Elyesa

Res. Assist.

The sociology of professions as a developing field in the last decade in Turkey does not yet have a theoretical and conceptual ground. This article aims to critically evaluate the theoretical approaches developed to understand professions in the sociology literature since Durkheim and Weber. The theoretical spectrum which is classified here shows that Durkheimian and functionalist approaches were dominant in the literature until the 1960’s. The term profession is a legacy of this tradition which took as universal model prestigious jobs such as the lawyer and physician that have designated a high status and high income in Western societies since the 19th century. Since the 1970s, Weberian and Marxist approaches that emphasize conflict, struggle and power rather than harmony, have entered the field and fostered critical, skeptical and relational perspectives. Notions such as professional closure, monopoly, proletarianization, and field of power have become widespread in the last thirty years.&nbsp;Émile Durkheim described professions as moral communities (1986). For him, the industrialized European society witnessed the collision of “individual appetites” and “anarchic competition” as the state, religion and family lost their traditional regulatory power (p. 16). As a solution, professional morality should reinforce collective ethics that society lacks, since the ethical conduct that professions are rooted in require autonomy from industry and trade. This Durkheimian point of departure led also British social scientists from LSE of the same period to define profession and professionalism in contrast with the economic pursuit of profit (Carr-Saunders &amp; Wilson, 1933; Marshall, 1939; Tawney, 1920). In the USA, Talcott Parsons inherited that perspective with one essential change: for him, the fundamental attribute of professions was not the altruistic ethical code but the technical competence which should be rooted in scientific universalism as it is seen in modern physicians (Parsons, 1939, p. 458). Therefore, most American sociologists strove to determine the true attributes and traits of an established profession (Barber, 1963; Goode, 1957; Greenwood, 1957). In fact, the functionalist moment in the literature was heavily influenced by Abraham Flexner’s medical reform and definition of professionalism (Flexner, 1910, 2001).The concepts of professionalization and deprofessionalization were developed in the late 60’s by sociologists who preferred to describe professions as a process of institutionalization (Haug, 1973; Toren, 1975; Wilensky, 1964). However, it is only by the adaptation of the Weberian sociology of religion that a totally new conceptual schema was developed in the 1970’s. To see professions as social closure groups and monopoly holders is Max Weber’s main approach to any kind of hierocratic social closure (Weber, 1978, p. 304). For him, the shift from sorcerer to clergy is the archetype for professions as it contains systematic esoteric knowledge forbidden to the layman, institutional authority apart from political actors, established formal education, full time work regime, a mass of client and an internal symbolic economy (Ritzer, 1975, p. 631). Accordingly, Neo-Weberian studies of professions have mainly focused on the exclusionary development of modern medicine in the US and UK (Allsop &amp; Saks, 2003; Berlant, 1975; Freidson, 1970; Larkin, 1983; Larson, 1977; Parry &amp; Parry, 1976; Saks, 2015). Another focus of Neo-Weberian studies has been the legal professions (Burrage, 2006; Halliday, 1987; Rogowski, 1995). The other theoretical framework that has been developed since the 1970’s is the Neo-Marxist approach which introduced the concept of proletarianization, and recently precarity, to the sociology of professions in order to locate the issue in the class system of modern capitalism (Braverman, 1974; Coburn, 1994; Derber, 1983; Larson, 1980; McKinlay &amp; Arches, 1985; Navarro, 1988; Oppenheimer, 1972).The history of considering professions as fields of conflict and struggle goes back to the 1960’s. Rue Bucher and Anselm Strauss (1961) attacked the idea that professions are a harmonious unity based on altruism and ethical conduct. Even the medical professions are battlefields on which different classes and groups clash for the monopoly of legitimacy. Similarly, Terence Johnson determines three types of professional control: collegiate, patronage and mediative (1972b). Andrew Abbott creates a dynamic framework to study inter-professional and intra-professional boundary relations as a system (1988). Finally, Pierre Bourdieu offers a new concept, field, to critically study professions as fields of struggle for domination between groups of different capitals (Bourdieu, 1986, 2000). Today, the sociology of professions is a domain of various empirical studies and theoretical lines (Adams, 2015; Faulconbridge &amp; Muzio, 2012; Liljegren &amp; Saks, 2017; Saks, 2016; Suddaby &amp; Muzio, 2015; Susskind &amp; Susskind, 2015). However, from Everett Hughes to Julia Evetts, conceptual discussions and objections about the term profession reveal that a radical terminological correction is required (Becker, 1970; Bourdieu &amp; Wacquant, 2016, p. 247; Evetts, 1999, 2003; Habenstein, 1963; Hughes, 1958; J. A. Roth, 1974).

Theoretical Approaches in the Sociology of Professions

Lütfi

Assoc. Prof.

Sociological research on occupations and professions in Turkey is in its infancy. It is not possible to find consistent and continuous data about occupations in nationwide surveys by relevant institutions such as TURKSTAT, Ministry of Labor, and SGK. On the other hand, data on the occupational structure of working life in Turkey is not fully available. Also, we do not have sufficient, standard, traceable, and reliable data regarding the components of professions, such as average earnings, education, gender, and age. Besides, professional associations and chambers do not have sufficient information and data about the relevant occupations. Despite an increase in qualitative research in recent years, the literature is not enough to feed new analysis.&nbsp;Occupations have vital importance in determining the social status and identity of individuals in daily life and an essential place in the formation and reformation of the social structure. The profession of a person is determined by some personal and social factors. The individual characteristics, education, and gender are personal factors, while the socio-economic status of the family is the most influential factor. On the other hand, occupation affects one’s income, social authority, and prestige at a high level. Therefore, occupations and professions have a central place in the analysis of the social structure. As discussed above, today, professions are of fundamental importance in these aspects. The research in this field will be helpful for the development of sociological studies in Turkey.This article is based on quantitative field research conducted in years 2019-2020 in Turkey, on working life and occupations, under the support of the Istanbul Chamber of Commerce. This paper analyses the occupational prestige scale and the change in the scores of each occupation in light of the data obtained from this research. The updated occupational prestige scale and analysis of the determinants of occupational prestige provide us with essential information regarding the social dimension of the professions. Thus, a valuable tool has been created to measure the social status, function, and value of the professions.The occupational prestige has been extensively analyzed within the framework of socio-cultural and demographic components. In this sense, the change in working life and jobs has also been discussed widely in the context of occupational prestige. As we see, the prestige and status of professions in Turkey are highly correlated with the general economic trend. Especially, growth and recession periods in the economy create critical changes in unemployment and sectoral structures. In addition, another critical issue is the disconnection between education and business life in Turkey. The education system does not train the people needed by employment and labor markets. For this reason; there is a high rate of educated youth unemployment. These problems, in particular, cause negative feelings about occupations and working life.The participants were asked to score the prestige of 133 professions in their eyes from 1 to 100. As a result, it is seen that the scoring rate of the professions is very high. After collecting the answers related to each profession, various statistical tests were performed according to these scores and whether&nbsp;the answers were healthy or not was tested. According to the average scores, a professional prestige scale was created. Subsequently, the professions included in this scale were subjected to cross analysis according to variables such as age, education, gender, income, and employment status. In addition, the prestige of the professions was handled comparatively with the research conducted in 2015.&nbsp;The prestige scores of each occupation are ranked in a certain logic. The prestige scores of the occupations which have a good income, require a good education, have a job guarantee, have a high authority level, and performed at a desk in office environments, are higher. There is a close relationship between prestige and earnings. “Good wages” come first among the qualities sought in a good job in Turkey as in the rest of the world. Therefore, it is expected that professions with high earnings will be at the top in the rankings. However, the fact that a qualified and long education is required to achieve the prestigious works which have good earning. Non-manual works have more prestige than manual works. Among the non-manual works, those that people encounter in daily life frequently have higher scores. Similarly, the prestige of occupations with job guarantee is generally higher. One of the essential factors that determine the occupational prestige is working style. If a job requires physical dirtiness, its place on the scale falls. So-called “clean works” have higher prestige scores. This is also closely related to the separation of manual and non-manual labor in the post-industrial society.&nbsp;As a result, an ideal profession in society is expected to have a good wage, non-manual work and regular working hours and a comfortable working environment.

Occupational Prestige in Turkey in the Framework of Transforming Working Life

Caner

Assist. Prof.

