived outside Anatolia, to the homeland. The exchange agreements signed with various Balkan countries, especially Greece, and Hatay’s accession to the homeland were important stages in these efforts.As it is known, the Agreement and Protocol on the Exchange of Turkish-Greek People was signed in Lausanne on 30 January 1923. Subsequently, after being accepted in the Turkish Grand National Assembly, joint commissions were established and the process was initiated. Only then did another problem arise: Who would define the adjective exchangee? Because different nations, who lived together for hundreds of years, defining themselves after the empire became a mystery in itself. By means of marriages, births, exchanges and migrations, past identities emerged from each other. This situation must have become a problem for the exchange commission that was established, as the commission was only able to determine the identity that would be recognized as the determining factor for the exchange procedures four years later at its meeting on 31 March 1927. As a result of the meeting, the commission decided to interpret and apply the terms “Muslim Religion” and “Greek Orthodox Religion” regardless of race. The decision of the Exchange Commission in 1927 directly affected the definition of citizen of the newly established state and also the fate of the Gagauz people within the framework of our topic.The greatest concern of Hamdullah Suphi Tanrıöver was that the Gagauz people would not be accepted by the state because they were Christians. For this reason, he gave examples showing that religious differences within the same nation would not be a problem, and he offered material evidence for his ideas and tried to prevent possible objections. Unfortunately, Hamdullah Suphi Tanrıöver will be justified in his concerns, in a sense, what he fears will happen to him. Suphi Bey, who could not get the turns that he expected from the government and could not do what he wanted to do, resorted to a new path in order to realize his plans. Using the power of the press, he wanted to tell the Turkish nation who the Gagauz people were and the difficult conditions they were in. Hamdullah Suphi Tanrıöver tried to introduce&nbsp;the Gagauz people to the Turkish people with the help of people he knew from the Turkish press. Possibly increasing the visibility of the Gagauz society will also create a public and state officials for their transport to Turkey can not remain indifferent to consider.&nbsp;The writings of Yaşar Nabi Nayır about the Gagauz people were really effective. Because, following the series of articles in question, letters written directly to İsmet İnönü by Tevfik Kâmil Koperler, who was the Ambassador in Madrid at that time, starting from 18 January 1936 are the most important proofs of this. What Tevfik Kâmil Koperler wrote would affect the decisions of the state dignitaries. Kâmil Koperler, who was also a law professor, served as the Clerk of the Lausanne Conference Turkish Delegation. However, more importantly, he was the Head of the Turkish Delegation of the Turkish Greek Population Exchange. Direct Addressing the Prime Minister Ismet Inonu, and reports that he wrote the Gagauz and that should not come to Turkey that Turkey has written. According to Kâmil Bey, who was personally present in Lausanne where the exchange decision was made, possible immigration is against Lausanne. The situation has been clarified and a sample of the Gagauz, if Turkey has even said that if they were in built-up to Greece because of the scope of the Exchange Agreement to be Orthodox.In this historical process that the construction of national identity, national identity, they also define the founders of the newly founded Republic of Turkey. Of course, it was a painful process for the state, which was the remnant of the empire, to establish a new Turkish identity from the population dispersed from the Middle East to the Balkans. Although the main element of Turkish identity was seen as the ethnic element, in fact the dominant element of national identity for the founders of this period was the Islam religion. It has been established as a manifestation of the past. Because the Balkan nations always emphasized their being “Orthodox” when defining themselves. In these years when nations were almost rebuilt, the administrators chose “Islam” as the main backbone of the Turkish identity under the conditions of the period. In a sense, the 1927 Exchange Commission decision made it official.

Bir Diplomatın Gayri Resmî Mücadelesi: Hamdullah Suphi’nin Bilinmeyen Gagauz Müdafaası

Jean

Prof.

Mantzikert: Askeri Bir Başarısızlık mı?

Arzu

Süleyman

Prof. Dr.

Assist. Prof. Dr.

Urartu Ordusu Savaş Meydanında: Strateji ve Taktikler

Emre

Assoc. Prof. Dr.

Münteha

The subject of this paper is a glass coin weight recovered from Akmonia, which was minted by the governor of Constantinople and officials in other major cities of the Empire from the 6th to the mid-7th century AD to control gold coins. The attempt by humans to quantify the object of exchange and to call it a weight dates back to the Bronze Age. The scaled rods found in Troy in the 3rd millennium BC are seen as one of the greatest symbols of a commercial understanding based on measurement. In the Ancient Greek world, weight measurements were determined by Solon’s laws, and even in Anatolia, production was made in accordance with these laws. The Romans, on the other hand, used their own weight unit, the libra, from the moment they arrived in Anatolia. The main unit in the Roman weight system was the libra, and the traditional value for 1 libra was 327.5 g. However, the weight of the libra changed periodically. The practical use of this innovation, which began to appear in Late Antiquity, was to weigh the solidus (4.54 g) and its divisions, the semissis (2.27 g) and tremissis (1.55 g). The solidus represented the standard gold coin, very important for the entire Byzantine monetary system, and was also the reference coin with which all payments, taxes, or prices were recorded.&nbsp;However, it has been rightly observed that they did not always correspond exactly to known coin values. The idea is that the glass weights were simply designed “to control the tolerance within which most coins would or would not be accepted in everyday commercial transactions.” The Akmonia glass weight is discoidal in shape, with a diameter of 2.7 cm and an outer frame thickness of 0.4 cm, green in color, stamped with the bust of the emperor with a halo over the box monogram, and with the back left flat. The surface of the glass shows very small intermittent air bubbles, and on the reverse, there is soil filling the pits formed by the breakage of the glass near the surface. The Akmonia glass coin weight can be categorized by Entwistle as Type A “emperor” weights. This category consists of imperial busts with one or more halos, sometimes combined with other imperial busts (Roman and Constantinopolitan governors or Christ) and inscriptions or monograms. As many of these glass weights are quite worn, portrait and dress details have rarely survived. However, examples of jewelry such as diadems and pendilia can be distinguished on some of them. The imperial busts and monograms seen on Type A weights closely resemble those seen as stamps on the reverse of 6th and 7th-century AD silver vessels and serve a similar function, suggesting governmental approval through the use of imperial imagery on the weights, giving them an official character. The Akmonia find bears a bust of the emperor with a halo and diadem and a box monogram underneath, which is analyzed as ‘of Martinos’ in the light of similar examples. The weight of this coin is dated to the reign of Mauricius Tiberius (582-602 AD) due to the monogram and bust depiction. According to Ostrogorsky, Mauricius is the most important of the Byzantine rulers. His reign marked the transition from the aging Late Roman Empire to the new and&nbsp;vibrant life of the medieval Byzantine Empire. It was Mauricius who established the system of exarchs in Ravenna and Carthage. Thus, together with these two exarchs, he pioneered the later thema system. The coin weight found in Akmonia is very important evidence for the presence of an important emperor in the city in Late Antiquity, albeit indirectly. As a result of the surveys carried out in 2014-2017, it is known that Akmonia has a strong glass artifact collection. Although it is far from archaeological and archaeometric data such as kiln, production residue, production tools, raw glass, crucible, and ingot fragments, the recovery of glass slags proves production. The glass weight both contributes to the glass repertoire of the city as a material and emphasizes the socio-economic power of the city in Late Antiquity in terms of its usage.

Akmonia’dan Bir Cam Sikke Ağırlığı

Ömer

Songül

Öğretim Görevlisi Dr.

This article examines the role and development of the concept of “duâgûy” in Ottoman history which seen in sources from the 16th century onwards. Initially, the conceptual explanation of the term “duâgûy” is provided, followed by an investigation into the roles and societal positions of “hâssa duâgûy” and “waqf duâgûy” under their respective headings. This article covers the period from the establishment to the late 17th century when the institution of duâgûy became clearly visible. It aims to provide detailed information on the subject by examining tahrir, ruus and mühimme register, waqf accounting books within the Ottoman archives, and studies on the state treasury and endowments. Various privileges, including tax exemption, have been granted to those whose prayers are valued and those who hold official berat (askerî). These mentioned individuals have been gradually tracked with more systematic records over time, among whom are those known as duâgûy. Consequently, registration and inspection procedures have developed. The aim of this article is to understand the processes of appointment and dismissal of those referred to as duâgûy.&nbsp;The term “hâssa duâgûyânı or duâgûyân-ı hâssa” refers to the historical, cultural, and social phenomenon that denotes the sultan’s prayers. This class, existing since the establishment of the state, began to be clearly observed only towards the end of the 16th century with the formation of regular records. When appointing a hâssa duâgûy, the matter was presented to a higher authority, and details such as who, where, when, and for what purpose this duty would be given were recorded. Request for position of duâgûy were made through petitions, letters and official correspondences (arz, arz-ı hal, tezkire, ilam). Judges (kadi), governors (beylerbeyi), treasurers (defterdar), inspectors (müfettiş), viziers, sheikhulislam, the Khan of Crimea, the chief of the imperial household (darüssaade ağası), the treasurer (hazinedarbaşı), companion (müsahip) were officials who acted as intermediaries for obtaining these positions. However, it was also customary for individuals to directly make request without any intermediaries. The salaries of the hâssa duâgûyân were financed by various units of the state treasury and were mainly between 6 to 10 akçes. Although there were some who earned much more, this was exceptional. The primary factors determining the salary of a hâssa duâgûyân were the individual’s social status and the conditions of that day. If interruptions were made in duties like that the role of prayer callers (duâgûyluk), this caused discontent among the people. The reason for this dissatisfaction was mainly because those receiving salaries as duâgûy were mostly individuals from socially disadvantaged backgrounds.The waqf duâgûy (endowed prayer callers), whose income came from the revenues of foundations, shared similar characteristics with the hâssa duâgûy (imperial prayer callers). Waqf duâgûy, existing since the establishment of the state, was a product of a philosophy aimed at helping foundations. These individuals prayed for the worldly and spiritual happiness&nbsp;of the foundation’s benefactor(s) (wâqif) and received salaries from the surplus income of the foundation. Similar to the hâssa duâgûy, waqf duâgûy was subject to comparable methods of appointment, dismissal, and inspection. Their incomes were concentrated between 1 to 10 akçes. Since they received their salaries from the surplus income of the foundation, during times of financial difficulty, the salaries of waqf duâgûy were the first to be cut. Through a practice known as “rakabe”, if the revenues of a foundation were insufficient to cover its expenses, the salaries of the waqf duâgûy were redirected to meet the foundation’s needs.&nbsp;In Ottoman society, in the religious realm, sheikhs (spiritual leaders), sayyids and sharifs (descendants of the Prophet Muhammad), in the realm of knowledge, ulama (scholars), in social life, sulehâ (virtuous individuals), zâde-gân (nobles), mevâli-gân (descendants of highranking kadi), zevâid-horân (emoluments or perquisites), havâtin (hatuns, honourable lady), artist, as well as fukara (the poor), gureba (the needy), talebe (students), eytâm (orphans), the sick, and the needy, were the initial members of the duâgûyân’s. Officials employed in state positions, such as kâtib (scribe), şâkird (student or intern), and khalifa (officer), soldiers, pensioners, recipients of mutekaid pension (retirees), constituted the other members of the duâgûyân’s. It wasn’t emphasized in society the differences in occupation, gender, race, education, age, or financial status among those granted the duâgûyân status. What was expected of them were qualities such as being members of the Islamic faith and fulfilling their ethical responsibilities.&nbsp;According to the findings, institution of duâgûy in the Ottoman Empire emerged with the establishment of the state. It differed from the duâgûy who employed in the palace, army, guilds, and Sufi orders. Its main elements were institution of duâgûy who sustained themselves through aids such as student scholarships, retirement pensions, allowances for widows and orphans, disability benefits, and financial aid.