This study is aimed to measure social stratification in Turkey using occupation-based measures, to identify factors affecting social stratification and to investigate the change in social mobility through secondary data analysis. Despite more than a century of history of quantitative studies on social stratification and mobility in international literature, the number of studies using representative data is very limited in Turkey. First of all, the research on social stratification in Turkey have been limited to conceptual discussions on social classes. Another reason for the shortage of quantitative studies on social stratification and mobility in Turkey is the lack of available representative data that include detailed information about occupations and educational backgrounds of respondents and their parents. Despite their limitations, some datasets that have become available in recent years provide opportunities in this sense. In this paper, three different datasets that have been collected in the last decade have been analysed. These are the data from International Social Survey Programme dated 2009, TURKSTAT Household Labor Force Research dated 2010 and Adult Education Research dated 2012. For all three datasets, occupational status scores and social stratification positions are calculated for Turkish respondents using EGP, ISEI and CAMSIS indexes which depend on distinct conceptualizations. Ordinary least squares regression models and multinomial logistic regression models show that parental occupational status, respondents’ education level and parental education level all have significant effects on respondents’ occupational status. This result is in line with the international literature for almost all countries. The effect of education level of both the parents and respondents themselves have been found to be highly effective since Blau and Duncan. However, some studies have shown that the effects of parental occupational status and parental education on respondents’ occupational status decline as a result of educational expansion, especially at the tertiary level, while some others have shown persistent effects on occupational status in other contexts. On the other hand, some scholars argued for equalizing effects of education only for bachelor’s degrees. Considering the fact that, educational expansion in Turkey is relatively a new phenomenon even for the primary level, it can be expected that the strong effects of parental and individual education level on occupational status may persist for a while. Nevertheless, using multilevel modelling the change in the levels of social mobility in Turkey is also investigated in this paper. Respondents are nested within birth cohorts in a multilevel model using Adult Education Research data. In this model, ISEI scores of respondents are defined as a dependent variable and the intercept and the slope for the effect of parental occupational status are set to be random. Thus, the change in the effect of parental&nbsp;occupational status on the respondents’ occupational status across cohorts could be identified. Similar effects on occupational status are found for parental occupational status, respondents’ education level and parental education. Furthermore, a negative correlation is calculated for the relationship between parental and individual occupational status scores, which means the effect of parental occupational status on individual occupational status is higher for cohorts that have lower parental occupational status on average. Since the mean score for parental occupational status is higher for younger cohorts, it can be concluded that there are more upward social mobility opportunities for younger cohorts. This result can be explained in reference to recent educational expansion in Turkey especially at the tertiary level and the shift from non-skilled jobs, especially in agriculture, to skilled jobs, routine non-manual jobs and to professional occupations as shown in recent studies on Turkey. However, considering the limitations of the data used in this paper, ad hoc research designed to measure the level of social mobility in Turkey is needed for further and more clear inferences.

Measurement of Social Stratification and Mobility in Turkey Through Occupations

Ayça

This article aims to discuss some findings about social mobility of my doctoral thesis on white-collar organizations in Turkey -as I call them- such as Plaza Eylem Platformu (Plaza Action Platform), Kaç Bize Gel (Run Away and Come to Us) and Beyaz Yakalı İşçiler (White Collar Workers). The title of my thesis is “Emergence of white-collar subject in Turkish society: lived experiences, reasons to act, world views” (originally entitled “Émergence du sujet cols blancs dans la société turque: expériences vécues, raisons d’agir, visions du monde”).My research focuses, firstly, on how a small group of paid, unpaid workers (self-employed and freelance workers) and unemployed people come together through different platforms as social networks and construct themselves as white-collar. Secondly, I analyze their self-subjectification processes. In this article, I will present the fundamental findings of my research about work experiences and then discuss them by comparing with some secondary findings about social mobility.&nbsp;I conducted in-depth interviews with 30 (17 women and 13 men) people in addition to applying other techniques such as observation of the activities and content analyses of blogs and social media accounts (Facebook and Twitter) that the three platforms I mentioned above manage.&nbsp;In this context, the first aim of the article is to discuss how the discourse of subjectivity created by managerial company culture (Spurk, 1997) coincides with the expectations of upward social mobility of these paid/unpaid workers and unemployed people and their parents. To analyze the relation between the discourse of subjectivity and the expectations, I will focus on working experiences. My purpose is to find out whether the upward social mobility is fulfilled.&nbsp;My research firstly reveals that the work is not experienced as subjectivation and autonomy as promised by managerial discourse, but on the contrary it is experienced as desubjectification. Secondly, it emphasizes how the working experiences overturn the expectations of upward social mobility and also how the findings about objective social mobility are not compatible with subjective experiences. In contrast to the objective indicators, it emphasizes how a working experience as desubjectification is experienced as a downward social mobility and even loss of social class.Working experience as desubjectification is characterized by two opposing processes. On the one hand, work is experienced as objectification, i.e., alienation, as a result of company organizations based on fordist production model. On the other hand, it is experienced as instrumentalisation of worker’s subjectivity as a result of managerial strategies (based on post-fordist production model) which mobilize employees’ subjectivity in accordance with the company interests.&nbsp;When analyzed according to objective criteria, it was revealed that some individuals experienced upward social mobility or they reproduced their father’s class positions and a very small number of people experienced downward social mobility. However, most of the experiences of individuals do not comply with this scheme. It has been experienced by many interviewees as downward social mobility and even class loss.&nbsp;This research shows that subjective social mobility, which is based on individual’s lived experiences, goals, imaginations, motivations and on how they interpret the world around them is highly important to consider in social mobility researches, especially to understand the reasons behind the acts of individuals. It is important because these reasons play a role to form the social structure of the Turkish society and help us to understand clearly the social reality.&nbsp;In this research, I examined work experiences of this specific group and analyzed social mobility by comparing their expectations about working life and their lived experiences at work. To reveal some criteria of subjective social mobility, these finding can be compared by a new wider study which focuses directly on social mobility experiences of this paid, unpaid workers and unemployed people.

Reading Stratification in the Framework of Subjectivities and Lived Experiences

Prof.

Finance capitalism, a more rapid and complex transformation than any other transformation or mode of production in human history, has created a state of continuous complexity within the information society it has formed. This complexity manifests itself in various ways and different dimensions of life on both an individual and a social scale. The information society not only functionalizes technology as an instrument, but also envisions it as a determinant field of existence and an intellectual framework. While every domain of life is influenced by this transformation, professions are also not immune from it for they are constantly redefined through the social values in which they exist. Our article aims to examine how the nature and social meanings of professions have transformed in this technology-dominated culture by analyzing the examples of medicine and aviation. We chose these two fields as our research subject due to two main criteria: (1) professionals in these fields have to adapt themselves constantly to technological innovations; (2) they are professions that deal with vital issues. In addition to this, pilotage and medicine are professions that can also be conceptualized as ideal-types in the Weberian sense, which will help us to understand the position of occupations in the face of technology. For this purpose, we conducted a field study between 2015 and 2017 with 25 physicians and 27 pilots using semi-structured interview technique.&nbsp;According to the findings of our research, it is possible to illustrate a paradox of mastery: the acquisition of a mixture of education, practice, and experience, which we call mastery, gradually becomes difficult with the penetration of the technology into the profession. This penetration increases the claim on perfecting the performance, which was once entrusted to human imperfection. Thus, the field of the master is narrowed in the face of the high-tech operation of the machine. This orientation is welcomed within the legitimizing discourse of technology to eliminate any accident or error but it results in reducing the knowledge and skills of the actors responsible for the performance of the profession. In this case, the mastery knowledge necessary for the intervention of technology cannot be developed sufficiently since the required practical area is limited.In addition, our research revealed that the nature of the relationship between professionals and professional knowledge is also transforming. On the one hand, knowledge is no longer composed of interdependent units that are acquired by learning the whole systematic, holistic collection with defined boundaries, but rather it becomes a component of action, which is filtered from a huge pool of information with only functional purposes for a specific action. Thus, knowledge becomes a practical skill input, and no longer an intellectual phenomenon at least in the professional sense. On the other hand, a working regime, in which the information processing becomes the main goal, results in the rapid transformation of the notion of expertise into the ability for management of technology.&nbsp;&nbsp;The nature of the meaning attributed to the profession also significantly transforms in the Information Age because of the decline in the value of labor and the consequences of the competitive neoliberal economic policies. The changing occupational preferences from puritan values to hedonistic values and calculated preferences signifies, on the one hand, an orientation to affordable choices instead of passion for occupation. On the other hand, it indicates that professional knowledge has become an exchange value. The fact that the training and the performance of the profession are substantially transformed into a technical-operational process reduces the level of spiritual satisfaction in the work.&nbsp;Technology functions as a deus ex machina for professionals. The non-integrated professional knowledge acquired in the high-tech environment is experienced as a technical procedure rather than an intellectual activity. Therefore, the definition of the professional skill also transforms with the influences of the technology-dominated approach and is replaced by a tendency to technician thinking. This redefinition of skill as a technological process poses another paradox: professional skill is being transformed to (1) management of technology and (2) final touch rather than a result of the personal effort of the physician or the pilot in the relatively analog systems in which the human contact is predominant. However, aside from the technical and operational dimension of the work, it is still necessary for pilots and physicians to have a profound knowledge of mastery to realize this human control and this is only possible for these professionals by staying effective in the professional practice field dramatically occupied by technology. Based on all these findings, we can claim that professions are undergoing an ontological or even an epistemological transformation. However, claiming that the automatic and algorithmic processing skill brought about by technology completely replaces mastery may result in overlooking the unpredictable orientations of the professional as a human and the dialectical relation between human beings and technology.

The Mastery-Technology Articulation: Ability, Experience, Certainty

Yunus

Bünyamin

High stakes testing has been adopted by many countries around the world, and Turkey is one of the countries practicing to meet the increasing demand for higher education since 1974, and as a tool for transition to secondary education since 1990 (Gür, Çelik, Coşkun, 2013). High stakes testing, used for classification, ranking and accountability, also coincides with neoliberal individualism (Au, 2016, Hursh, 2005; Hursh, 2007, Wright, 2002). Reductionist and individualist understanding criticize high stakes testing for deepening race and social class inequalities in education (Au, 2009; Darling-Hammond, 2007). Furthermore, it is crystal clear that achievement on high stakes testing only reflects the academic status of the students, while education also aims at sociological, cultural, individual and psychological development. On the other hand, high stakes testing influences and directs the teaching practices of the teachers in a negative way (Abrams, Pedulla, &amp; Madaus, 2003; Ford, 2018; Minarechová, 2012; Kilickaya, 2016). However, it is not assumed that high stakes testing guarantees deep learning, balance of knowledge, skills and attainment, student centered teaching, and teacher autonomy (Au, 2010; Belbin, 2016; Gunzenhauser, 2003; Nelson, 2013; Schneider, Egan &amp; Julian, 2013). Foucault (1992) argues that the individual is kept under control by being disciplined through examinations, and that the examination is not merely a sanction of the learning process; he adds that this is one of the continuous factors of this process and encompasses learning according to a continuous power game. The aim of this study is to analyze standard exams and standard programs in terms of the teacher’s professional identity and practices based on the teachers’ own experiences.&nbsp;The qualitative research design and phenomenological inquiry were managed in the study to obtain data. Purposive sampling techniques, are aligned with the qualitative paradigm employed in the study. Within this respect, on a voluntary basis, 12 secondary school teachers serving at various public elementary schools in the Marmara region and experienced in preparing students for the high stakes testing were invited in the study. In-depth interviews and focus group interviews are the main data collection instruments operated in the study. The content analysis method was applied to analyze the obtained data.&nbsp;Results of the study revealed two themes: “Teachers Turning into Technicians” and “Exam Oriented Teaching”. Parental pressure, administrative pressure, time pressure, pressure for achievement, loss of teacher autonomy, and motivation, cooperation between management and teachers are the sub-themes examined under the main theme of “Teachers Turning into Technicians”. Additionally, the main theme of “Exam Oriented Teaching” involves sub-themes such as exam-based teaching activities, a major obstacle to practical teaching and higher-order thinking. In this case, it can be easily expressed that high stakes testing exposes teachers to pressure from school management, principals, parents, communities and other teachers (Ford, 2018). In addition to that, teachers feel pressure to achieve the minimum expected level of achievement. This forces teachers to compete with their colleagues beyond collaboration.Finally, time pressure brings along a faceted and memorized path in teaching, giving priority to theory rather than practice, and eliminating the possibility of teaching in accordance with the existing educational philosophy, such as prioritizing individual differences and individualized teaching. As a matter of fact, Lundström and Holm (2011) proved in their study that high stakes testing corrupts traditional teachers’ values, and causes teachers to lose control over their professions because of an increasing competition among teachers. Jennings and Bearak (2014) empirically demonstrated that the use of standardized exams in the context of accountability has led teachers to plan and implement teaching activities depending on test achievement, and that student performance is assessed based on test results. Kılıçkaya (2016) states that standardized exams lead to the disregard of teaching of skills, such as listening, speaking and writing skills, which are very important in foreign language teaching.

High Stakes Testing and Transformation in the Occupational Identity of Teachers

Uğur

Hoping for the Best, Preparing for the Worst: A Sociological Study on Being a Musician in Turkey

Ayşe

The social origin, academic background, social and cultural capital of an academician in an academic game directly affect his/her adaptation strategies, which are necessary within academia. That is to say, the differences in the practice of developing strategies to help better play the game and minimize the obstacles it faces are due to distinctions of cultural capital.The impact of cultural capital on the actor also affects the process of an actor’s inclusion in the game. In this study, the effects of the cultural capital levels (root cultural capital) that academicians have before they are included in the academy game will be analyzed. Cultural capital inherited from the family gains importance in determining professional preferences. In this study, in light of the data obtained from indepth interviews conducted with thirty-five academicians from different academic generations and root cultural capital levels, we tried to reveal why, and under what conditions, they prefer academics as a profession. Academic generations was classified as first academical generation who attend to academia before 1980; the second academical generation were those who attended to academia between 1980- 2002 and the third academical generation those who attended to academia after 2002.&nbsp;&nbsp;Cultural capital level is the decisive factor of educational achievement. Cultural capital is implicitiy inherited by children from families, or their families’ special efforts to level up their children’s cultural capital. This transfer has a passive or active appearance. An academician having passed through all levels of education, and being named “gownsman of gownsmen”, has a high level of cultural capital.&nbsp;Including the academy game in Turkey has needed different types of cultural capital in various periods. For instance, in early Republican times, academic vacancies were filled with the relatives of the same families, educated in foreign countries, and of the ruling class. This elite class with high level of cultural capital has been the main actors of the academy game for a long time. The descendants, with a high cultural capital, of the elite ancestors went to study abroad with the effect of their habitus. After returning to home, they found their place in bureaucracy or university.It is considered that there has been an important change in social and cultural capital types of Turkish academicians when the societal position of academicians has been redetermined in the historical process of Turkey. In this sense, it can be said that academicianship is a choice which is endowed by the cultural capital of the actors. Therefore, being an academician has required either to become a member of the elite class (social ceiling) or to adapt to the habitus of this elite class in Turkey for a long time.&nbsp;As a result of the research, it is seen that the root cultural capital level determines the choices of the academic actor at two levels. At this point, the motivation behind the choices of the academic actor towards the profession is categorized as “earning his/her keep” and “enjoy life”. The action with the motivation of earning his/her keep is more classical and has a lower risk. On the other hand, it is thought that&nbsp;the main determinant of the preferences that can be categorized as enjoy life is engaged with curiosity, love and interest. And the result of the choices may carry various risks. The general acceptance that the academy is a profession with high cultural capital and qualifications of the elite people shows a partial change with the massification of education. Academicians are among the professions where the master-apprentice relationship is most prominent. In the tradition of choosing the master’s apprentice, the apprentice’s habitus and social capital affect the access of the apprentice to the master.Even though the choices of actors within a particular habitus evoke the idea of how subjective they are, they are not independent of the habitus in which they are located, and the cultural capital they possess.

The Role of Cultural Capital on Profession Choices of Academicians

Hatice

Nihat

These days, the tendency to shape one’s career in line with one’s own desires is increasing as people direct their own careers and oversee their own values. From this perspective, individuals need to have a multi-faceted career attitude and be effective at managing their own careers. Individuals who tend toward multi-faceted careers encounter positive psychological outcomes such as job and life satisfaction, personal development, and well-being. These multi-faceted careers are composed of the various experiences an individual has, such as education, vocational training, working in various organizations, and changes in professional field. Individuals simultaneously construct their career identity in the process of their career. Career construction theory takes into account which qualities individuals possess, how they adapt to the transitions and changes caused by personal and environmental conditions throughout their life, and why they behave and advance in accordance with a specific path.Career identity construction is definable by combining the questions “What is the meaning of work for me and my life?” and “What do I want to explain to others through my work?” that people ask themselves. Having knowledge about one’s self or about the working world and working life is not enough. One needs to actively and creatively make sense of this information. One of the ways an individual gets information about him/herself is by using the narrative approach. The narrative approach provides stories about the profession, ideas for transition points and the expected future, and information about identity development. This approach is a useful way of understanding turning points in one’s career and how identities change over time.After conducting a comprehensive literature review, no study was seen to exist on the construction process of female academicians’ career identity. In this context, the current study contributes to the literature by addressing the construction processes of the career identity of female academicians and the factors affecting these processes. The main question this study seeks to answer is “How do female academicians construct their career identities?” The sub-questions of the research are:1. How do female academicians’ career processes develop? 2. What affects female academicians’ career processes? 3. What meaning does ‘profession’ entail for female academicians? 4. What do female academicians want to explain to others through their profession?&nbsp;Methodology The research was conducted using the qualitative research method, with the phenomenological pattern being preferred in the study. The 19 female academicians who form the study group are composed of individuals who have a wealth of knowledge and experience related to the phenomenon being researched. Of the participants, eight are doctoral faculty members, eight are associate professors, and three are professors. The study group of the research contains female academicians working at five state universities and 14 foundation universities in Istanbul province in the fields of liberal arts, administrative sciences, health sciences, and engineering sciences. The study uses the semi-structured interview method as the data collection technique. Content analysis was used for analyzing the data. As suggested by Moustakas (1994), all expressions in the data analysis are coded items as “fixed expressions” and “semantic units”. A total of 142 fixed expressions were detected, and these were translated into semantic units. Next, the expressions listed as the main components of experience were separated into themes by clustering them according to semantic proximity. Ten themes that shape the career construction process emerged as a result of this function.Findings and Discussion This research addresses the career construction process of female academicians. In the study, the following themes are seen to be impactful in the process of female academicians’ career identity construction: the impact of family and social environment, career choice, career stages and roles, turning points in the career, definition of the basic role, career success, support in the career process, career problems experienced because of being a woman, and future plans. The study draws attention to the facts that female academicians have a career construction process, and that the narrative technique can be used in understanding this process. Female academicians are seen to basically define themselves using the identities of faculty member, mother, and researcher together, although this varies at different stages of the career. Several facts are worthy of note, namely, that defining the identity achieved through these three roles causes problems in balancing the roles, that female academicians attempt to find solutions such as making self-sacrifices in these problematic stages and delaying certain roles, and that the support they receive from those around them makes this process a little easier. The doctoral period and changes in marital status are important transformations that impact career processes. Female academicians’ career construction process can be defined as the formation of the identity of “the mother faculty member who wants to perform research.”Meeting with the academicians in the research process and making appointments convenient to their work hours was difficult in the current study. This situation caused some limitations in the research. Future research could involve more detailed studies by separately handling the themes that emerged from this research. Another subject for study could be comparatively studying career identity construction processes with female academicians from different regions and cultures at national and international levels.