17. Yüzyılda Osmanlı Duâgûyânı: Tarihî, Malî ve Sosyal Boyutlarıyla Kadrolu Duâcılık Müessesesi

Coşkun

The Ottoman Empire initially formed a regular army by employing war captives through the pençik system, later by recruiting Christian youths via the devşirme system. While these soldiers primarily resided in or near the centre, some began settling in provincial administrative units from the latter half of the 16th century. These kapıkulu soldiers, keen to retain privileges tied to their military status, led challenges for local administrators whom they argued lacked the authority to oversee their actions. At the same time, local reaya exploited the presence of kapıkulu by impersonating them, moving from village to village and oppressing the populace. These complications prompted the introduction of provincial officers within the central army in the 1570s, and the appointment of such officers had become systematic by the early 17th century.This study examines the kethüdâyeri, officers stationed in provincial administrative units tasked with overseeing the Kapıkulu cavalry, a key component of the Ottoman standing army. The introduction explores the consequences of Kapıkulu soldiers beginning to reside in provincial areas, referencing existing literature and where relevant contemporary sources. Subsequently, the study delves into the concept of kethüdâyeri, highlighting that various official carried this title.&nbsp;In the section on “appointment procedure” this study examines the process of kethüdâyeri appointments for overseeing the Kapıkulu cavalry in the provinces. This analysis includes how appointments were made, the criteria for selection, and the length of service. While kethüdâyeri appointments were relatively rare in the 1570s, they became increasingly common from the early 17th century onward. This shift suggests a gradual spread of Kapıkulu cavalrymen&nbsp;across the empire and a notable increase in their presence in certain administrative units. Appointments were primarily based on letters from the six different ağa groups within the Kapıkulu cavalry, specifying the candidate selected for the position. These letters were sent to the kadı (judge) of the relevant administrative unit, where the appointment would be enacted, and copies were recorded in the official registers. Although the Dîvân-ı Hümâyûn (Imperial Council) occasionally issued decrees for these appointments, they invariably referenced the ağas’ letters as the primary basis for the decision. The position of kethüdâyeri was mainly occupied by members of the sipahis, the most esteemed class within the Kapıkulu cavalry. Also, individuals from the silahdars were also appointed occasionally. While experience was generally prioritized in selecting candidates, other qualifications were also valued such as proven service in military campaigns, a reputation for not causing harm to the local reaya, good relations with fellow Kapıkulu cavalrymen, and the administrative skills necessary to manage them effectively. Kethüdâyeri, who held considerable influence within provincial administration, were often either chosen from influential individuals or gained influence after their appointment. Examination of this rank reveals that the same individuals frequently held this position, and occasionally, individuals from the same family were also appointed as kethüdâyeri.The “The Appointment of the Kethudâyeris as a Necessity and the Judicial Duties of the Kethudâyeris” section of the study illustrates that the appointment of kethüdâyeri emerged from specific legal necessities. When members of the Kapıkulu cavalry committed offenses, provincial administrators were not authorized to intervene directly; rather, such cases had to be reported to the central authority. This applied equally to individuals who disguised themselves as Kapıkulu cavalry, wielded swords, rode horses, and oppressed the population. The resulting rise in crime rates not only affected the local population (reaya) but also increased the workload of the central bureaucracy. To solve these issues, the role of kethüdâyeri was created as a legal intermediary to enable local prosecution of Kapıkulu cavalrymen without referring the case to the central administration. Another legal necessity led kethüdâyeri appointments was related to the confiscation of property left by Kapıkulu cavalrymen in the provinces. In cases where a Kapıkulu cavalryman died without heirs, his property fell outside the typical state revenue structure. The confiscation of such assets was managed through their officers. With the Kapıkulu presence in provinces, the question of who would confiscate the assets of those who died without heirs arose. Thus, kethüdâyeri were assigned responsibilities in the property confiscation process.In the “Mobilization of Kapıkulu Cavalry and Kethüdâyeris” section, the study outlines the critical role of kethüdâyeris in mobilizing Kapıkulu cavalrymen, who had begun to live in various parts of the empire. Prior to the widespread settlement of Kapıkulu cavalry in provincial administrative units, these soldiers participated in campaigns under the banner of their ağas. Since they typically resided in Istanbul and a few major locations, preparing them for campaigns and dispatching them to the frontlines did not pose significant challenges. However, from the&nbsp;late 16th century, the settlement of Kapıkulu cavalrymen in various provincial administrative units, where they acquired property and family ties, significantly slowed their mobilization process. To address this issue, a class of officers known as kethüdâyeri was created to facilitate the efficient mobilization of these soldiers. Upon receiving a campaign order, the kethüdâyeri had to firstly inform the Kapıkulu cavalrymen under his jurisdiction. Subsequently, he handled their equipment and readiness, and coordinated their arrival to the front, often accompanying them on the campaign. Additionally, the kethüdâyeri managed several other duties, such as employing soldiers under his command in specific roles, selecting candidates for future service as Kapıkulu cavalry after a period as serdengeçti (bouncer) and identifying retired soldiers who were still capable of combat.&nbsp;&nbsp;In the “Public Security Services and Kethüdâyeris” section, the study reveals the collaborative role of kethüdâyeri with provincial kadı in maintaining order. Until the latter half of the 16th century, provincial public order was typically overseen by subaşı and other traditional officials. However, as Kapıkulu soldiers began settling in the provinces, they assumed a greater role in maintaining urban security. When public order was threatened by Kapıkulu cavalrymen, orders from the central authority were directed to the kethüdâyeri and the kadı for resolution. From the mid-17th century onward, kethüdâyeri were increasingly listed alongside the kadı, voivode, mütesellim, ayan, and other local officials in maintaining public order. Therefore, in times of peace, kethüdâyeri mainly tasked to ensure public order together with the Kapıkulu cavalry under their command.The kethüdâyeri also assumed significant roles in areas where crimes were likely to occur. One of their primary tasks was the assurance of travel security within their administrative unit. This duty often involved ensuring the safe passage of individuals traveling to or from Istanbul, providing protection for officials en route to new assignments or escorting criminals to the capital. Particularly in administrative units along the pilgrimage route, kethüdâyeri, along with their soldiers, annually ensured the travel security of the pilgrimage caravans and officials and guarded the surre treasury. Their duty of protection continued until they reached the boundary of the next administrative unit, where responsibility would then be transferred to that region’s kethüdâyeri. Sometimes, it was emphasized that documents should be issued to record the transfer of this duty.Kethüdâyeri also played a crucial role in ensuring the security of treasury funds and goods. When funds or goods were sent either to the center or from the center to another location, directives were issued to the kadı, kethüdâyeri, janissary commander, provincial ayan, and other local officials. In accordance with these orders, the treasury or goods would be dispatched under protection, with the kethüdâyeri and their soldiers in each administrative unit along the route responsible for safeguarding them. This duty of protection would end at the boundary of the next administrative unit, where the responsibility was then transferred to the officials of that region.

Merkezî Ordunun Taşra Zâbiti: Kethüdâyerilik ve Osmanlı Askerî Teşkilatındaki Yeri

Sema

Res. Assist. Dr.

Osmanlı Kadınlarının Servetine Nicel Bir Yaklaşım

Sadık

The subject of this article is the Governor of Van, Mr. Âli Bey, who was assassinated by Armenian gangsters in Batumi on September 23, 1907 and buried in Sinop. In 1907, in order not to cause an outrage in the conditions the Ottoman Empire was in, efforts were made to conceal Mr. Âli’s death from the public, but he was a governor who was so memorable that his name was lamented. However, after 1907, the rapidly changing agenda and the succession of events in the Van region, as in the Ottoman Empire in general, caused the name of Mr. Âli to be confused with other names, even though the lament and the main story remained the same. After a while, the unwritten biography of Mr. Âli Bey underwent changes in the oral culture transmission in the region, dates shifted and unknown issues were completed differently in the folk imagination. Compiled in 1973 and recorded under the name “Ali Pasha Lament/Arpa Ektim Biçemedim”, the same erroneous information was repeated in local history studies, which began to increase in the 1980s.One of the most common misconceptions and confusion in the oral and written literature about Mr. Âli is the contradiction between his name and title, and it is essential to clarify these first. Although the Governor of Van is known as “Ali Pasha” in the folk song sung in his name and in many publications, it is seen in Ottoman documents and in his signature that his name is not “Ali” (علي (but “Âlî” (عالي(. Again, even though he was popularly referred to as “Pasha” due to his position as governor, in fact, Mr. Ali had the title of “Bey”, not “Pasha”, either civilly or militarily. Moreover, it is understood that in some academic publications, Mr. Âli Bey is confused with Ali Rıza Bey, the Mutasarrıf of Hakkâri, who was appointed as the Governor of Van after him. These confusions seen in the first academic publications, along&nbsp;with errors in date translation, continued in the publications of the following years, and even more erroneous information and interpretations began to spread as the issue was carried to national and local newspapers.In this study, in addition to correcting misconceptions about Âli Bey based mostly on Ottoman archival documents, the developments that led to his dismissal from the governorship will also be emphasized. When Âli Bey was dismissed after a short period of nine months, Muslim residents took to the streets and sent telegrams to the Yıldız Palace, demanding his reinstatement, claiming that the years of misrule in Van had come to an end with Âli Bey. Although the telegrams sent by the prominent people of the city and the headmen of twenty neighborhoods did not change the outcome, revealing why a governor who was so loved and trusted by the people was dismissed will allow us to better understand the conditions and bureaucracy of the period. Of course, for this purpose, the general situation in and around Van in the early twentieth century should also be briefly mentioned. Because when Mr. Âli Bey took office in Van, he was confronted with many complicated issues, some of which had become chronic. Moreover, he was targeted from the very first day due to his decisions and practices that upheld the state order and the interests of the people.&nbsp;As of 1907, when we look at the general landscape of the Van province, at first glance, we can see the Muslim, Armenian and Nestorian communities, as well as the American, British, German and French missionaries and their hospitals, orphanages, churches, monasteries, schools and the large number of students in these schools. In addition, the American, British, French, Russian and Iranian consulates and their crowded entourages, together with a fragmented structure composed of many different cultures and beliefs, are observed in the city. Foreign missions became more influential than ever before and extended their activities to villages and hamlets. Especially since the Treaty of Berlin in 1878, the terrorist activities of the Armenian committees, which were almost openly supported by foreign interventions, found a wide field of application in and around Van. Since it was a border province, the Armenian gangs, which had the opportunity to organize and strengthen themselves faster than in other regions, threatened the order in the city and rural areas and increased their massacres since the 1896 rebellion in Van. Conflicts between Kurdish tribes, conflicts within crowded tribes, their cross-border extortion and looting activities, and the direct and indirect involvement of Hamidiye Regiments in such incidents were important issues that needed to be prevented.The fact that the Hamidiye Regiments were directly subordinated to the 4th Army Command in Erzincan, namely Müşir Mehmed Zeki Pasha, created many administrative weaknesses for the regional governors. Difficulties regarding the quality of gendarmerie units and civil servants, tax collection and military recruitment had become almost chronic. On the other hand, border problems with Iran caused the problems of Iranian tribes to be transferred&nbsp; to Van. The shifting balances of power and interests, and the network of relations established by all these actors were a further conundrum. At the center of these balances was the founder of the Hamidiye Regiments, Müşir Mehmed Zeki Pasha, who served in the region with full authority for twenty years between 1888 and 1908. Müşir Zeki Pasha was influential at all levels of the state, and according to British consular reports, he was the government itself in the region. When governors or local administrators had disagreements with military unit commanders for any reason and complained to Zeki Pasha, it played an important role in the dismissal of these administrators.The biography of Âli Bey, which allows us to better understand the multi-layered intertwined problems of the administrative, political, military, civil service and social structure in the eastern provinces of the Ottoman Empire in the early 20th century, reveals how effective the corruption in the established provincial bureaucracy can be in centralized decision-making processes. The developments and correspondence during the process of the dismissal of Âli Bey, who tried to do his job properly despite the support of the people and the grand vizier, clearly revealed this situation. In addition, the necessity of more academic studies on Müşir Zeki Pasha, who served in Eastern Anatolia between 1888-1908, and his activities has also been understood.In the Ottoman lands, it was not uncommon for the people to take to the streets and lament the reinstatement of a governor. For this reason, it is important to understand how Mr. Âli Bey was able to win the hearts of the people during his very short governorship. At this point, the fact that even pro-Armenian terrorist newspapers of the period admitted that Mr. Âli “wanted to apply the laws with great care” and that he treated “everyone equally regardless of their nationality” reveals a certain profile. At a time when the Ottoman Empire and its administrators were, so to speak, in a ring of fire, Mr. Âli Bey, who undertook eighty different complicated tasks in a short period of eight months for the sake of state order and the well-being of the people, apparently constituted a profile of an administrator that was desired but not often encountered.In the end, Âli Bey, who was dismissed from his post after being accused of unfounded allegations, fell victim to Armenian terrorism, even his death had to be hidden from the public, and even his body could not be brought to Istanbul. However, the loyal Turkish nation, especially the people of Van, did not forget Mr. Âli or what he had done for them, and the great suffering he had endured was passed down through the lamentation of the people for decades to come.