Constructing the Career Identity of Female Academicians: Mother Academician with Research Intention

Türkan

Şirin

With the emergence of steam machines after the industrial development, a significant change in production patterns was observed. Effects of the industrial revolution changed not only the mode of production, but also the occupational authority, division of labor, working conditions and professional ethics, etc. These changes are also parallel with the factorization process. With the effect of factorization, mass production began to spread all over the world, which affected many professions and caused some changes. In this context, the changes have taken place mostly in traditional professions based on handicrafts. Some of the traditional professions based on arm strength were subjected to change, while others were doomed to extinction.&nbsp;In this article, industrial developments in the shoe-making profession from the past to the present in the Yeşilyuva neighbourhood (formerly a village in Acipayam district) of the Denizli province, changes in occupational division of labor, production place and technique, transfer of the profession from father to son, etc. were discussed. According to the literature review conducted in the study, the fact that this is the first sociological study on this subject reveals the importance of our research.&nbsp;In this study, which uses semi-structured interview techniques from qualitative interview techniques, interviews with 14 interviewers, including 7 fathers and 7 sons, were completed in order to better determine the changes in the transfer of the profession from father to son. With the data obtained from the interviews, it was aimed to determine the occupational change and the breakdowns in the transfer of the profession from father to son.&nbsp;The history of the shoe-making profession in Yeşilyuva dates back to ancient times. The history of the shoe-making profession, which is still in place in Yeşilyuva, and which has been a settlement since ancient times, dates back to the time before this region was dominated by the Turks. The suitability of environmental conditions and the fact that the tribes settled in the region are engaged in livestock, make Yeşilyuva very suitable for the development of leather work. The aim of this research is to determine how this profession, which dates back to ancient times, has been subjected to a change after the industrial development and the breakdowns in the transfer of the profession from father to son.&nbsp;As a result of interviews, it was concluded that the industrial development and mass production affected the shoe-making profession in Yeşilyuva. The profession of shoe-making, a craft based on handicrafts and arm strength, was influenced by mass production in cities, and suffered significant changes as a result of these effects. The production with arm strength started to be mechanized in the 1990s. Today, new machines continue to arrive at the shoe mills in Yeşilyuva. With mechanization, changes have begun to take place in the spatial sense. Production, which used to be made in small shops under houses, is now continuing in the Yeşilyuva Shoe-makers Industrial Site, which started to be built in the 1980s. The changes that come with mechanization are not limited to spatial change. There have also been changes in the professional division of labor. Production with 2-3 people in small shops in the past, continues today with more people in larger factories. Production is now divided into different stages, and continued by different people. This change has also led to changes in professional authority. While capital owners took part in every stage of production in the past, they became more interested in the economic parts of the work than the manufacturing phase, and left the production to craftsmen working in factories. At this point, it is seen that the master-apprentice relationship, based on vocational teaching, has turned into a boss-worker relationship with economic concerns.Apart from the changes mentioned, there are breaks in the profession that is passed from father to son as a professional inheritance. Sons who came to the shop with their father at a young age and started to learn the profession, and took over the profession in the future, have started to work in different sectors today. The main reason for this is that the profession no longer provides an economic income as it used to, and with the arrival of machines, the profession has started to require an economic capital. Thus, there are disruptions in the transfer of the shoe making-profession, which is seen as a cultural capital and a family heritage. These troubles have led to a weakening of the profession.&nbsp;Individuals who are unable to continue their shoe-making profession migrate to the city and turn to different sectors. The profession has been negatively affected by this migration. These negative effects are explained as the difficulty of finding people to work in the sector and the lack of growing individuals to continue the profession anymore. These problems show that the profession of shoe-making in Yeşilyuva is becoming increasingly weak.

Changes in the Shoe-making Profession as a Legacy Transferred From Father to Son: Denizli-Yeşilyuva Sample

Muhammet

Reşat

Gypsies, who have historically continued to experience the biggest levels of prejudice, still face inequalities such as poverty, unemployment, discrimination, exclusion and absence of formal education in Turkey - as in many countries. The fact that Gypsies are primarily engaged in risky, dangerous, precarious and low-paid jobs, are laging in education, are left publicly accused, have shamed jobs in the fields of employment, and experience spatial stigmatization gives rise to the thought that they continue to have limited relationships with other areas of life in today’s societies. In this study, the transformation of occupations performed by Gypsies and the problems caused by this transformation are discussed. Gypsies, who started to live in cities with the disappearance of rural occupations in the past, are most likely engaged in informal employment, known as low status jobs. In this respect, the relationship between ethnic identity and insufficient access to job/employment opportunities and their concentration in precarious jobs is also examined.The study is based on in-depth interviews conducted between November-December 2018 and January 2019 with 20 young-adult interviewers in order to probe how changing working conditions affect Gypsies in such processes as the economy, culture, identity, social status and way of life in 4 neighbourhoods in Elazig city centre where Gypsies are densely populated. Gypsies’ being unable to keep up with the new developments with their changing/transforming working life led to a push towards challenging processes culturally and economically. A host of occupations Gypsies have pursued (metalworking, sieve maker, etc.) have declined in number, causing them to work in marginal, temporary and informal sectors which non-Gypsies do not like or do not want to do. Furthermore, the disappearance of their profession, which affirms their social status and identity, makes the pejorative connotation of the word Gypsy more visible, causing marginal jobs such as begging, porters to be identified with Gypsies and such jobs to become more of a necessity than a preference for Gypsies.&nbsp;It is expected that the results of the study will contribute to the works of public and non-profit organizations in the fields of social policy for employment problems of Gypsies with the changes in&nbsp;working life. In addition, considering the lack of publications of sociological approaches on issues related to the working life of Gypsies in Turkey, it is also thought that this study will make an important contribution to the literature related to other ethnic groups along with Gypsies.&nbsp;The study specifically seeks answers to the following questions: What kind of problems did the change/transformation of Gypsies’ mostly rural occupations with technological developments lead to? What kind of problems did the loss of the profession of the sieve maker job, which mainly provided for the livelihood of Gypsies living in Elazığ in the past, bring about today? What are the problems Gypsies have in achieving regular and secure employment opportunities? What problems do unemployment and/or informal/marginal jobs cause in Gypsies, and how effective is ethnic identity in Gypsies’ informal lifestyles?The disappearance of their jobs due to the influence of new production systems negatively affected Gypsies, not only economically but also culturally. These difficulties experienced by Gypsies, who are precarious and forced into job opportunities based on saving the day, cannot be considered separate from the technological transformations in the last three decades. Today, where regular and secure employment is gradually decreasing, the employment areas of Gypsies are replaced by precarious, irregular, risky/dangerous and manual labour jobs. Shepherding, metalworking, selling of wares, sieve maker, etc. The former occupations of Gypsies living in Elazığ like sieve maker, sheet metal worker are linked to their nomadic lives, while the marginal jobs they are engaged in today are occupations brought with a settled life. This also indicates that Gypsies are forced to change their profession fundamentally in parallel with the changing settlement structures. Therefore, the professional transformation that has emerged with the decline of Gypsy-style occupations has also negatively affected the socio-economic/cultural characteristics such as settlement forms, lifestyles, living strategies. The exclusion of Gypsies working in precarious jobs such as shoemaking, shepherding, porters, and their low prestigious jobs shares the perception of Gypsy identity in society.&nbsp;&nbsp;Prejudices against their ethnic identities are an important factor in explaining the disadvantaged position of Gypsies in economic activities. These prejudices not only affect their employment in formal business areas, but also cause them to encounter a number of problems in activities in mid-level informal business areas (e.g. trades). It is widely accepted that ethnic groups or ethnic minorities have significant barriers to accessing the labour market (see Standing, 2014, s. 150; Fraser, 2005; Hancock, 2002). Working on the reasons for the widespread tendency of ethnic groups towards marginal jobs, Wilson found that these groups work extensively in informal labor markets due to their different personal qualities, structural characteristics not similar to existing labor market habits, and the discrimination they face while employed (2003, s. 429).&nbsp;The results of this study carried out in Elazığ province are not intended to generalize all Gypsies. However, it can be said that the work can be generalised towards Gypsies with similar characteristics, especially the Dom group Gypsies. The Gypsies interviewed stated that their relatives in Malatya, Diyarbakir, Mardin and Adiyaman had also practiced the profession of sieve maker in the past and that they were subjected to similar problems as a result of the disappearance of this profession today.

A Qualitative Research on the Changing/Transforming Professions of Gypsies Living in Elazığ

Onur

Daily lives are shaped by the professions to a great extent in the modern World, where economic logic is dominant. Therefore, there is an essential need to explain how professions determine daily life practices through what kind of mechanisms and their influence on people. With this aim, the profession’s impact in the formation of life was explained and discussed in terms of the professions of banking and truck driving in this research. Two opposing professions were chosen to be able to make a clearer analysis and analyzed in the light of the theory of the pragmatic sociology of critics developed by Laurent Thêvenot and Luc Boltanski (2006) who identify six value worlds that are revealed in situations of cultural dispute and compromise. These include the civic, domestic, market, fame, industrial, and inspired spheres of meaning. The civic value world articulates beliefs in the representativeness, civil service and legality. The domestic value world is driven from the core principles of the tradition, family, friendship, and loyalty. The market value world is based on the competition and the significance of money, profit, interest, and wealth. The value world of fame is formed around the opinion, status, and social recognition. The industrial value world has to do with the principles of efficiency and performance. The inspired value world is built on the principles of creativity, innovation, and aesthetics. “Social actors in the complex societies may draw on several of these worlds… when acting as citizens (civic world), consumers (market world), family members (domestic world), or social media users (fame world)” (Giulianotti and Langseth, 2016). For Boltanski and Thévenot, “this ability to live within worlds, and to travel between worlds, is of central importance to the actors involved in all kinds of disputes about justice” (Jacquemain, 2008, p. 43). From this theoretical perspective, the value worlds of bankers and truck drivers were examined to illustrate the slippery ground on which people from different professions can walk among different value worlds.&nbsp;The research consists of four main parts. In the first part, the development of professions was reviewed through the historical process of work and its transformation into the profession as we know today. This was basically shaped by the association of three separate power lines. The first was the desire of the private entrepreneur to gain maximum benefit from the newly emerging and rapidly growing industrial worker. The second was the demand of the newly emerging worker to be employed in better conditions and for better wages. The third was the desire of the nation-states to control and regulate the relations of production. The business life shaped by these three leading lines began determining the daily life of the individual. Life (economy, status, class) was now mostly related to the professions.In the second part, basic aspects of the bankers and their value worlds were explained. Bankers who are middle class members produce the immaterial or intelligence labor. However, they are different from some of the intelligence labor producers such as engineers and architects. Unlike them, bankers do not produce anything that has concrete functioning such as software, program, project, production tool. They are in charge of the regulation of money. Relationship networks are their capital; thus, their CVs&nbsp;&nbsp;often include the companies in which they were employed, courses attended, existing memberships, plaques won or goals achieved. Bankers work with people of a similar labor type who are ambitious in the competition in business life, who hide or leak information to go ahead of others and engage in lobbying activities. Bankers have to establish relations with these people in order to fulfill the necessities of the profession. These working conditions determine their worlds of value.In the third chapter, the profession of truck driver, the structure of the value worlds of truck drivers and the reasons behind it were explained. Truck drivers should have a driving license, SRC and psychotechnical certificate to officially work. There are certain forms of truck driving as being a A-) driver in their own truck, B-) driver in another person’s truck, C-) driver in a company truck. These distinctions define responsibilities, job descriptions, and employee-employer relations. If you are a driver in your own vehicle, you are free to choose freight, location, price, and timing. The drivers of someone else’s vehicle are usually already familiar with the owner. The important decisions about the vehicle are generally taken by the driver who assumes the confidence of the owner in this situation. On the other hand, the decisions on the company trucks are made by exclusively the company authorities. There is generally no standard in the wages of truck drivers. They tend to cook their own meals to reduce their costs. The time and place of their work are uncertain. All these forms of work determine their worlds of value.Upon the comparison of two unlike professions and the value worlds they promote, it was revealed that people pursuing different professions also have different worlds of value. In order to illustrate how this happens in daily life, finally the complex relationship between the daily life, professions and values is clarified in the last part of the research.

Life Determining Practices of Professions: The Case of Banker Truck Driver

Adem

Zeynep

In this study, the concept of “organizing of dead body” has been used in order to explain the change and transformation of the relationship between death and society. Funeral rites are not merely an area of economic consumption; they contain a sociological context in which religion, culture and identities can also be seen, and the traces of social transformation in the transition from traditional to modern can be traced. That is why the concept of “organizing of dead body” has been chosen. The focus of the study has been on the Gassal, who could be considered to interpret the relationship between death and religion through emotional labor. Qualitative research design has been preferred in the study, and the design has been composed of observation and interview techniques. In this study, we aimed to present the first data obtained from interviews started with the Gassals in the Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality. Istanbul has been preferred because of the greater number of Gassals, which has been associated with Istanbul’s being a significant reflection of the average of Turkey in death rates. The aim of establishing the funeral not only as an area of economic consumption but also as an area where religion, culture and identities could be seen has been pursued based on the Gassal. The Gassal represents the relaunch of religion’s strength in organizing dead bodies in the death industry, where death consumption is seen as a professional work. As one of the main criteria is the religion that shapes the services offered by local governments within the scope of funeral services in Turkey, the Gassal has been considered as having adequate justification for the study.Throughout the study, “organizing of dead body” has become a frequently used conceptual unitary. “Organizing of dead body” has been preferred by the researchers with the concern of creating a general profile of death-related professions. The concept has been mainly designed to differentiate the professions of death in “the East” from what “the West” calls the “death industry” defined in terms of money. It has been used not only for bearing traces from the working life of modernity, but also showing the areas in which traditionalism is maintained. Thus, the “organizing of dead body” also reflects the mentality extensions that can be established in a wide area that expresses the double bind. It both contains the professions that focus directly on death (Gassal, grave digger, coffinist…) and forms of work (marbles, timber, builders, etc.) added to the actual profession. This study consists of a pilot study of the field study carried out in the sample of the Gassals working in the Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality. The study consists of in-depth interviews and focus group interviews within the framework of a grounded theory approach. In the research process, the concepts of “work”, “occupation”, “expertise” and “labor” have been used to combine different contents in a common ground.As a result, the process of Gassal’s experiencing the profession improves the development of individual identity along with religious, cultural and social codes. The Gassal conceives the death as “Arrival to God” through religious codes, and brings the sacred aspect of his profession into the forefront.The sanctity attributed to death also becomes integrated into the profession. Therefore, the Gassal comprehends the meaning of his work as “Gaining God’s approval”. The Gassal perceives death in the reality that “Everyone will die one day” in ordinary life with cultural knowledge. This aspect of death transforms into a cultural ceremony in the process of organizing the dead body. The Gassal exists in this process with religious regulations and plays an active role in not performing all kinds of practices that are not compatible with religion, and becomes the guardian of the dead body. Here, the Gassal makes suggestions to the relatives of the dead using religious references. At this point, the organizing of the dead body turns into a ceremony. From the washing of the dead to the shroud, every good memory of the dead is remembered. As a result, Gassal as a profession is a powerful phenomenon in the post-mortem process and is directly related to death. It develops strategies and establishes bilateral relations for the field in which it is the subject.

A Religious Professional form in The Organisation of Dead Body: Gassal

Mehmet

Economic and social transformations, especially after the 1980s, reshaped the whole economic realm. This development constituted a big challenge, especially for small business. Macro-scale developments such as increasing taxes, changing laws and legislations, a growing impact of chain stores and authorized sellers, and changing cooperation and conflict relations with local economic actors are some of the problems that small shopkeepers face. Another issue for small businesses is related to the dramatic change of their clients’ tastes, expectations and consumption patterns.Although there is a widespread belief that the life chances of small business has decreased gradually in the neoliberal era, some cyclical fashion-like trends can be identified such as eco-friendly hand-made products, slow food, haute couture etc. which have increased the survival capacities of small shopkeepers. This period h as also been an age of opportunities for them because of diminishing state control. So, small businesses have been able to find a chance to create new ways to survive in this new setting.Actually, this issue has been dealt with from different theoretical perspectives from various disciplines. For example, the discipline of organization management deals with the same topic under the title of “small business survival”. Human geography sees it as an example of “social resilience”. Another example comes from political science or analysis of social movements; i.e. Bayat’s “quiet encroachment of the ordinary”. Even if our emphasis on ordinary people’s agency would call to mind Bayat’s concept, this article restricts itself to the relations of ordinary people with social and economic actors, rather than to political and legal ones. This paper aims to handle the mentioned issue from a more sociological point of view.This research article concentrates on the survival efforts of small shopkeepers in terms of a structure-agency dichotomy, and looks for instances of agency performed by small shopkeepers as “craftsmen” in Sennettian terms. Their efforts to survive and examples of creativity are seen from the perspective developed by de Certeau. In this theoretical framework drawn mainly by the strategy-tactic distinction, he defines “tactics” as practical solutions created by ordinary individual actors, as opposed to “strategies”, meaning institutional macro regulationsIn order to explore this phenomenon, a neighborhood in the inner city of Istanbul with a rich variety of small businesses was chosen. In-depth interviews and participant observations were conducted with tailors, quilt makers, pastry makers, butchers, mechanics, shoe repairers, restaurant staff, grocery keepers, real estate agents, confectioners, and glassmen who have been working for more than 15 years in this neighborhood.Through the analysis of interviews and observations, this paper identifies three dimensions of the craft of small shopkeepers. For example the pastry maker has a chance to survive with the help of the quality of the product, i.e. his hand made pastries made from special ecologically produced raw materials. The second dimension is the level of confidence and frankness in his relations and daily life&nbsp;conversations both with his customers and suppliers. And the third important dimension is related to his bureaucratic capacity to follow new legal arrangements and regulations, and to fulfill economic procedures such as tax payments on time.In the field, three types of tactics developed by small shopkeepers against changing socio-economic conditions were observed. The first one is widening or changing the range of products and services within the borders of their professions, which eases to adapt not only minor temporal transformations but also macro-economic, legal and technological changes, which affect the fundamental structure of the profession. It necessitates a kind of far-seeing ability to foresee and confront sectoral changes and transitions. The second tactic is developing customer-specific services, in other words special, boutique, personal, tailor made services addressing their clients. The third and last one is creating close relations and informal solidarity networks not only with neighboring small shopkeepers, but also with customers and suppliers.