Arkasından Ağıt Yakılan Bir Vali: Van Valisi Âli Bey

Enes

By September 1918, Bulgaria, an ally of the Ottoman Empire in the First World War, had withdrawn from the war after suffering a defeat on the Macedonian Front. Consequently, the Thracian border and the capital Istanbul faced a new danger for the Ottoman Empire. Thereupon, the Commander-in-Chief’s Office took precautions and organised the 25th Corps in addition to the 1st Corps. However, due to the lack of sufficient troops, divisions from the Caucasian Front were assigned to the organisation of the Corps. Therefore, it would not be possible for the troops of the 25th Corps to reach Istanbul immediately. The Ottoman Empire, on the other hand, aimed to withdraw from the war by reaching an armistice as soon as possible. As a result, the First World War ended for the Ottoman Empire with the Armistice of Mondros signed on 30 October 1918.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;The heavy terms of the armistice paved the way for the Allied powers to occupy the Ottoman territories, including the capital Istanbul, in a short time. Of course, the reduction of the Ottoman army strength, arms and ammunition to a low number was also among the conditions of the armistice. In general, the governments established after the Armistice adopted a passive attitude in the face of the occupations and demands of the Entente states. However, the Ministry of War aimed to retain and protect the army as much as possible. Therefore, even though it demobilised and ostensibly disbanded the armies, it preserved the divisions, regiments and battalions under the main organisation of corps. Undoubtedly, the number of soldiers in the corps and the capabilities of the units were limited. However, the main backbone of the organisational structure for a mobilisation was preserved.Within this framework, the Ottoman army was restructured into 9 corps and 20 divisions in April 1919. One of the corps was the 25th Corps, headquartered in the capital Istanbul. The 25th Corps, which was responsible for Istanbul, Çatalca, İzmit, Adapazarı, Düzce, Bolu and Zonguldak lines with the 1st Division and 10th Caucasian Division under its command, carried out its activities under the Istanbul-based 1st Army Inspectorate between May and August (1919), and directly under the Ministry of War after the inspectorates were abolished.&nbsp;Undoubtedly, due to the presence of the occupation forces, the 25th Corps could not fulfil its duties and responsibilities comfortably. So much so that the places where the Corps’ troops were stationed in Istanbul, the amount of troops or even the dispatch of troops to a region for security and public order purposes posed a problem for the occupation forces.&nbsp;The Ministry of War, on the other hand, tried to take the necessary measures through the 25th Corps as much as possible. As a matter of fact, the duties of the Corps Command and the Istanbul Guard were merged within the scope of the centralised execution of the public order of Istanbul and the military measures to be taken. As a matter of fact, during Cemal Pasha’s&nbsp;term as Minister of War, the 25th Corps acted relatively more effectively in establishing public order and security, and dispatched its troops to the regions where they were needed. However, with the official occupation of Istanbul on 16 March 1920, the occupation of the Corps headquarters and the arrest of its commander Ali Sait Pasha, the influence of the Corps was completely eliminated and its command and organisation structure became dysfunctional.As a result, it is observed that the 25th Corps and the 10th Caucasian Division were ineffective due to their presence in occupied Istanbul, while the 1st Division stationed in Izmit acted more easily due to its location. In this context, the Division Commanders were in direct contact with Mustafa Kemal Pasha and contributed to the National Struggle by fulfilling his directives. The 1st Division Command assumed responsibilities especially in establishing and expanding the national organisation in its area of responsibility, taking measures against the attempts and rebellions against it, as well as preventing bandits operating in the region and establishing security.It should be noted that the troops under the command of the Corps headquarters and the 10th Caucasian Division were generally assigned to ensure the public order and security of the capital city, and could not directly support the National Struggle due to the fact that they were operating under close surveillance.&nbsp;As a conclusion, the 25th Corps was the only corps that could not directly participate in the National Struggle due to the occupation of the capital. The 1st Division of the Corps, with the advantage of its location, was placed under the command of Ankara after the occupation of Istanbul and reorganised on the Western Front and performed important duties. Some of the officers assigned to the Corps headquarters and the 10th Caucasian Division in Istanbul travelled to Anatolia in various ways and joined the National Struggle.

İstanbul Merkezli 25. Kolordunun Mütareke Dönemi’ndeki Vaziyeti ve İcraatları

Resul

Located in northeastern Turkey, Artvin serves as a strategic passage between Anatolia and the Caucasus. After the 1877–1878 Russo-Turkish War, Artvin remained under Russian rule for nearly forty years. However, following the Armistice of Mudros, the region witnessed successive occupations by the British and Georgians before eventually returning to Turkish administration. In 1921, Artvin was reintegrated into Turkish administration. During this period, diplomatic relations between Turkey and Soviet Russia flourished, leading to the establishment of embassies and consulates in both countries. The first official diplomatic engagement between the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM) and Soviet Russia began with Foreign Minister Bekir Sami [Kunduk] Bey’s visit to Moscow, followed by the opening of Soviet Russia’s first embassy abroad in Ankara on November 7, 1920. Turkey’s relations with Soviet Russia and the Caucasian republics were solidified through key treaties that ensured the security of its eastern borders: the Treaty of Gyumri (December 2, 1920), the Treaty of Moscow (March 16, 1921), and the Treaty of Kars (October 13, 1921). These agreements established a foundation for diplomatic and economic cooperation, with the Treaty of Kars, in particular, including provisions to facilitate border trade with the Soviets. As a result, toward the end of 1921, Soviet consulates were established in Artvin, Kars, Erzurum, and Rize.&nbsp;&nbsp;The Artvin Consulate of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (RSFSR) operated between 1921 and 1933. Aleksandr Mitrofanovich Detisov, appointed as the first Soviet consul, arrived in Artvin in late 1921. Some of the consular staff were local Armenians due to their proficiency in Russian. In his early tenure, Detisov faced financial difficulties, and limited communication between the consulate, Moscow, and Ankara posed a significant challenge. The consulate also engaged in intelligence-gathering activities, and Detisov maintained close relations with Artvin’s Armenian population - a factor that occasionally strained Turkish-Soviet relations. A segment of the Armenian community, which had lived in Artvin during the Ottoman period, had migrated to Batumi, Armenia, and Europe during World War I. However, the new Turkish-Soviet border prevented many Armenians from returning to sell their properties, leading to their estates being rented out by relatives or acquaintances in Artvin. Detisov actively sought to protect the property rights of Russian citizens and engaged with local authorities on this issue. Artvin’s integration into Turkey also&nbsp;raised questions regarding the citizenship status of its Armenian and Russian residents. The Moscow Treaty provided an option to choose Russian citizenship, but Detisov intervened to prevent the deportation of Armenians to Soviet territory.Border crossings and trade activities became contentious issues between Turkey and the Soviet Union. The Turkish-Soviet border split the village of Sarp in half, prompting efforts to establish customs points and regulate trade in the early years. The consulate began issuing short-term travel permits to select individuals for visits to Batumi. However, the border zone soon became a hub for political dissent, with opposition groups using it as a recruitment and organization center. Artvin emerged as a refuge for Soviet opponents and political dissidents. On the other hand, Detisov cultivated relationships with Artvin’s educated elite, portraying Soviet Russia as a sincere ally of Turkey. He used official holidays and national celebrations as opportunities for propaganda. Although the period of serious tensions arose between the consul and Kazım Karabekir Pasha about Armenians. During Pasha’s visit to Artvin, Detisov highlighted the Pasha’s favorable stance toward Soviet Russia and the fraternal ties between the two nations.&nbsp;Findings from this study indicate that the Artvin Soviet Consulate played a crucial role in shaping early Turkish-Soviet relations, serving both as a diplomatic outpost and a center for political and economic interactions. The consulate reports provide an opportunity to analyze the contrasts between the old and new administrations. Artvin’s border location and the incomplete establishment of central authority created an environment conducive to banditry and illegal activities. At the same time, Artvin served as a key escape route for anti-Soviet figures, including members of the White Army, Georgian officials, and Ajarian nobles. The consulate operated under severe transportation and communication limitations, hampering its coordination with Soviet authorities. Consul Detisov’s inexperience led to independent decisions that sometimes created tensions with local administrators. His close ties with the Armenian population and his shifting stance on Armenian migration to Soviet territory were among the primary sources of friction. Christian communities in and around Artvin, from 1878 to 1921, experienced significant mobility within Russian territories, leading to specialization in various professions and increased cultural interaction. These migrations resulted in labor shortages in artisanal sectors such as leatherworking and shoemaking in Artvin. The city’s commercial dependency on Batumi was disrupted by the new Turkish-Soviet border, leading to economic disintegration. Initially, the Soviet administration used border crossing permits as a political instrument, later sealing the border entirely. This policy severed economic and cultural ties between interdependent cities such as Artvin-Batumi and Kars-Gyumri. Over time, Turkish-Soviet border took on additional symbolic meanings, particularly during the Cold War, when it became a multifaceted boundary separating capitalism from socialism, Islam from atheism, and also Turks from Georgians. Despite his criticisms of Tsarist rule, Detisov paradoxically praised certain aspects of the imperial administration when highlighting the shortcomings of Turkish governance. This reflects how Turkish-Soviet relations in the early 1920s were still influenced by the legacy of pre-1917 Russo-Turkish conflicts, with mutual distrust lingering between Turkey and the Soviet Union.

Nezaket ve Rekabet Arasında Türk-Sovyet İlişkileri: Artvin Sovyet Konsolosluğunun Kuruluşu ve Faaliyetleri (1921-1924)

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Vural

It is well known that many Iranian scholars and intellectuals traveled between Ajam and Rum towards the end of the 15th century, in order to secure wealthy and benevolent patrons. The reason for the mobility of scholars, which can be traced back to the reign of Murad the Second (1421-1451), was undoubtedly related to the changes occurred across the Islamic world. Of these changes, the conquest of Istanbul was the most important. Adding “the protector of Islam” to his extant titulatures with this conquest, Sultan Mehmed the Conqueror, proclaimed that he was the only representative of the Islamic world. The second reason was the decline of Timurid Empire after the demise of Shahrukh (d. 1447) who were the reputed patron of science and art like&nbsp;his father towards the second half of the 15th century. By exiling scholars and crafters from newly conquered lands to his capital Samarqand, Timur created a Renaissance era and bequeathed this cultural heritage to his successors. Timurid princes’ fights for the throne perpetuated in Iraq, Fars, Mazandaran, Mawara al-Nahr and Khurasan, and several handovers and plunders of Samarqand and Herat precipitated the exodus of Timurid scholars and craftsmen in order to secure wealthy patrons and safe places, after the demise of Shahrukh. This chaotic atmosphere pervaded in Iran and on the other hand Ottoman sultans’ patronage of science and art made the Ottoman lands a safe and inviting shelter for Iranian scholars and literary men. Based on the claims that they were the only representative of Islam, the Ottomans’ superiority over the Aqquyunlus who presented themselves as Timur’s licit heirs, led this competition to another phase. Reputed with his wealth, benevolence and power, Sultan Mehmed the Conqueror made his capital Istanbul a center of attraction for Iranian scholars and poets.&nbsp;His patronage of science and art had spread across Iran so much so that his palace was replete with Iranian scholars and encomiasts at the very beginning of his reign. Along with scholars and bureaucrats such as Şemseddin Fenârî, Molla Gürânî, Mevlana Şeyh Ebu İshak Tebrizî and Ali Kuşçu, encomiasts and man of letters such as Ma’âlî, Kâşifî, Hamidî, and Kabûlî presented their works to Sultan Mehmed and, made contributions to sultan’s imperial image from the viewpoint of Ajamness. It is also well known that Sultan Mehmed endeavored to take famous Iranian scholars under his patronage and, for this purpose he sends them enticing gifts.&nbsp;Benevolent and wealthy image of Sultan Mehmed the Conqueror and, his capital’s hallmark as a center for a multi-cultural junction, attracted another Ajam known as Riyâzî. He was less known among the Ajams in Sultan’s palace. Neither contemporary chroniclers nor collection of the biographies of poets mention him. Beside his Persian epistle, which he penned on the occasion of Sultan Mehmed’s conquest of Akçahisar and constitutes the subject of the present study, there are at least three copies of his Divan survived to this date. None of these primary sources provide any information concerning his migration from Ajam to Rum and his residence in Istanbul. According to his Divan, his full name was Mawlana Riyâzî-i Samarqandî. This specifies the fact that he was native of Timurids’ cultural center Samarqand. Most probably in order to escape the political chaos and seeking a new patron, he headed towards Istanbul, after the decline of the Timurid Empire in Iran and Mawara al-Nahr. In the patrimonial states of the 16th-century Islamic world, scholars and craftier were more depended on court patronage. Because of that sultans were the only resorts. When the scholars fell from the grace of their patron(s), they set on a journey seeking for welfare and patronage in another sultan’s court.&nbsp;Riyâzî’s venture was not different from the scholars and bureaucrats who lost their patronage and set out to secure a new one in 15th and 16th centuries Islamic world. Although it is not known how and when he managed, he might have come to Istanbul and secured Sultan Mehmed’s patronage prior to 1479. Beyond the Sultan Mehmed’s personal interest to attract many Iranians, this phenomenon should be supported with the role which sultan played himself. Eventually, patronizing Muslim scholars and craftsmen was an indispensable source of legitimacy for the sultan who had claims for superiority in the Islamic world.&nbsp;&nbsp;Although his contemporaries Ma’âlî and Kabûlî gave huge details on their journeys, observations on the palace and how they managed to secure Sultan’s patronage, neither in his Persian epistle presented to Sultan Mehmed nor in his Divan replete with poems of love and separation Riyâzî-i Samarqandî does not provide any information about himself and his personal experiences. In contrast to Ma’âlî, Kabûlî, and Hamidî, he has never presented a panegyric to his patron. The only information about his life in Istanbul was his disease, which he could not recuperate and finally died in 884/1479-80. Though he did not relate his observations on the palace and the Sultan, and how he behaved, accounts of other Ajam’s provide details about the perception of Ajamness in the Ottoman palace, which we can further elaborate on. Furthermore, it is well known that there was a competition of superiority between highly-educated Ajams and their rival Rumîs in Sultan Mehmed’s palace.Riyâzî-i Samarqandî penned his Persian epistle entitled with Risâle-i Tehniyet-i ‘Iyd ve Nevrûz Berây-ı Ebu’l-feth Sultan Mehmed or Tehniyet-i ‘Iyd ve Fethnâme-i Akçahisar in 1479 on the occasion of the conquest of Akçahisar in Albania and presented to the Sultan. The seal of Sultan Mehmed on the folios verifies that the epistle was accepted to the personal library of Sultan. The coincidence of Sultan Mehmed’s conquest of Akçahisar with Nawruz feast was a double occasion for Riyâzî to present himself to the Sultan. Unlike his fellows in this genre, he merely confined his epistle to create an imperial image for the Sultan with titles and titulatures, which he formulated for him. He furthermore explained the reason for giving these titles to the Sultan under each titulatures. It should also be specified that this Persian epistle penned and presented to the Sultan to proclaim Ottoman dynasty’s superiority over the other dynasties such as Aqquyunlu and Mamluk, and to show them how Ottomans were the only protectors of Islam.As a wealthy, powerful, benevolent and just sultan, Mehmed the Conqueror took many Iranian scholars, encomiasts, and craftsmen under his patronage. Thus, he commenced “Eastern Renaissance” which would last in his successor’s reign Bayezid the Second (1481-1512). Thanks to this cultural mobility, those who came from Ajam, penned and presented many epistles and panegyric to the Sultan. It should not be forgotten that Iranian shahnama-writers had major contributions for the creation of the imperial image of Sultan Mehmed, which would be imitated in Bayezid the Second’s reign as well. It can be concluded that like his Iranian contemporaries’ pieces, Riyâzî-i Samarqandî’s Persian epistle was also a contribution to create an imperial image for the Sultan from the viewpoint of an Ajam.