How to Cope with Socio-economic Change: Tactics Developed by Small Shopkeepers

Burcu

Rukiye

This study is based on the assumption that there may be a relationship between the fields, levels of interest, addiction of each generation, their professional choices, and career goals. Although it is not possible to fully predict the achieved results, the subject of the professional transformations of the current period is the generation Y and Z and the source of motion is digital culture. Therefore, in the digital age, new methods like Exploratory Factor Analysis aimed at identifying elements in which generation Y and Z relate interest, commitment, and addiction, can provide us with scientific data on new career goals and new professions.The concept of digital culture inevitably transforms our modes of production, other systems, daily life routines, educational content, politics, entertainment, and most importantly, professions, as a reflection of the transformation that expresses the current age. As an important issue discussed, it is thought that the professions of children at primary and/or secondary level are not yet clear because they have not yet emerged. It is foreseen that professions such as doctors, lawyers and teachers who are respected in society will be transferred to artificial intelligence. The fact that the communication and the entertainment industry is a rising trend plays an important role in the transformation and preferences of the generations. While being a player in the traditional sense is a general indicator of status, it is possible to see its reflection in digital culture in e-sports activities. Having everyone with basic equipment such as computers as candidates for e-sport players as a career opportunity and having an annual income flow exceeding 1 billion dollars, in this sense, institutionalization and the fact that the mass is pointed out by both the active player and the audience shows that the studies in this field will increase.A radical transformation is documented in the determination of the social position of the individual and in occupations as a result of technological determinism. In addition to the replacement of human labor by machines, the perceptual relationship of the Y and Z generations with life and occupations weakens the adoption of work as a profession and identification with the profession. Even with these generations, which can perform more than one job at the same time, occupations that are temporary have high expectations for career-gain in the future. This transformation is beyond the transformations of the new capitalism, which has already radically transformed working life and professions. In the labor market, which is symbolized as flexible and fluid, it is now possible for workers to take part in the labor market with multiple or mobilized jobs. However, beyond the aforementioned developments that emerged under the influence of new capitalism in the professional transformations and occupational choices of our age, the most important factor that minimizes job satisfaction and/or professional excitement is the generational system that determines the limits of the perceptual relationship established by the individual with life and occupations. For this reason, it will not be healthy enough to read the transformation of the occupations of the current period, career goals of the generation that constitutes the dominant labor force of this period (which is the generation Y and Z), professional execution styles, interests, dominant values, target social positions, and dependencies.Based on this acceptance, “Exploratory Factor Analysis” has been used as a method of quantitative analysis. In Turkey, every day, three million people play the stated League of Legends and 1375 people as samples for “Career Factor Analysis” results provide us with these, and similar results that can be discussed in the context of the generic system to be transmitted throughout the article:As a result of the tests conducted for the analysis of career factor, the average age of the participants decreased, the average daily playing time increased, the level of education decreased, online games were seen as professional work; e-sports as a career goal, and online games were seen as a means of economic profit. Participants over the age of 30 differentiate into the point of seeing e-sport as a career goal and a means of economic profit. At the educational level, graduate students see e-sport as a career goal. In addition, those who have 7-9 years of experience and participate in international tournaments see more online games as professional work, e-sports as a career goal, and online games as a means of economic profit. Their time and participation in tournaments are indicative of their professional progress in this field. They play without interrupting their basic needs, which increases their play records. They see online games as professional work and e-sports as a career goal. For those who choose this career goal for themselves, the most meaningful name in this study is “generation of digital gamer” - internalizing the game at the level of part of evolution.

The Reveal of Professions Being Revolutionized Into Online Careers: E-Sport Activities With “Generation of Digital Gamers”

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For various migrant groups, Turkey has been a transit country for many years. However, due to the ongoing civil war in Syria, Turkey has become the number one destination for Syrian refugees, and now hosts the largest refugee group in the world. This transformation has attracted the attention of different academic disciplines such as law, social policy, social work, psychology and sociology, and especially in politics and media, it has emerged as one of the most debated subjects in recent years. As a result, scholarly researches in increasing numbers have attempted to examine the phenomenon of forced migration from different dimensions, such as security, policy, education, health and gender. However, when considering studies examining forced migration from a gender perspective, it is seen that the studies mostly focus on women because they are more exposed to problems. This situation, which is added to the negative representation of refugee men in the host societies, causes the experience of male refugees to be invisible, and the social aid practices directed towards refugees are less susceptible to the problems of men. Based on this point, this study aims to analyze the problems of male refugees that cannot be seen because of their negative representations, and to discuss them based on social work and aid policies. In line with this purpose, the study was designed as a qualitative research. The working sample of the study consists of 17 male refugees from various nationalities residing in Eskişehir and five specialists who are working in the field of humanitarian aid. Data were collected by semi-structured interviews. The findings of the study indicate that some refugee men are exposed to many social problems, like women, such as discrimination and violence with reference to their gender. Male refugees are experiencing tensions because of their responsibility to support the family. At the same time, they are excluded from migration regulations and social aids aimed at solving these tensions. According to the findings, most of the participants have difficulties in accessing basic needs, such as employment and housing, because of the misrepresentation of masculinity of the male refugees. Although providing for the family is accepted as a male responsibility especially in economic terms, tensions arise because male refugees cannot fulfill this responsibility alone. This situation increases the problems of male refugees in the asylum process, while imposing a passive role at home for refugee women. In addition to difficult situations male refugees experience only because of their gender, their exclusion from migration regulations and social benefits makes their asylum process even more difficult. As a result, it can be concluded that social aid policies and the above-mentioned researches consider the masculinity of male refugees as a typical category in the form of constant hegemonic power against femininity. For this reason, it should primarily be accepted that there is no universal masculin ity that is always advantageous over femininity. The masculinity is also shaped and harmed by patriarchy. For masculinity is not a universal category, it is a dynamic gender identity shaped by historical and cultural conditions, just like femininity. In this respect, it is necessary to think of masculinity as a heterogeneous structure. Indeed, males with different conditions, just like women, may also be in exploited positions. Forced migration is one of these conditions. The forced migration process can make men and women suffer. Of course, it is wrong to say that in the process of forced migration, all male refugees could be in disadvantaged positions. However, social aid policies and researches seeing the masculinity as a universal category rather than a culturally constructed phenomenon, miss an important point: not all males can be equally advantageous in the patriarchal order. In other words, the idea that gender perceptions may have negative effects on men as much as they have on women should be a starting point for gaining further insights into the matter. Scholarly inquiries in this context should be aimed at a better understanding of the multiple structures of masculinity during the course of forced migration, and the inclusion of male refugees in social aid practices as visible actors.

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Halil

Semanur

Although there has been an environment in which global neo-mercantilist protectionist policies have increased in recent times and the countries have further tightened immigration policies, the increase in bilateral trade and migration among the countries remains the two most important results of globalization. Some authors who address the relationship between these two outcomes of globalization have developed a theory that a country’s migration affects trade activities between the host country and the emigrant source country. Gould (1991) stated that this relationship could be realized through two mechanisms. The first is the increase in the import of the host country from the source country as a result of migrants carrying their consumption habits to the host country. The other mechanism is that transaction costs incurred in the process of acquiring information and establishing a trade relationship will be reduced due to immigrants. This is the reason why immigrants’ native language is frequently used and known in the host country and that migrants carry information about their consumption preferences in their own countries to the host country. It is stated that bilateral trade between countries will increase by means of these interaction mechanisms.In the literature, a large number of empirical studies were encountered, which examined the relationship between international trade and international migration for different countries. In these studies, the bilateral trade relations between the immigrant-receiving country, which is a center of attraction, and the emigrant countries were analyzed. From this point of view, this study aims to examine the relationship between international trade and migration for Germany, which is the center of attraction of Europe. Germany is the country with the highest number of immigrants among the European Union countries and the share of Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries is very high among the emigrant countries in Europe. In view of this situation, in the study, it was aimed to examine whether the migration of Germany from the mentioned countries was effective in the foreign trade activities with these countries.CEE countries, based on the definition of the OECD have been determined as Albania, Bulgaria, Croatia, Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, Slovenia, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. In the study covering the data set from 2000 to 2016, a panel gravity model was used.In the study the dependent variables are export and import while the independent variables are the number of immigrants, GDP and per capita GDP of the emigrant countries, the distance between the host country and emigrant countries, and the dummy variable which represents the Customs Union memberships of the countries.In the study, which was modeled for both export and import, findings showed that there was not any significant relationship between the migration and foreign trade of Germany. In the study, which was modeled for both export and import, findings showed that there was not any significant relationship between the migration to Germany and the foreign trade of Germany with CEE countries. On the other hand, GDP, per capita GDP, distance and dummy variables were found to be significant in the model in which export is the dependent variable. According to this, a positive relationship was found&nbsp;between the GDP level of CEE countries and Germany’s exports in accordance with theoretical expectation. On the other hand, there is a negative relationship between GDP per capita in CEE countries and Germany’s exports, contrary to theoretical expectation. Accordingly, per capita income, which represents the level of welfare in CEE countries, reduces imports from Germany. This situation, which is contrary to theoretical expectation, is thought to be related to the fact that these countries are former Soviet Union countries. The distance variable has a negative effect on the export, in line with the expectation. The dummy variable added to determine the impact of the Customs Union membership of the CEE countries revealed a statistically significant and positive relationship. In other words, countries’ membership to the Customs Union positively affects the export of Germany. In the import model, only the Customs Union dummy variable was significant. Accordingly, the membership of the CEE countries to the Customs Union has an increasing impact on Germany’s imports.In summary, it can be stated that Germany did not see an increase in exports from migration. On the other hand, it can be stated that both sides of the relationship are benefiting from regional integration through Customs Union membership.