FATİH’İN EMPERYAL İMAJINA BİR ACEM’İN KATKISI: RİYÂZÎ-İ SEMERKANDÎ

Arda

The efforts for founding an Israeli state in Palestine, which gained momentum with the Balfour Declaration issued in the end of World War I, constituted one of the most important problems causing instability in the Middle East during the interwar period. In this process, when Jewish immigration to Palestine increased and Arabs and Jews began to have serious conflicts in the region, Turkey did not get involved in the developments in Palestine. The conflicts became bitterer following World War II when the victorious USA began to back up the efforts for the establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine. The ambitions of Western countries and the Jews for Palestine became the prominent issue for Arab countries after World War II. Arab nationalists gathered around anti-Westernism and the Palestine issue.&nbsp;&nbsp;Unlike its passive position in the interwar period, Turkey began to take more active involvement in the Palestine issue after the war. Turkey’s increasing interest in the issue following 1945 was due to its convergence with Arab nations, rather than religious or nationalist considerations. Turkey was left alone against the Soviet Union by Western nations. With no alternative but to create stronger bonds with the states in the region against the Soviet threat, Turkey approached its Arab neighbours and realized that the Palestine issue was the first item on their agenda. When the Palestine issue was brought to UN, Turkey supported Arab nations due to its sense of solidarity with Arab nations and its concern that a Jewish state to be founded in the area might cause instability. Turkey’s support to Arab nations for the Palestine issue would come to an end with the improvements in Turkey’s relations with Western nations and the outbreak of the First Arab-Israeli War.As a result of its strategic alliance with Western nations against the Soviet Union threat, Turkey felt the need for acting in concert with its allies in the international area. Meanwhile, it became clear to Turkey during the First Arab-Israeli War that military alliance with Israel would be more beneficial than with Arabs. At this stage, the UN decided to set up a Conciliation Commission for resolution of the Palestine issue. Acting uniformly with Western nations in the Conciliation Commission and carrying out missions together with the USA and France, Turkey made it clear that it would no longer take an approach supporting Arab theses in the Palestine issue.The UN Conciliation Commission for Palestine was important in that it was the first multilateral attempt for resolution and Turkey’s first critical alliance with Western nations following World War II. Turkey was included in the conciliation commission with the USA and France due to its support for Arab countries in the conflict, but it did not maintain its support in the works of the commission. Commission membership increased Turkey’s diplomatic contact with Israel, and as a result&nbsp;of these interactions Turkey’s concerns over Israel disappeared and led Turkey to become the first Muslim country to recognize Israel.&nbsp;The Conciliation Commission was set up with great expectations and strong international support. At the time the Commission made serious efforts for resolution of the problem, the disagreement between the two parties was new and so there were suitable grounds for resolution. However, the biggest disadvantage of the Commission was its Western identity which caused lack of trust with Arab nations. France, a member of the Commission that aimed to provide suitable conditions for lasting peace following the First Arab-Israeli War, was known for its colonial past among Arab nations. Turkey’s membership was also met with mistrust due to memories from the Ottoman Empire period and the Hatay issue, which was seen as a conspiracy set against Arab countries by Turkey and Western nations. The USA was the only nation with no colonial past from the point of view of Arab nations. However, the USA’s strong support for the founding of a Jewish state in Palestine following World War II was known by the Arab public. For these reasons, the Commission’s neutrality was questioned by Arab nations.&nbsp;Between the Commission’s most active years of 1949 and 1952, Arab nations were devoid of strong governments that could sign a peace treaty with Israel, as they were struggling with political and military depression caused by the First Arab-Israeli War. Israel, on the other hand, had seen the weaknesses of Arab troops during the War, and aimed to extend and strengthen its boundaries through further conflicts rather than make peace with Arab nations. The works of the Conciliation Commission failed as they were trying to reconcile those with no power for making peace and those with no intention of doing so. After the Paris Conference of 1951, the Commission acknowledged that it would be unable to reach its aim of ensuring a peace accord, and decided to focus on the resolution of the problems of Arab refugees. However, it failed to gain effective results in its smaller targets because the parties of the Arab-Israeli conflict adopted more uncompromising attitudes as the Cold War began to influence the Palestine issue. During the course of the work of the Commission after 1952, the relations between some of the Arab nations that were expected to be made better through the joint efforts of the members, namely Turkey, the USA, and France, became even worse. With Arab nations being supported by the Soviet Union, and Israel by the USA in the international area, the parties of the conflict began to manifest their uncompromising attitudes more comfortably, which put the Conciliation Commission in a situation where it could no longer function.&nbsp;The Conciliation Commission was an unsuccessful experience on the part of Turkey. Turkish foreign policy pursued until the 1960s did more harm than good on&nbsp;the works of the Conciliation Commission. During the 1950s, Turkey formed closer economic and political relationships with Israel, while its relations with important Arab nations such as Egypt and Syria deteriorated. Such direct conflicts between Western and Arab nations as the Suez Crisis did not only worsen the relations between Western and Arab nations in the Conciliation Commission, but also caused Turkey to lose its role of mediator. With Cold War and the Soviet Union becoming more influential over Middle East, Turkey’s policies on Arab nations, especially Egypt and Syria, became stricter. When Turkey and Syria were on the brink of war in 1957, the two nations had no chance of cooperation and resolution under the Conciliation Commission. Egypt and Syria also sharpened their irreconcilable attitudes against Turkey both in terms of regional policies and of international relations with the support they received from the Soviet Union. Because Egypt perceived a Muslim state’s contribution to the resolution of the Palestine issue as interference in the internal affairs of Arab nations at a time when it saw itself as the protector of Arab nations, it did not support Turkey’s efforts for conciliation. The Conciliation Commission for Palestine was imbedded in history as another UN initiative that failed to provide solutions to international relations under the existing structure of the UN.

FİLİSTİN UZLAŞTIRMA KOMİSYONU VE TÜRKİYE

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Gökhan

Known as the Neo-Babylonian Chronicles, the cuneiform texts were compiled (copied) by Babylonian scribes and mostly concern the historical events of both the recent and distant past. Recorded concisely and chronologically, they detail events starting from the Babylonian king Nabunassar era in 747-734 BC and continue to the period just after the capture of Babylonia by the Persians in 539 BC. In this study, the records concerning the illnesses and disabilities of the Mesopotamian and Elamite kings in these chronicles will be discussed. We will attempt to determine the historical importance of these medical problems of the kings with regards to the medical history of Mesopotamia. Some assessments will be made concerning the relations between these records and the political, religious, and traditional aspects of Babylonian historiography. Additionally, other pieces of information in other chronicles such as Esarhaddon, Weidner, and Chronicle of Early Kings will be referred to when needed. Although numerous Babylonian and Assyrian kings are mentioned concerning political events in the Neo-Babylonian Chronicles, the only king whose illness is mentioned is the Neo-Assyrian king Esarhaddon (681- 669 BC). The king fell ill during one of his campaigns and subsequently died. There is not much detailed information about the king’s illness in the relevant chronicles. Similarly, the chronicles do not mention the illnesses of the Babylonian kings in much detail. While the Neo-Babylonian king Nabunassar (747-734 BC) died after becoming sick in his palace, another Babylonian king Nabonidus (555-539 BC) was also ill but recovered. In brief, it is observed that the medical backgrounds of some of the numerous Babylonian and Assyrian kings are mentioned in the Neo-Babylonian Chronicles and that these references are only superficial. However, it is very clear that the illnesses and disabilities of the Neo-Elamite kings, who reigned during the 1st millennium BC, are mentioned in more detail by the chronicle scribes. What is the reason behind the fact that no detailed information is given about the illnesses of the Assyrian and Babylonian kings, while the health situations and deaths of their contemporary Neo-Elamite kings include more details? There might be more than one answer to this question. One answer might be that the scribes could not find sufficient information in the ancient sources about these issues while compiling the chronicles. In addition, statements indicating that the demise of the kings did not result from an illness and particularly that some of them “died in the palaces” are either proof of&nbsp;the fact that there is not sufficient information about the cause of death of these kings or it is possible that these individuals were accepted as “well-remembered figures” in Babylonian history. However, another answer (and one which is the main focus of the study) should be sought in the relation between the medical knowledge and tradition of Babylonian historiography, in which political and religious ideologies are dominant. It is possible to find pieces of information about the health problems of kings such as Esarhaddon and Nabonidus in other cuneiform sources such as the royal inscriptions and correspondence. However, only in the chronicles is it possible to encounter details about the illnesses of the Elamite kings. The records of the death of two Neo-Elamite kings following a stroke and/or paralysis can be considered as an example of the reflection of a pro-Babylonian attitude towards historiography. It is certain that the scribe or scribes, who mentioned these pieces of information, are eager to leave no stone unturned about information and the details concerning the disabilities or deaths of the Elamite kings. It should be considered that a conscious preference in deciding which pieces of information to be recorded might be related to the world views of the scribes, the relevance of the kings, the form of the illnesses to be mentioned, divine background, and the political/ideological aspects of historiographical tradition. Similarly, this relation is conspicuous in the health problems of the Sargon of Akkad and Isin king Erra-imitti written in the records of the Chronicles of the Early Kings and Weidner as well.It is possible that some of the details concerning the illnesses of the kings might contain fabrications, exaggerations, or personal comments. However, even if these details are supported by information from other cuneiform sources or even if it is medically possible, it doesn’t change the possible views asserted in the study about the intentions behind adding them to the chronicles. Sometimes concise and sometimes relatively longer, the information provided by the chronicle writers about the illnesses of the Assyrian, Babylonian, and Elamite kings, and even about the Isin king Erra-imitti contribute to our knowledge about the medical history of ancient Mesopotamia. Independent from the individuals, since these medical cases (such as stroke, paralysis, fever, insomnia, and respiratory problems) are common in royal correspondence and literary texts and particularly in medical texts, they have no particular privilege. However, these medical details in the chronicles are important with regards to Babylonian historiography. It is observed in the chronicles that only the health problems of the kings are detailed with interest. However, some kings like the Neo-Babylonian King Nabonidus (who recovered after the illness), or kings who died without getting sick, are also discussed. Particularly in the latter case, it was also relevant that some of the scribes did not have knowledge about the causes of deaths of the kings. Additionally, it was recorded that some of the kings (like the Babylonian king Nabunassar) died in the palaces, even without getting sick. The Babylonian scribes were probably informed about the details of the illness of the Neo-Assyrian king Esarhaddon; however, they did not mention it. In fact, Esarhaddon was a Neo-Assyrian king, who was trying to revive the city of Babylonia and return it to its old magnificent days after his father, Sennacherib, wrathfully devastated the city. It can be considered that these kings were not remembered with ill feelings by later generations. However, this interpretation can involve problems, since it is a result of an overall general view about the whole life of the individual. It is also possible that they were punished with illnesses resulting in death by the gods due to their misconduct in any period of their kingdom or in any issue that might annoy (!) the gods.Therefore, all of these examples have great importance since they reflect the dominant understanding concerning the ancient Mesopotamian historiography: a religious belief that the illness is a divine punishment arising from the faults of an individual. The common trait of almost all of the kings, about whom the chronicles give detailed information concerning their illnesses, is that they were all remembered negatively with regards to the history of Babylonia. It is possible that there was an attempt to create a perception that the patron deity of the city of Babylon Marduk (Bel) punished these kings who were in the wrong. Illnesses and deaths related with these situations were remarkable events since they demonstrated the proof of the relation between the crime and the punishment. Thus, the motives behind the intention to abstain from recording the known or fabricated medical causes of deaths of some kings should not be examined, to a large extent, in the epistemological concerns. These motives should be investigated in the relations between historiography and its political, religious, and traditional aspects. For example, mentioning the insomnia problems of Sargon of Akkad doesn’t have a medical or historical importance in itself. This record reaches significance when there is an attempt to establish relations between the current ideologies and compilation of literary narratives, whose “reality is suspicious”, that are dated to the 1st millennium BC. It might also be mentioned that, sometimes while narrating, the role and influence of these relations are behind the inclusion of the themes and contents, which are thought to arouse curiosity and interest, with a high potential of speculation.