Dış Ticaret ve Göç İlişkisi Üzerine Bir Çekim Modeli Analizi: Almanya Örneği

Reyhan

Introduction The aim of this study was to reveal the effects of internal migration on poverty in Turkey. In other words, in addition to the many factors that affect poverty, determining how and on what level interregional migration affects poverty is one of the main purposes of the study. The focus of the study were 12 regions in Level 1 and qualitative and quantitative methods were applied together using secondary data. The main purpose of the study is to reveal how migration that took place in the recent past and the differentiation between the regions had an effect on poverty and thus, to guide the policymakers and relevant actors. The aim of the study was to suggest opinions about which regions the individuals, who were forced to migrate due to socio-economic reasons, should incline towards and thus, to reveal alternative migration routes. Another aim of this study is to reveal the final outcomes of migration for the individuals who were living in relatively behind regions and whose poverty had become chronic in creating added value. Thus, it might be possible to determine the impact on individual wealth for those who migrate or those who choose an alternative to migration and to suggest policies.&nbsp;Literature Summary The following studies, which analyze the relationship between poverty and migration, were used as a reference in this study: Bustillo and Anton (2009), Chapman and Bernstein (2003), Güneş (2009), Martin and Taylor (2003), Raphael and Smolensky (2008), Tümtaş (2009), Suro et al. (2011), Tümtaş and Ergun (2014), and to Yıldız and Alaeddinoğlu (2011). In all of this research, it was emphasized that poverty changes with migration and most of the studies drew attention to the effect of migration from rural areas.&nbsp;Econometric Analysis The aim of this study was to reveal the effects of migration in 12 regions in Level 1 segregation of TSI on national and regional poverty. Accordingly, the necessary data set was obtained by determining indicators in accordance with the studies conducted on the relationship between poverty and migration. The used data is from 2008-2014 and was obtained from TSI on Level 1. Subsequently, the created model was estimated with panel data analysis. The econometric problems that were encountered during the analysis were corrected with necessary operations and thus, efficient estimators were obtained.InNumberOfPoorPeopleit= α + β1 lnDependencyit+ β2 lnMigrationit+ β3 lnAgricultural_Empit + β4 lnGNPPCit+ β5 lnAgricultural_Migrationit+ eit InNumberOfPoorPeopleit Number of poor individuals lnDependencyit Total age dependency ratio lnMigrationit The migration that the region receives lnAgricultural_Empit Agricultural employment lnGNPPCit Gross national product per capita (dollar) lnAgricultural_Migrationit Migration from the regions in which the agricultural sector has 6% or more share in the regional GDP (regions in which agricultural employment and production have become relatively prominent) to other regions. i Region t Date (Year)Findings and Evaluation The obtained results reveal that the relationship between the dependency ratio, migration and GNPPC are not statistically significant. However, it was observed that agriculture-based migration decreases the total number of poor people. In other words, an increase in agricultural migration by 100%, decreases the number of poor people in the country by approximately 49%. This result proves that a good number of individuals who migrate from rural to urban areas do not bring their poverty with them by finding new job opportunities. That is, by leaving the agriculture sector, the migration into regions where industry and services are prominent significantly decreases the number of poor people in the country. As a result of the analysis, it can be stated that the autonomous poverty in the discussed regions which can’t be explained with independent variables are different from each other. In other words, the effect of independent variables, such as rural migration, differs in regions in the reduction of poverty with the TR1-Istanbul region ranking first in terms of the magnitude of this effect. According to this ranking which is followed by the TR-3 Aegean and TR6-Mediterranean Regions, it can be stated that other factors which were not included in the model affected the poverty of these regions. This study in which the relationship between poverty and migration was discussed indicates that rural-based migration has a significant effect on poverty. At this point, it should not be overlooked that the knowledge-skill levels of migrated individuals would change the magnitude and direction of this effect. In other words, since agricultural-based migration is effective in the reduction of the number of poor people, this effect can be positively increased by educating the migrating population.

Türkiye’de İç Göçün Bölgesel Yoksulluk Üzerindeki Etkisi: Tarım Sektörünün Belirleyici Rolü

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Journal of Economy, Culture and Society, açık erişimli, hakemli, yılda iki kere Haziran ve Aralık aylarında yayınlanan bilimsel bir dergidir. İstanbul Üniversitesi İktisat Fakültesi’ne bağlı Sosyoloji ve Metodoloji Araştırmaları Merkezi’nin yayınıdır. Dergi 1960 yılından beri yayınlanmaktadır. 2018 Sayı 57 itibariyle eski ismi olan Sosyoloji Konferansları yerine Journal of Economy Culture and Society adıyla yayın hayatını sürdürmektedir. 

2022 yılı itibariyle derginin yayın dili sadece İngilizcedir ve basılı versiyonu durdurulmuştur; dergi yayın hayatına e-dergi olarak devam etmektedir. Dergiye yayınlanması için gönderilen bilimsel makaleler İngilizce olmalıdır.

Journal of Economy, Culture and Society, sosyoloji alanına katkı sağlayan yüksek kalitede akademik çalışmaları yayınlamayı amaçlar. Dergimiz esas olarak sosyoloji alanına dair konuların incelendiği, araştırıldığı bir platform sağlarken, farklı alanlardan uluslararası ve disiplinler-arası okuyucu kitlesine uygun yazılara da açıktır. Derginin hedef kitlesini akademisyenler, araştırmacılar, profesyoneller, öğrenciler ve ilgili mesleki, akademik kurum ve kuruluşlar oluşturur.

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Journal of Economy, Culture and Society açık erişimli, hakemli, yılda iki kere Haziran ve Aralık aylarında yayınlanan bilimsel bir dergidir. İstanbul Üniversitesi İktisat Fakültesi’ne bağlı Sosyoloji ve Metodoloji Araştırmaları Merkezi’nin yayınıdır. Dergi 1960 yılından beri yayınlanmaktadır. 2018 Sayı 57 itibariyle eski ismi olan Sosyoloji Konferansları yerine Journal of Economy Culture and Society adıyla yayın hayatını sürdürmektedir. Journal of Economy, Culture and Society toplumsal, ekonomik ve kültürel olguların bilimsel yaklaşımla ele alındığı bir mecra olmayı amaçlamaktadır. Derginin disiplinler-arası ve uluslararası niteliğinden dolayı disiplinler-arası ve uluslararası okuyucu kitlesine uygun olmayan çalışmaların dergimiz yerine başka mecralarda değerlendirilmesi daha uygun olacaktır. 2022 yılı itibariyle derginin yayın dili sadece İngilizcedir. Dergiye yayınlanması için gönderilen bilimsel makaleler İngilizce olmalıdır. Değerlendirme sürecinde ilgili literatüre katkısı belirgin ampirik çalışmalar ile kuramsal ve yöntemsel olarak yenilik içeren metinlere öncelik verilecektir.

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<ul><li>Web of Science Core Collection - Emerging Sources Citation Index (ESCI) </li><li>TÜBİTAK-ULAKBİM TR Dizin </li><li>DOAJ (Directory of Open Access Journals), </li><li>ProQuest Central   </li><li>ProQuest Turkey Database    </li><li>ProQuest Social Sciences Database     </li><li>ProQuest Social Sciences Premium Collection​</li><li>EBSCO Central &amp; Eastern European Academic Source</li><li>EBSCO Sociology Source Ultimate</li><li>RePEc IDEAS</li><li>RePEc EconPapers</li><li>Erih Plus</li><li>SOBİAD</li><li>Gale Cengage </li><li><a href="https://about.proquest.com/en/products-services/Ulrichsweb/" target="_blank" style="font-size: 14.6667px;">Ulrichsweb</a> </li></ul>

Dizinler

Dergi yayın etiğinde en yüksek standartlara bağlıdır ve <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a> ve <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> tarafından yayınlanan etik yayıncılık ilkelerini benimser; Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing başlığı altında ifade edilen ilkeler için: <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a> Gönderilen makaleler derginin amaç ve kapsamına uygun olmalıdır. Orijinal, yayınlanmamış ve başka bir dergide değerlendirme sürecinde olmayan, her bir yazar tarafından içeriği ve gönderimi onaylanmış yazılar değerlendirmeye kabul edilir. Makale yayınlanmak üzere Dergiye gönderildikten sonra yazarlardan hiçbirinin ismi, tüm yazarların yazılı izni olmadan yazar listesinden silinemez ve yeni bir isim yazar olarak eklenemez ve yazar sırası değiştirilemez.İntihal, duplikasyon, sahte yazarlık/inkar edilen yazarlık, araştrma/veri fabrikasyonu, makale dilimleme, dilimleyerek yayın, telif hakları ihlali ve çıkar çatışmasının gizlenmesi, etik dışı davranışlar olarak kabul edilir. Kabul edilen etik standartlara uygun olmayan tüm makaleler yayından çıkarılır. Buna yayından sonra tespit edilen olası kuraldışı, uygunsuzluklar içeren makaleler de dahildir.İntihal Ön kontrolden geçirilen makaleler, iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal/kendi kendine intihal tespit edilirse yazarlar bilgilendirilir. Editörler, gerekli olması halinde makaleyi değerlendirme ya da üretim sürecinin çeşitli aşamalarında intihal kontrolüne tabi tutabilirler. Yüksek benzerlik oranları, bir makalenin kabul edilmeden önce ve hatta kabul edildikten sonra reddedilmesine neden olabilir. Makalenin türüne bağlı olarak, bunun oranın %15 veya %20'den az olması beklenir.Çift Kör Hakemlikİntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir. Editör, makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakemlikten geçmesini sağlar ve makale biçimsel esaslara uygun ise, gelen yazıyı yurtiçinden ve /veya yurtdışından en az iki hakemin değerlendirmesine sunar, hakemler gerek gördüğü takdirde yazıda istenen değişiklikler yazarlar tarafından yapıldıktan sonra yayınlanmasına onay verir.