TIBBİ BİLGİNİN İDEOLOJİK KULLANIMI ÜZERİNE OKUMALAR: YENİ BABİL KRONİKLERİNDE HASTALIKLAR VE BABİL TARİH YAZICILIĞI

Ebru

The Last Penetration of The Crusader Armies into the Seljuḳ Territory of Anatolia: Emperor Friedrich Barbarossa’s Crusade (1089-1190)In the 12th century, Anatolia witnessed the great struggles between the Crusaders and the Turks, and the Crusaders penetrated into Seljuḳ territory for the last time during the Third Crusade (1189–1192). By conquering Jerusalem in 1187, the Egyptian-Syrian ruler, Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn, put an end to the Crusaders’ domination in Jerusalem, which lasted 88 years. It was at this point that German Emperor Friedrich Barbarossa, who had accompanied his uncle Conrad III, King of Germany during the Second Crusade, once again agreed to participate in the Crusade—this time as a 70-year-old ruler. He formed an immense army with the goal of capturing Jerusalem from Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn. While the English and French kings traveled by sea to the Holy Land with their forces, Friedrich tried to reach the East through Anatolia. This paper discusses the march of the German Crusaders under the command of Friedrich Barbarossa in Anatolia, and the Seljuk-Crusader relations in this period.&nbsp;Emperor Friedrich, who started to prepare for the expedition after accepting the cross, sent ambassadors to Hungarian King Bela III, Byzantine Emperor Isaakios Angelos II, and Seljuk Sultan Ḳilidj Arslan II to ask for permission to pass through their countries. In response, Emperor Isaakios said that the Crusaders would be allowed to enter the territory of the empire if they promised not to take any action against the Byzantine State. When this stipulation was accepted by Friedrich, the Byzantine emperor agreed to provide guidance and suitable markets to the Crusaders during the transition from Anatolia. After that, Emperor Isaakios took the necessary measures in accordance with the agreement reached; however, Barbarossa’s contact with the enemies of Byzantine Serbs and Seljuks increased Isaakios’s concerns. Faced with such danger, Isaakios found it appropriate to contact Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn for the interest of his country. According to Ibn al-Asir, when Isaakios learned of the German emperor’s movement, he sent an envoy to Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn and promised that he would prevent Friedrich from passing through the Byzantine land.After the year-long preparations, Friedrich finally moved from Regensburg to the East in May 1189. His enormously large and well- organized army seemed almost invincible. Barbarossa passed Hungary, where he was welcomed by King Bela, and by crossing the Danube near Belgrade, he entered the Byzantine territory in 1189. The Crusader army was said to have 50,000 horsemen and 100,000 infantrymen. Meanwhile, the Serbs and Bulgarians’ attempt to form an alliance with the German emperor destressed the Byzantines.Because of the events in the Balkans, the relations between the two sides became so bad that Friedrich even contemplated attacking Istanbul. Eventually, Friedrich, who intended to arrive in Palestine after spending the winter months in Adrianople, went to Gallipoli in March 1190, and by crossing through the Dardanelles into Anatolia, he entered the path that Alexander the Great had followed about 15 centuries prior. After crossing the Granikos Stream and the Angelokomites River, the Crusaders followed a Byzantine military road between Miletopolis and today’s Balikesir (Akhyraous), and they moved southward through Balikesir-Ala Shehir before heading toward Seljuḳ territory after the Byzantine border town of Laodiceia (Denizli). The German emperor thought that he would easily pass from Anatolia, in accordance with the old friendship and the agreements between Ḳilidj Arslan II and him. In the last two years, he sent ambassadors to the sultan several times, and he stated that his intention was to go to Jerusalem. When the German army was in Adrianople, Sultan Ḳilidj Arslan and his son Malik Shah’s envoys had gone to Friedrich and promised to help him. Meanwhile, the Anatolian Seljuk State had lost its political unity. Sultan Ḳilidj Arslan did not actually have power. The feuds for the throne had begun among the Maliks soon after he allocated the country between his 11 sons in 1187. Because of these circumstances, the Turks were not in a position to openly fight against this enormous army, but they also did not want to let them pass through Anatolia. As a result, they followed the German Crusader army and harassed them. In the meantime, the Turkmens, who acted on their own at the borders, also pursued the Crusaders along the road from Denizli. The Turkmens initially retreated to the mountains and grazed large herds of animals (around 5,000) along the Germans’ way and therefore condemned the horses of the Crusaders to starvation. Then they suddenly attacked the Crusaders, who were devastated by fatigue and starvation. As&nbsp;a result of these attacks in the mountains and passages in the Uluborlu region, the Germans suffered great losses. While the attacks of the Turkmens continued along the way, the Germans were forced to carry out a series of fierce battles (from April 28 to May 18). The Turks also continued their activities around the Crusader camp at nights, shouting and shooting arrows until the morning, causing the Germans sleepless and troubled nights. In the meantime, under the rain of arrows that pierced the tents, the Crusaders were sometimes killed while they were asleep. For this reason, most of the Crusaders were unable to remove their armor at night for weeks. This situation created an exasperating impact on them. Also, the water resources along the way of the Crusader army were rendered unusable, all kinds of foodstuffs were destroyed, cities were evacuated, and the people hid in the forests and mountains.As a result of the war tactics applied by the Turks, the German army, which was miserable because of both the lack of food and water and the constant Turkish attacks, suffered heavy losses. They set Aḳshehir on fire and marched toward Iconium (Konya). After a fierce battle, Emperor Friedrich finally managed to enter Iconium by force on May 18th. However, after leaving Iconium, Friedrich drowned while crossing the Saleph River (Silifke /Salūḳiya). As a result of this, the German army disbanded (June 10, 1190), and only a small part of the army, led by his son Friedrich VI of Swabia, reached Acre.

HAÇLI ORDULARININ ANADOLU’DA SELÇUKLU TOPRAKLARINA SON GİRİŞİ: İMPARATOR FRIEDRICH BARBAROSSA’NIN HAÇLI SEFERİ (1189-1190)

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Tarih Dergisi (Turk J Hist), İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi’nin çift-kör hakemli açık erişimli bilimsel yayın organıdır. Dergi Şubat, Haziran ve Ekim aylarında olmak üzere, yılda üç sayı olarak yayınlanır. Yayın dili Türkçe ve İngilizce’dir.
Tarih Dergisi (Turk J Hist); ulusal, bölgesel tarih ve dünya tarihiyle ilgili her konuyu kapsayan araştırma makalesi ve çeviri makaleler yayınlamaktadır. Dergide aynı zamanda eleştiri ve değerlendirme yazılarına da yer verilmektedir.
Tarih Dergisi (Turk J Hist); ulusal, bölgesel tarih ve dünya tarihiyle ilgili her konuyu kapsayan nitelikli makaleler yayınlayarak, literatüre katkıda bulunmayı amaçlar. 
Tarih Dergisi (Turk J Hist); ulusal, bölgesel tarih ve dünya tarihiyle ilgili araştırma makalesi ve çeviri makaleler yayınlamaktadır. Dergide aynı zamanda eleştiri ve değerlendirme yazılarına da yer verilmektedir.

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Tarih Dergisi (Turk J Hist); ulusal, bölgesel tarih ve dünya tarihiyle ilgili her konuyu kapsayan nitelikli makaleler yayınlayarak, literatüre katkıda bulunmayı amaçlar. Tarih Dergisi (Turk J Hist); ulusal, bölgesel tarih ve dünya tarihiyle ilgili araştırma makalesi ve çeviri makaleler yayınlamaktadır. Dergide aynı zamanda eleştiri ve değerlendirme yazılarına da yer verilmektedir.

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SCOPUSWeb of Science Emerging Sources Citation Index (ESCI)TÜBİTAK ULAKBİM TR Dizin  EBSCO Historical AbstractsEBSCO Historical Abstracts with Full TextDOAJERIH PLUSSOBİAD<a href="https://go.gale.com/ps/dispAdvSearch.do?userGroupName=anon~84c5a0c7&amp;prodId=AONE" target="_blank">Gale Cengage</a>

Dizinler

Dergi yayın etiğinde en yüksek standartlara bağlıdır ve <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a> ve <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> tarafından yayınlanan etik yayıncılık ilkelerini benimser; Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing başlığı altında ifade edilen ilkeler için: <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a> Gönderilen makaleler derginin amaç ve kapsamına uygun olmalıdır. Orijinal, yayınlanmamış ve başka bir dergide değerlendirme sürecinde olmayan, her bir yazar tarafından içeriği ve gönderimi onaylanmış yazılar değerlendirmeye kabul edilir. Makale yayınlanmak üzere Dergiye gönderildikten sonra yazarlardan hiçbirinin ismi, tüm yazarların yazılı izni olmadan yazar listesinden silinemez ve yeni bir isim yazar olarak eklenemez ve yazar sırası değiştirilemez.İntihal, duplikasyon, sahte yazarlık/inkar edilen yazarlık, araştrma/veri fabrikasyonu, makale dilimleme, dilimleyerek yayın, telif hakları ihlali ve çıkar çatışmasının gizlenmesi, etik dışı davranışlar olarak kabul edilir. Kabul edilen etik standartlara uygun olmayan tüm makaleler yayından çıkarılır. Buna yayından sonra tespit edilen olası kuraldışı, uygunsuzluklar içeren makaleler de dahildir.İntihal Ön kontrolden geçirilen makaleler, iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal/kendi kendine intihal tespit edilirse yazarlar bilgilendirilir. Editörler, gerekli olması halinde makaleyi değerlendirme ya da üretim sürecinin çeşitli aşamalarında intihal kontrolüne tabi tutabilirler. Yüksek benzerlik oranları, bir makalenin kabul edilmeden önce ve hatta kabul edildikten sonra reddedilmesine neden olabilir. Makalenin türüne bağlı olarak, bunun oranın %15 veya %20'den az olması beklenir.Çift Kör Hakemlikİntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir. Editör, makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakemlikten geçmesini sağlar ve makale biçimsel esaslara uygun ise, gelen yazıyı yurtiçinden ve /veya yurtdışından en az iki hakemin değerlendirmesine sunar, hakemler gerek gördüğü takdirde yazıda istenen değişiklikler yazarlar tarafından yapıldıktan sonra yayınlanmasına onay verir. *Akademik alanda herhangi bir üniversiteye mensubiyeti olmayan yazarların ve lisansüstü eğitimi devam eden öğrencilerin çalışmalarına dergide yer verilmemektedir. *Dergide yazısı yayınlanan bir yazarın iki seneden önce başka bir makalesine yer verilmemektedir.

Politikalar

Dergi açık erişimlidir ve derginin tüm içeriği okura ya da okurun dahil olduğu kuruma ücretsiz olarak sunulur. Okurlar, ticari amaç haricinde, yayıncı ya da yazardan izin almadan dergi makalelerinin tam metnini okuyabilir, indirebilir, kopyalayabilir, arayabilir ve link sağlayabilir. Bu <a href="https://www.budapestopenaccessinitiative.org/translations/turkish-translation" target="_blank">BOAI</a> açık erişim tanımıyla uyumludur. Derginin açık erişimli makaleleri Creative Commons Atıf-GayrıTicari 4.0 Uluslararası (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.tr" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) olarak lisanslıdır.

Derginin tüm giderleri İstanbul Üniversitesi tarafından karşılanmaktadır. Dergide makale yayını ve makale süreçlerinin yürütülmesi ücrete tabi değildir. Dergiye gönderilen ya da yayın için kabul edilen makaleler için işlemleme ücreti ya da gönderim ücreti alınmaz.

Yazarlar dergide yayınlanan çalışmalarının telif hakkına sahiptirler ve çalışmaları  Creative Commons Atıf-GayrıTicari 4.0 Uluslararası (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.tr" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) olarak lisanslıdır. CC BY-NC 4.0 lisansı, eserin ticari kullanım dışında her boyut ve formatta paylaşılmasına, kopyalanmasına, çoğaltılmasına ve orijinal esere uygun şekilde atıfta bulunmak kaydıyla yeniden düzenleme, dönüştürme ve eserin üzerine inşa etme dâhil adapte edilmesine izin verir.

Editörler, yayınlanan makalede, bulguları, yorumları ve sonuçları etkilemeyen küçük hatalar tespit edilirse düzeltme yayınlamayı düşünebilirler. Editörler, bulguları ve sonuçları geçersiz kılan büyük hatalar / ihlaller söz konusu olduğunda, makaleyi geri çekmeyi düşünmelidir. Yazarlar tarafından araştırma veya yayını kötüye kullanmaya yönelik olasılık söz konusu ise; bulguların güvenilir olmadığına ve yazarların kurumlarının olayı soruşturmadığına dair kanıtlar var veya olası soruşturma haksız veya sonuçsuz görünüyor ise, editörler endişe ifadesi yayınlamayı düşünmelidir. Düzeltme, geri çekme veya endişe ifadesi ile ilgili olarak <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/flowcharts/complete-set-english" target="_blank">COPE</a> ve <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/" target="_blank">ICJME</a> yönergeleri dikkate alınır.Geri ÇekmeDergi geri çekme durumunda <a href="https://publicationethics.org/sites/default/files/retraction-guidelines-cope.pdf" target="_blank">COPE Retraction Guidelines</a>’ı izler. Editör, aşağıdaki durumlarda bir makaleyi geri çekme hakkına sahiptir: <ul><li>Büyük bir hata (örn. yanlış hesaplama veya deneysel hata), uydurma öğeler  (örn. veri) veya tahrifat (örn. görüntü manipülasyonu) gibi bulguların güvenilmez olduğu sonucunu çıkarmaya dair açık kanıtlar varsa; </li><li>İçerikte intihal varsa; </li><li>Uygun atıf yapılmadan başka bir yerde yayınlanmışsa;</li><li>Kullanım izni olmayan materyal veya veri içeriyorsa;</li><li>Telif hakkı ihlali veya başka bir ciddi yasal sorun varsa;</li><li>Etik olmayan araştırma içeriyorsa; </li><li>Hakem değerlendirme sürecinin bozulduğuna veya manipüle edildiğine dair kanıt varsa;</li><li>Yazar(lar), editörün görüşüne göre, çalışmanın yorumlanmasını veya editörlerin ve hakemlerin tavsiyelerini önemli derecede etkileyebilecek, kritik bir çıkar çatışmasını açıklamamış ise.</li></ul>Geri çekme durumunda aşağıdaki adımlar izlenir:<ul><li>Makale başlığını da içeren geri çekme bildirimi derginin bir sonraki sayısında yayınlanır. Geri çekme bildirimi  içindekiler tablosunda sayfa nosu verilerek listelenir. </li><li>Elektronik versiyonda geri çekme bildirimi ile orijinal makale arasında link sağlanır. </li><li>Online makaleden önce geri çekme bildirimini içeren sayfa gelir; okuyucu daha sonra makalenin kendisine geçebilir.</li><li>Orijinal makale, her sayfadaki .pdf üzerinde “geri çekildiğini” belirten bir filigran dışında değişmeden kalır.</li></ul>Yasal Nedenlerle Makalenin KaldırılmasıAşağıdaki durumlarda, üst veriler (başlık ve yazarlar) hariç olmak üzere, makale metni kaldırılır ve makalenin yasal nedenlerle kaldırıldığını bildiren bir sayfa makalenin yerini alır. <ul><li>Makalenin karalayıcı içerik ihtiva ettiği veya başkalarının yasal haklarını ihlal ettiği tespit edilir ve geri çekmenin yeterli bir çözüm olmadığı düşünülürse;</li><li>Makale bir mahkeme kararına konu olmuşsa veya olacağına dair makul bir neden varsa;</li><li>Kamu sağlığı açısından önemli bir risk söz konusu ise;  </li></ul>

Dergide yayınlanan tüm yazıların korunmasını ve kalıcı olarak erişilebilir olmasını sağlamak için makaleler, ulusal bir arşiv sitesi olarak hizmet veren ve aynı zamanda LOCKSS'in içeriği toplamasına, korumasına ve sunmasına izin veren Dergipark'ta saklanmaktadır.Ek olarak, yazarların kendilerinin makalelerinin son PDF sürümünü Open Archives Initiative (<a href="https://www.openarchives.org/" target="_blank">https://www.openarchives.org/</a>) standartlarına uygun açık elektronik arşivlerde arşivlemeleri önerilir. Yazarlar, yayınladıkları arşiv versiyonundan, İ.Ü. Yayınevinin dergi web sitesinin URL'sine bağlantı sağlamalıdır.

Tarih Dergisi (Türk J Hist), yayın etiğinde en yüksek standartlara bağlıdır ve <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a> ve <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> tarafından yayınlanan etik yayıncılık ilkelerini benimser; Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing başlığı altında ifade edilen ilkeler için: <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a> Gönderilen tüm makaleler orijinal, yayınlanmamış ve başka bir dergide değerlendirme sürecinde olmamalıdır. Her bir makale editörlerden biri ve en az iki hakem tarafından çift kör değerlendirmeden geçirilir. İntihal, duplikasyon, sahte yazarlık/inkar edilen yazarlık, araştrma/veri fabrikasyonu, makale dilimleme, dilimleyerek yayın, telif hakları ihlali ve çıkar çatışmasının gizlenmesi, etik dışı davranışlar olarak kabul edilir.Kabul edilen etik standartlara uygun olmayan tüm makaleler yayından çıkarılır. Buna yayından sonra tespit edilen olası kuraldışı, uygunsuzluklar içeren makaleler de dahildir.

Etik

Tarih Dergisi araştırma etiğinde en yüksek standartları gözetir ve aşağıda tanımlanan uluslararası araştırma etiği ilkelerini benimser. Makalelerin etik kurallara uygunluğu yazarların sorumluluğundadır.<ul><li>Araştırmanın tasarlanması, tasarımın gözden geçirilmesi ve araştırmanın yürütülmesinde, bütünlük, kalite ve şeffaflık ilkeleri sağlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma ekibi ve katılımcılar, araştırmanın amacı, yöntemleri ve öngörülen olası kullanımları; araştırmaya katılımın gerektirdikleri ve varsa riskleri hakkında tam olarak bilgilendirilmelidir.</li><li>Araştırma katılımcılarının sağladığı bilgilerin gizliliği ve yanıt verenlerin gizliliği sağlanmalıdır. Araştırma katılımcıların özerkliğini ve saygınlığını koruyacak şekilde tasarlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma katılımcıları gönüllü olarak araştırmada yer almalı, herhangi bir zorlama altında olmamalıdırlar.</li><li>Katılımcıların zarar görmesinden kaçınılmalıdır. Araştırma, katılımcıları riske sokmayacak şekilde planlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma bağımsızlığıyla ilgili açık ve net olunmalı; çıkar çatışması varsa belirtilmelidir.</li><li>Deneysel çalışmalarda, araştırmaya katılmaya karar veren katılımcıların yazılı bilgilendirilmiş onayı alınmalıdır. Çocukların ve vesayet altındakilerin veya tasdiklenmiş akıl hastalığı bulunanların yasal vasisinin onayı alınmalıdır.</li><li>Çalışma herhangi bir kurum ya da kuruluşta gerçekleştirilecekse bu kurum ya da kuruluştan çalışma yapılacağına dair onay alınmalıdır.</li><li>İnsan öğesi bulunan çalışmalarda, “yöntem” bölümünde katılımcılardan “bilgilendirilmiş onam” alındığının ve çalışmanın yapıldığı kurumdan etik kurul onayı alındığı belirtilmesi gerekir.</li></ul>

Makalelerin bilimsel ve etik kurallara uygunluğu yazarların sorumluluğundadır. Yazar makalenin orijinal olduğu, daha önce başka bir yerde yayınlanmadığı ve başka bir yerde, başka bir dilde yayınlanmak üzere değerlendirmede olmadığı konusunda teminat sağlamalıdır. Uygulamadaki telif kanunları ve anlaşmaları gözetilmelidir. Telife bağlı materyaller (örneğin tablolar, şekiller veya büyük alıntılar) gerekli izin ve teşekkürle kullanılmalıdır. Başka yazarların, katkıda bulunanların çalışmaları ya da yararlanılan kaynaklar uygun biçimde kullanılmalı ve referanslarda belirtilmelidir.Gönderilen makalede tüm yazarların akademik ve bilimsel olarak doğrudan katkısı olmalıdır, bu bağlamda “yazar” yayınlanan bir araştırmanın kavramsallaştırılmasına ve dizaynına, verilerin elde edilmesine, analizine ya da yorumlanmasına belirgin katkı yapan, yazının yazılması ya da bunun içerik açısından eleştirel biçimde gözden geçirilmesinde görev yapan birisi olarak görülür. Yazar olabilmenin diğer koşulları ise, makaledeki çalışmayı planlamak veya icra etmek ve / veya revize etmektir. Fon sağlanması, veri toplanması ya da araştırma grubunun genel süpervizyonu tek başına yazarlık hakkı kazandırmaz. Yazar olarak gösterilen tüm bireyler sayılan tüm ölçütleri karşılamalıdır ve yukarıdaki ölçütleri karşılayan her birey yazar olarak gösterilebilir. Yazarların isim sıralaması ortak verilen bir karar olmalıdır. Tüm yazarlar yazar sıralamasını <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/BCBF605901234F42B7485526E85D55E1" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formunda</a> imzalı olarak belirtmek zorundadırlar.Yazarlık için yeterli ölçütleri karşılamayan ancak çalışmaya katkısı olan tüm bireyler “teşekkür / bilgiler” kısmında sıralanmalıdır. Bunlara örnek olarak ise sadece teknik destek sağlayan, yazıma yardımcı olan ya da sadece genel bir destek sağlayan, finansal ve materyal desteği sunan kişiler verilebilir.Bütün yazarlar, araştırmanın sonuçlarını ya da bilimsel değerlendirmeyi etkileyebilme potansiyeli olan finansal ilişkiler, çıkar çatışması ve çıkar rekabetini beyan etmelidirler. Bir yazar kendi yayınlanmış yazısında belirgin bir hata ya da yanlışlık tespit ederse, bu yanlışlıklara ilişkin düzeltme ya da geri çekme için editör ile hemen temasa geçme ve işbirliği yapma sorumluluğunu taşır.

Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden,  uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirir. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar. Gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalacağını garanti eder. Baş editör içerik ve yayının toplam kalitesinden sorumludur. Gereğinde hata sayfası yayınlamalı ya da düzeltme yapmalıdır.Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemlerin araştırmayla ilgili, yazarlarla ve/veya araştırmanın finansal destekçileriyle çıkar çatışmaları olmamalıdır. Değerlendirmelerinin sonucunda tarafsız bir yargıya varmalıdırlar. Gönderilmiş yazılara ilişkin tüm bilginin gizli tutulmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar. Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir. Bazı durumlarda editörün kararıyla, ilgili hakemlerin makaleye ait yorumları aynı makaleyi yorumlayan diğer hakemlere gönderilerek hakemlerin bu süreçte aydınlatılması sağlanabilir.

Daha önce yayınlanmamış ya da yayınlanmak üzere başka bir dergide halen değerlendirmede olmayan ve her bir yazar tarafından onaylanan makaleler değerlendirilmek üzere kabul edilir. Gönderilen ve ön kontrolü geçen makaleler iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir.Seçilen makaleler en az iki ulusal/uluslararası hakeme çift taraflı kör hakemlik ile değerlendirmeye gönderilir; yayın kararı, hakemlerin talepleri doğrultusunda yazarların gerçekleştirdiği düzenlemelerin ve hakem sürecinin sonrasında baş editör tarafından verilir.

Hakemlik Hakkında

Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirirler. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar. Gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalacağını garanti eder. Baş editör içerik ve yayının toplam kalitesinden sorumludur. Gereğinde hata sayfası yayınlamalı ya da düzeltme yapmalıdır. Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemler, araştırma, yazarlar ve/veya araştırmaya fon sağlayanlarla çıkar çatışması içinde olmamalıdır. Hakemler değerlendirmelerinin sonucunda tarafsız bir yargıya varmalıdırlar. Gönderilmiş yazılara ilişkin tüm bilginin gizli tutulmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar. Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir. Bazı durumlarda editörün kararıyla, ilgili hakemlerin makaleye ait yorumları aynı makaleyi yorumlayan diğer hakemlere gönderilerek hakemlerin bu süreçte aydınlatılması sağlanabilir.

Daha önce yayınlanmamış ya da yayınlanmak üzere başka bir dergide halen değerlendirmede olmayan ve her bir yazar tarafından onaylanan makaleler değerlendirilmek üzere kabul edilir. Gönderilen ve ön kontrolü geçen makaleler iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir.Baş Editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirir. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar.Seçilen makaleler en az iki ulusal/uluslararası hakeme değerlendirmeye gönderilir; yayın kararı, hakemlerin talepleri doğrultusunda yazarların gerçekleştirdiği düzenlemelerin ve hakem sürecinin sonrasında baş editör tarafından verilir.Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemlerin değerlendirmeleri objektif olmalıdır. Hakem süreci sırasında hakemlerin aşağıdaki hususları dikkate alarak değerlendirmelerini yapmaları beklenir.-Makale yeni ve önemli bir bilgi içeriyor mu?-Öz, makalenin içeriğini net ve düzgün bir şekilde tanımlıyor mu?-Yöntem bütünlüklü ve anlaşılır şekilde tanımlanmış mı?-Yapılan yorum ve varılan sonuçlar bulgularla kanıtlanıyor mu?-Alandaki diğer çalışmalara yeterli referans verilmiş mi?-Dil kalitesi yeterli mi?Hakemler, gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar. Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir.

Dil Dergide Türkçe ve İngilizce makaleler yayınlanır. Gönderilen makalelerde makale dilinde öz, İngilizce öz olmalıdır. Yazıların Hazırlanması ve Gönderimi Makaleler sadece <a href="https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/iutarih" target="_blank">https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/iutarih</a> adresinde yer alan derginin online makale yükleme ve değerlendirme sistemi üzerinden gönderilebilir. Diğer mecralardan gönderilen makaleler değerlendirilmeye alınmayacaktır. Gönderilen makalelerin dergi yazım kurallarına uygunluğu ilk olarak Editoryal Ofis tarafından kontrol edilecek, dergi yazım kurallarına uygun hazırlanmamış makaleler teknik düzeltme talepleri ile birlikte yazarlarına geri gönderilecektir. Yazarların; <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/BCBF605901234F42B7485526E85D55E1" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu’nu</a> ilk gönderim sırasında online makale sistemine yüklemeleri gerekmektedir. Tarih Dergisi’ne gönderilen tüm yazılar, A4 boyutunda MS Word uyumlu programda Times New Roman yazı karakterinde 11 punto olarak yazılmalıdır.Türkçe hazırlanan makalelerde TDK yazım kılavuzu esas alınır. <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/F358B490D3384A8383B44DD531C9EF9B" target="_blank">Kapak sayfası</a>: Gönderilen tüm makalelerle birlikte ayrı bir kapak sayfası da gönderilmelidir. Bu sayfa; • Makalenin başlığını ve 50 karakteri geçmeyen kısa başlığını, • Yazarların isimlerini, kurumlarını ve eğitim derecelerini, • Yazarların ORCID numaralarını • Finansal destek bilgisi ve diğer destek kaynakları hakkında detaylı bilgiyi, • Sorumlu yazarın ismi, adresi, telefonu (cep telefonu dahil), faks numarası ve e-posta adresini, • Makale hazırlama sürecine katkıda bulunan ama yazarlık kriterlerini karşılamayan bireylerle ilgili bilgileri • Makale daha önceden bir bilimsel toplantıda sunulduysa, ilgili bilimsel toplantının detaylı bilgilerini içermelidir. Özet: Özgün araştırma makalelerinde 80-100 kelime Türkçe ve İngilizce özet bulunmalıdır. Özet bölümü alt başlık içermeyecek şekilde hazırlanmalıdır.İngilizce genişletilmiş özet: Türkçe yazılan makalelerin uluslararası platformda görünürlüğü ve atıf oranını arttırmak amacıyla, yalnızca araştırma makaleleri için 1.000 kelimelik İngilizce geniş özet hazırlanıp sisteme yüklenmelidir. İngilizce geniş özet makalenin hipotezini, çıkarımlarını ve yorumların kapsamlı bir biçimde özetleyecek şekilde hazırlanmalıdır. Anahtar Sözcükler: Araştırma makaleleri en az 3 en fazla 6 anahtar kelimeyle birlikte gönderilmelidir. Anahtar kelimeler İngilizce ve Türkçe olarak hazırlanıp ilgili özetin altına yazılmalıdır. Makale Türleri Araştırma Makalesi: Ana metin, araştırmanın konusuna uygun şekilde alt başlıklara ayrılmalıdır. Alt başlıklar konusunda yazarlar serbest bırakılmışlardır. Çeviri: Çeviri türündeki yazılarda, orijinal makalenin yazarından alınan izin ile orijinal makalenin bir kopyası ve asıl metnin tam bibliyografik künye bilgilerini içeren dosyalar da online makale sistemine yüklenmelidir. Tablolar Tablolar ana dosyaya eklenmeli, kaynak listesi sonrasında sunulmalı, ana metin içerisindeki geçiş sıralarına uygun olarak numaralandırılmadır. Tabloların üzerinde tanımlayıcı bir başlık yer almalı ve tablo içerisinde geçen kısaltmaların açılımları tablo altına tanımlanmalıdır. Tablolar Microsoft Office Word dosyası içinde “Tablo Ekle” komutu kullanılarak hazırlanmalı ve kolay okunabilir şekilde düzenlenmelidir. Tablolarda sunulan veriler ana metinde sunulan verilerin tekrarı olmamalı; ana metindeki verileri destekleyici nitelikte olmalılar Resim ve Resim Altyazıları Resimler, grafikler ve fotoğraflar (TIFF ya da JPEG formatında) ayrı dosyalar halinde sisteme yüklenmelidir. Görseller bir Word dosyası dokümanı ya da ana doküman içerisinde sunulmamalıdır. Alt birimlere ayrılan görseller olduğunda, alt birimler tek bir görsel içerisinde verilmemelidir. Her bir alt birim sisteme ayrı bir dosya olarak yüklenmelidir. Resimler alt birimleri belli etme amacıyla etiketlenmemelidir (a, b, c vb.). Resimlerde altyazıları desteklemek için kalın ve ince oklar, ok başları, yıldızlar, asteriksler ve benzer işaretler kullanılabilir. Makalenin geri kalanında olduğu gibi resimler de kör olmalıdır. Bu sebeple, resimlerde yer alan kişi ve kurum bilgileri de körleştirilmelidir. Görsellerin minimum çözünürlüğü 300DPI olmalıdır. Değerlendirme sürecindeki aksaklıkları önlemek için gönderilen bütün görsellerin çözünürlüğü net ve boyutu büyük (minimum boyutlar 100x100 mm) olmalıdır. Resim altyazıları ana metnin sonunda yer almalıdır. Makale içerisinde geçen tüm kısaltmalar, ana metin ve özette ayrı ayrı olmak üzere ilk kez kullanıldıkları yerde tanımlanarak kısaltma tanımın ardından parantez içerisinde verilmelidir. Tüm kaynaklar, tablolar ve resimlere ana metin içinde uygun olan yerlerde sırayla numara verilerek atıf yapılmalıdır. Revizyonlar Yazarlar makalelerinin revizyon dosyalarını gönderirken, hakemlerin istediği düzeltmeleri ve hakemlerin sorularına yanıtlarını ana metin içerisinde renklendirerek belirtmelidir. Revize makaleler karar mektubunu takip eden 30 gün içerisinde dergiye gönderilmelidir. Makalenin revize versiyonu belirtilen süre içerisinde yüklenmezse, revizyon seçeneği iptal olabilir. Yazarların revizyon için ek süreye ihtiyaç duymaları durumunda uzatma taleplerini ilk 30 gün sona ermeden dergiye iletmeleri gerekmektedir. Yayına kabul edilen makaleler dil bilgisi, noktalama ve biçim açısından kontrol edilir. Yayın süreci tamamlanan makaleler, yayın planına dahil edildikleri sayıyla birlikte yayınlanmadan önce erken çevrimiçi formatında dergi web sitesinde yayına alınır. Kabul edilen makalelerin baskıya hazır PDF dosyaları sorumlu yazarlara iletilir ve yayın onaylarının 2 gün içerisinde dergiye iletilmesi istenir.

Yazım Kuralları

Referans Stili ve Formatı Yayınlara atıf yapılırken en son, en güncel yayınlar tercih edilmelidir. Kaynakların doğruluğundan yazar(lar) sorumludur. Referanslar dip not sistemine uygun olarak belirtilmelidir. Metin içi referansları ve kaynakça bölümü için dikkat edilmesi gereken detaylar aşağıda belirtilmiştir. Metin içi referanslar üst simge ile 1’den başlayarak gösterilmelidir. Dipnotlar, Times New Roman yazı karakterinde, 9 punto tek aralık yazılmalıdır. Tüm noktalama işaretlerinden sonra bir boşluk bırakılmalı ve tüm dipnotların sonuna, mutlaka nokta konulmalıdır. Metin içindeki atıflar sayfa altına dipnot şeklinde 1’den başlayarak numaralandırılmalıdır. Bunun dışında metin içinde atıf yapılmamalıdır. Dipnotlarda kaynaklar verilirken, kitap ve dergi ismi italik olmalı, makale isimleri tırnak içerisinde düz olarak verilmelidir. Dipnotlarda, ilk geçtiği yerde yazar ismi ve kaynak künyesi tam olarak verilmeli, daha sonra sadece yazar soyadı ve a.g.e., a.g.m., veya a.g.t. gibi yazarın belirlediği kısaltmalarla yazılmalıdır. Bir yazarın birden fazla kitap ve makalesi kullanılıyorsa ikinci eserin ilk kullanımından sonra, yazarın soyadı, sonra kitap veya makalenin kısaltılmış adı verilmelidir. Çok yazarlı kaynakların ilk geçtiği yerde yazarların tümü yazılmalı, daha sonrakilerde kısaltılarak verilmelidir. Dipnotlarda makale, kitap içinde bölüm veya ansiklopedi maddesinin tamamına yönelik bir atıf mevcutsa, başlangıç ve bitiş sayfaları gösterilmelidir. Örnekler: Kitap: Mübahat S. Kütükoğlu, Menteşe Sancağı 1830 (Nüfus ve Toplum Yapısı), TTK Yay., Ankara 2010, s. 115. Sonraki atıflarda: Kütükoğlu, a.g.e., s. 123 ya da Kütükoğlu, s. 123. Bir yazarın birden fazla yayınına atıf yapılacak ise, ilk atıfta tam künye verilmeli; daha sonra yine kullanılacaksa nasıl kısaltılacağı parantez içerisinde gösterilmelidir: Arzu Terzi, Hazine-i Hassa Nezareti, TTK Yay., Ankara 2000, s. 98 (Terzi, Hazine-i Hassa). Eserin cildine işaret etmek için (cilt ya da c. yazılmadan) sadece Romen rakamıyla cilt sayısı yazılmalıdır: Hoca Sa‘deddin Efendi, Tâcü’t-tevârîh, I, İstanbul 1279, 25. Tayyâr-zâde Atâ, Osmanlı Saray Tarihi Târîh-i Enderûn, haz. Mehmet Arslan, Kitabevi, III, İstanbul 2010, 138. Çeviri eserler: Philippe du Fresne-Canaye, Fresne-Canaye Seyahatnamesi 1573, çev. Teoman Tunçdoğan, İstanbul 2009, s. 51. Ansiklopedi maddeleri: Feridun M. Emecen, “Başmukataa Kalemi”, DİA, V, 135. Bir yazarın iki ayrı çalışması aynı dipnotta peş peşe gösterilecekse: Mustafa Akdağ, Celali İsyanları, 1550-1603, Anlara 1963, s. 110; keza büyük kaçgunluk için bk. ayn. yzr. ya da ayn.mlf., “Celâlî İsyanlarından Büyük Kaçgunluk, 1603-1606”, Tarih Araştırmaları Dergisi, II/2-3 (Ankara 1964), 1-50. Birden çok yazarlı bir eser kullanılacaksa: Robert Anhegger-Halil İnalcık, Kānūnnāme-i Sultānī Ber Mūceb-i ‛Örf-i ‛Osmānī, II. Mehmed ve II. Bayezid Devirlerine Ait Yasaknāme ve Kānūnnāmeler, TTK Yay., Ankara 2000, s. 25. Aynı eser daha sonraki kullanımlarda sadece yazar soyadlarına yer verilmelidir: Anhegger-İnalcık, a.g.e., s. 36. Makale: Mübahat S. Kütükoğlu, “Osmanlıdan Günümüze Yer Adları”, Belleten, LXXVI/275 (2012), 149. Bekir Kütükoğlu, “Ahmed Cevdet Paşa, Ma‘rûzât”, Güney-Doğu Avrupa Araştırmaları Dergisi, sayı 10-11, İstanbul 1983, s. 251. Mücteba İlgürel, “Şer‘iyye Sicillerinin Toplu Kataloğuna Doğru”, Tarih Dergisi, sayı 28-29 (1975), s. 164.Kitap İçinde Bölüm:Ayten Altıntaş, “Dârüşşifâlar Hakkında”, Karşılıksız Hizmetin Muhteşem Abideleri İstanbul Şifahaneleri, haz. Abdullah Kılıç, İstanbul 2009, s. 19-38.Christoph K. Neumann, “XVIII. Yüzyıl Osmanlı Saray Mutfağında Baharat”, Soframız Nur Hanemiz Mamur, Osmanlı Maddi Kültüründe Yemek ve Barınak, ed. Suraiya Faroqhi - Christoph K. Neumann, İstanbul 2016, s. 145-183.İdris Bostan, “Osmanlı Bahriyesinde Sağlık Hizmetleri”, Osmanlılarda Sağlık, ed. Coşkun Yılmaz-Necdet Yılmaz, İstanbul 2006, c. I, s. 111-115.Sempozyum Tebliğleri: İdris Bostan, “Kuyûd-ı Mühimmat Defterlerinin Osmanlı Teşkilât Tarihi Bakımından Önemi”, OsmanlıTürk Diplomatiği Semineri, 30-31 Mayıs 1994, İstanbul 1995, s. 145. Birden çok yazarlı bir makale: Kayhan Orbay-Hatice Oruç, “Sultan II. Murad’ın Edirne Câmi‘-i Şerîf ve Dârü’l-hadîs Vakfı (1592-1607)”, Tarih Dergisi, sayı 56 (2012/2), İstanbul 2013, s. 10. Aynı makalenin daha sonraki kullanımlarında sadece yazar soyadlarına yer verilmelidir: Orbay-Oruç, a.g.m., s. 15. Çeviri yazıları: Géza Dávid, “XVI. Yüzyılda Osmanlı-Habsburg Mücadelesinin Bir Kaynağı Olarak Mühimme Defterleri”, çev. Özgür Kolçak, Tarih Dergisi, sayı 53 (2011/1), İstanbul 2012, s. 295-349. Aynı soyadlı iki yazarın makalelerinin gösterilmesi: Mübahat S. Kütükoğlu, “Osmanlıdan Günümüze Yer Adları”, Belleten, LXXVI/275 (2012), 149. Bekir Kütükoğlu, “Ahmed Cevdet Paşa, Ma‘rûzât”, Güney-Doğu Avrupa Araştırmaları Dergisi, sayı 10-11, İstanbul 1983, s. 251. Daha sonraki kullanımlarda: M. S. Kütükoğlu, a.g.m., s. 160 ya da B. Kütükoğlu, a.g.m., s. 250. Tez atıflarında; tezi yapan, tez adı (italik), kurum ismi sırasıyla verilmelidir: Sinem Serin, Yıldız Çini/Porselen Fabrikası, İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Tarih Anabilim Dalı Osmanlı Müesseseleri ve Medeniyeti Tarihi Bilim Dalı, Yayınlanmamış Yüksek Lisans Tezi, İstanbul 2009, s. 146.Arşiv Belgelerinin Kullanımı: Arşiv belgeleri dipnotta kullanılırken öncelikle arşivin adı, sonra tasnifin adı, dosya ve evrak numarasına sırasıyla yer verilecektir. Tasnif için arşivlerin kullandıkları kısaltmalar kullanılabilir. Kaynakçada bunların açılımı yapılmalıdır. Mesela: BOA, A.MKT, nr. 145/629. Arşivden defter tasnifinden bir bilgi kullanılacaksa: BOA, Maliyeden Müdevver Defterler (MAD), nr. 9146, s. 200. BOA, Mühimme Defteri, nr. 120, s. 103, h. 250. Kaynakça: Makalelerde kullanılan kaynak ve araştırmalar makale sonunda bu başlık altında gösterilmelidir. Kaynakça, bu başlık altında yeni bir sayfadan başlamalı ve 11 punto yazılmalıdır. Sadece dipnotlarda kullanılan kaynaklar yer almalı ve yazarların soyadına göre alfabetik olarak düzenlenmelidir.  Kütükoğlu, Mübahat S., Menteşe Sancağı 1830 (Nüfus ve Toplum Yapısı), TTK Yay., Ankara 2010.Hoca Sa‘deddin Efendi, Tâcü’t-tevârîh, I-II, İstanbul 1279-80.Birden çok yazarlı bir esere yer verilecekse:Anhegger, Robert -Halil İnalcık, Kānūnnāme-i Sultānī Ber Mūceb-i ‛Örf-i ‛Osmānī, II. Mehmed ve II. Bayezid Devirlerine Ait Yasaknāme ve Kānūnnāmeler, TTK Yay., Ankara 2000.Sadece editör veya yayına hazırlayanlar var ise bu isimler kitap adından sonra yer almalıdır:Osmanlı Uygarlığı, yay. haz. Halil İnalcık-Günsel Renda, Kültür Bakanlığı Yay., I-II, Ankara 20093.Kitap içinde bölüm olarak geçen makaleler: Terzi, Arzu, “II. Abdülhamid’in Emlakı ve Irak Petrolleri”, Sultan II. Abdülhamid ve Dönemi, ed. Coşkun Yılmaz, İstanbul 2014, s. 181-188.Çeviri eserler:Fresne-Canaye, Philippe du, Fresne-Canaye Seyahatnamesi 1573, çev. Teoman Tunçdoğan, İstanbul 2009.Kitabın kaçıncı baskısı olduğunu belirtmek üzere basım tarihinin üzerine üst simge şeklinde basım sayısı yazılmalıdır:Terzi, Arzu, Sultan Abdülhamid’in Mirası, Petrol ve Arazi, Timaş Yayınları, İstanbul 20142.Kaynakçada yer alan makalelerde makalenin başlangıç ve bitiş sayfalarına yer verilmelidir:Kütükoğlu, Mübahat S., “Osmanlıdan Günümüze Yer Adları”, Belleten, LXXVI/275 (2012), 147-165.Sempozyum Tebliğleri: Bostan, İdris, “Kuyûd-ı Mühimmat Defterlerinin Osmanlı Teşkilât Tarihi Bakımından Önemi”, Osmanlı-Türk Diplomatiği Semineri, 30-31 Mayıs 1994, İstanbul 1995, s. 143-163.Ansiklopedi maddeleri: Emecen, Feridun M., “Başmukataa Kalemi”, DİA, V, 135.Kaynakçada teze yer verirken; tezi yapan, tez adı (italik), kurum ismi sırasıyla verilmelidir:Arşiv Belgelerinin Gösterilmesi:Kaynakçada dipnotlarda kullanılan arşiv tasnifleri açık bir şekilde yazılır, kısaltma kullanıldıysa bunlar parantez içinde belirtilir. Farklı arşivlerden kaynak çalışması var ise bu arşivler tasniflenir. Dipnotlarda kullanılan arşiv belgelerinin numaraları burada sıralanmalıdır. Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi (BOA)Cevdet Bahriye Evrakı (C.BH), 123/3500; 350/8560.Şura-yı Devlet (ŞD), 21350; 103953.Deniz Tarihi Arşivi (DTA)Bahriye Nezareti (BN), 180/4050; 181/4063; 333/11830.Makale dipnotlarında kullanılacak kısaltmalarTürkçe makaleler için:                                        çev.     :         çeviren                                        trc.      :         tercüme eden                                        yay.     :         yayınlayan                                        haz.     :         hazırlayan                                        sad.     :         sadeleştiren                                        nşr.     :         neşreden                                        ed.      :         editör                                        a.g.e.   :         adı geçen eser                                        a.g.m.  :         adı geçen makale ya da madde                                         a.g.t.    :         adı geçen tez                                        ayn.yzr.         :     aynı yazar                                        ayn.mlf.         :     aynı müellifYabancı Dildeki makaleler için:                                        id.        :         aynı yazar                                        ibid., loc.cit, op.cit., passim      : aynı yerdea.g.e., s. 27; a.g.m., s. 28; a.g.t., s. 29 şeklinde kullanılmalıdır.

Aşağıdaki listede eksik olmadığından emin olun:<ul><li>Makalenin türünün belirtilmiş olduğu</li><li>Başka bir dergiye gönderilmemiş olduğu</li><li>Sponsor veya ticari bir firma ile ilişkisi varsa, bunun belirtildiği</li><li>İngilizce yönünden kontrolünün yapıldığı</li><li>Referansların derginin benimsediği sistemin kurallarına uygun olarak düzenlendiği</li><li>Yazarlara Bilgide detaylı olarak anlatılan dergi politikalarının gözden geçirildiği</li></ul>● <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/BCBF605901234F42B7485526E85D55E1" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a>● Daha önce basılmış materyal (yazı-resim-tablo) kullanılmış ise izin belgesi● <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/2315C9D1C8BB44849A41C6542283288A" target="_blank">Kapak sayfası</a><ul><li>Makalenin kategorisi</li><li>Makale dilinde ve İngilizce başlık</li><li>Yazarların ismi soyadı, unvanları ve bağlı oldukları kurumlar (üniversite ve fakülte bilgisinden sonra şehir ve ülke bilgisi), e-posta adresleri</li><li>Sorumlu yazarın e-posta adresi, açık yazışma adresi, iş telefonu, GSM, faks nosu</li><li>Tüm yazarların ORCID’leri</li><li>Finansal destek (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Çıkar çatışması (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Teşekkür (varsa belirtiniz)</li></ul>● Makale ana metni<ul><li>Önemli: Ana metinde yazarın / yazarların kimlik bilgilerinin yer almamış olması gerekir.</li><li>Makale dilinde ve İngilizce başlık</li><li>Öz: 80-100 kelime</li><li>Anahtar Kelimeler: 3-6 adet makale dilinde ve 3-6 adet İngilizce</li><li>İngilizce Genişletilmiş Özet (Extended Summary) 800-1000 kelime (İngilizce olmayan makaleler için)</li><li>Makale ana metin bölümleri</li><li>Kaynaklar</li><li>Tablolar-Resimler, Şekiller (başlık, tanım ve alt yazılarıyla)</li></ul>

<div><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/BCBF605901234F42B7485526E85D55E1" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/39CA4BB00C8447BFB6DE791FDFF2B4AA" target="_blank">Kapak Sayfası</a></div>

Sayı Türü	Regular
Editör(ler)	Arzu Tozduman Terzi
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