Politikalar

Dergi açık erişimlidir ve derginin tüm içeriği okura ya da okurun dahil olduğu kuruma ücretsiz olarak sunulur. Okurlar, ticari amaç haricinde, yayıncı ya da yazardan izin almadan dergi makalelerinin tam metnini okuyabilir, indirebilir, kopyalayabilir, arayabilir ve link sağlayabilir. Bu <a href="https://www.budapestopenaccessinitiative.org/translations/turkish-translation" target="_blank">BOAI</a> açık erişim tanımıyla uyumludur. Derginin açık erişimli makaleleri Creative Commons Atıf-GayrıTicari 4.0 Uluslararası (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.tr" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) olarak lisanslıdır.

Derginin tüm giderleri İstanbul Üniversitesi tarafından karşılanmaktadır. Dergide makale yayını ve makale süreçlerinin yürütülmesi ücrete tabi değildir. Dergiye gönderilen ya da yayın için kabul edilen makaleler için işlemleme ücreti ya da gönderim ücreti alınmaz.

Yazarlar dergide yayınlanan çalışmalarının telif hakkına sahiptirler ve çalışmaları  Creative Commons Atıf-GayrıTicari 4.0 Uluslararası (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.tr" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) olarak lisanslıdır. CC BY-NC 4.0 lisansı, eserin ticari kullanım dışında her boyut ve formatta paylaşılmasına, kopyalanmasına, çoğaltılmasına ve orijinal esere uygun şekilde atıfta bulunmak kaydıyla yeniden düzenleme, dönüştürme ve eserin üzerine inşa etme dâhil adapte edilmesine izin verir.

Editörler, yayınlanan makalede, bulguları, yorumları ve sonuçları etkilemeyen küçük hatalar tespit edilirse düzeltme yayınlamayı düşünebilirler. Editörler, bulguları ve sonuçları geçersiz kılan büyük hatalar / ihlaller söz konusu olduğunda, makaleyi geri çekmeyi düşünmelidir. Yazarlar tarafından araştırma veya yayını kötüye kullanmaya yönelik olasılık söz konusu ise; bulguların güvenilir olmadığına ve yazarların kurumlarının olayı soruşturmadığına dair kanıtlar var veya olası soruşturma haksız veya sonuçsuz görünüyor ise, editörler endişe ifadesi yayınlamayı düşünmelidir. Düzeltme, geri çekme veya endişe ifadesi ile ilgili olarak <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/flowcharts/complete-set-english" target="_blank">COPE</a> ve <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/" target="_blank">ICJME</a> yönergeleri dikkate alınır.Geri ÇekmeDergi geri çekme durumunda <a href="https://publicationethics.org/sites/default/files/retraction-guidelines-cope.pdf" target="_blank">COPE Retraction Guidelines</a>’ı izler. Editör, aşağıdaki durumlarda bir makaleyi geri çekme hakkına sahiptir: <ul><li>Büyük bir hata (örn. yanlış hesaplama veya deneysel hata), uydurma öğeler  (örn. veri) veya tahrifat (örn. görüntü manipülasyonu) gibi bulguların güvenilmez olduğu sonucunu çıkarmaya dair açık kanıtlar varsa; </li><li>İçerikte intihal varsa; </li><li>Uygun atıf yapılmadan başka bir yerde yayınlanmışsa;</li><li>Kullanım izni olmayan materyal veya veri içeriyorsa;</li><li>Telif hakkı ihlali veya başka bir ciddi yasal sorun varsa;</li><li>Etik olmayan araştırma içeriyorsa; </li><li>Hakem değerlendirme sürecinin bozulduğuna veya manipüle edildiğine dair kanıt varsa;</li><li>Yazar(lar), editörün görüşüne göre, çalışmanın yorumlanmasını veya editörlerin ve hakemlerin tavsiyelerini önemli derecede etkileyebilecek, kritik bir çıkar çatışmasını açıklamamış ise.</li></ul>Geri çekme durumunda aşağıdaki adımlar izlenir:<ul><li>Makale başlığını da içeren geri çekme bildirimi derginin bir sonraki sayısında yayınlanır. Geri çekme bildirimi  içindekiler tablosunda sayfa nosu verilerek listelenir. </li><li>Elektronik versiyonda geri çekme bildirimi ile orijinal makale arasında link sağlanır. </li><li>Online makaleden önce geri çekme bildirimini içeren sayfa gelir; okuyucu daha sonra makalenin kendisine geçebilir.</li><li>Orijinal makale, her sayfadaki .pdf üzerinde “geri çekildiğini” belirten bir filigran dışında değişmeden kalır.</li></ul>Yasal Nedenlerle Makalenin KaldırılmasıAşağıdaki durumlarda, üst veriler (başlık ve yazarlar) hariç olmak üzere, makale metni kaldırılır ve makalenin yasal nedenlerle kaldırıldığını bildiren bir sayfa makalenin yerini alır. <ul><li>Makalenin karalayıcı içerik ihtiva ettiği veya başkalarının yasal haklarını ihlal ettiği tespit edilir ve geri çekmenin yeterli bir çözüm olmadığı düşünülürse;</li><li>Makale bir mahkeme kararına konu olmuşsa veya olacağına dair makul bir neden varsa;</li><li>Kamu sağlığı açısından önemli bir risk söz konusu ise;  </li></ul>

Dergide yayınlanan tüm yazıların korunmasını ve kalıcı olarak erişilebilir olmasını sağlamak için makaleler, ulusal bir arşiv sitesi olarak hizmet veren ve aynı zamanda LOCKSS'in içeriği toplamasına, korumasına ve sunmasına izin veren Dergipark'ta saklanmaktadır.Ek olarak, yazarların kendilerinin makalelerinin son PDF sürümünü Open Archives Initiative (<a href="https://www.openarchives.org/" target="_blank">https://www.openarchives.org/</a>) standartlarına uygun açık elektronik arşivlerde arşivlemeleri önerilir. Yazarlar, yayınladıkları arşiv versiyonundan, İ.Ü. Yayınevinin dergi web sitesinin URL'sine bağlantı sağlamalıdır.

Yapay Zeka konusundaki gelişmeler ve akademik yayıncılıkta görülen uygulamalar dikkate alınarak oluşturulan Yapay Zeka Politikası, yazarların, hakemlerin ve editörlerin bu türden teknolojilerin kullanımında uymaları gereken editöryal ve etik ilkeleri içerir. Yapay Zeka politikasının oluşturulmasında, aşağıdaki kaynaklar dikkate alınmıştır:Committee on Publication Ethics <a href="https://publicationethics.org/guidance/cope-position/authorship-and-ai-tools" target="_blank">(COPE) - Authorship and AI tools</a>; International Committee of Medical Journal Editors <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/browse/roles-and-responsibilities/defining-the-role-of-authors-and-contributors.html#four" target="_blank">(ICMJE) - Artificial Intelligence (AI)-Assisted Technology; World Association of Medical Editors  (WAME) Chatbots, Generative AI, and Scholarly Manuscripts</a><a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/browse/roles-and-responsibilities/defining-the-role-of-authors-and-contributors.html#four"></a>Yapay Zeka destekli teknolojiler (Büyük Dil Modelleri [LLM'ler], sohbet robotları veya görüntü oluşturucular gibi), metin, görüntü, ses ve sentetik veriler dahil olmak üzere çeşitli içerikler geliştirebilmekte ve üretebilmektedir. Bu yetenekleri etik ve güvenli bir şekilde kullanıldığında üretkenliği artırabilir ve yeniliği teşvik edebilir; ancak insan yönlendirmesi olmadan kullanımında doğru olmayan ve taraflı sonuçlar; atıf verme konusunda eksikler ve hatalar; gizlilik ve fikri mülkiyet haklarının korunmasında eksiklikler; yazar ve yayıncıların haklarının potansiyel ihlali gibi riskler taşımaktadır. IUPress, Yapay Zeka kullanımı konusunda söz konusu riskleri bertaraf etmeyi amaçlayan aşağıdaki temel ilkeleri benimser:  <ul><li>İçerik üretiminde kullanılan (metin, şekiller, resimler ve kod dahil ancak bunlarla sınırlı olmamak üzere) her türlü Yapay Zeka ile ilgili ayrıntılar çalışmanın uygun bölümünde (bilgi notu olarak ve/veya metod kısmında) beyan edilmeli ve net biçimde açıklanmalıdır. </li><li>Hiçbir Yapay Zeka aracı hiçbir bilimsel çalışmada yazar olarak listelenemez. </li><li>Yazarlar, herhangi bir şekilde Yapay Zeka kullanımı durumunda da çalışmalarının doğruluğu, bütünlüğü ve özgünlüğünden sorumludur; başkalarının fikirleri, verileri, kelimeleri veya diğer materyallerini doğru referanslama ve atıf ile sunmakla yükümlüdürler. </li><li>Hakemler ve editörler gönderilen çalışmayı tamamen ya da kısmen hiçbir üretken Yapay Zeka uygulamasına yükleyemez. </li></ul>IUPress yayınlarının editöryal süreçlerinde, Yapay Zeka ile üretilmiş içerikleri tespit eden yardımcı araçlar editörlerin kullanımındadır. Öte yandan okunurluğu, dil ve grammeri iyileştirme ve geliştirme konusunda önerilerde bulunan Yapay Zeka araçlarının kullanılması yaygındır ve IUPress  yayınlarında bu türden Yapay Zeka araçları editörlerin ve yazarların gözetiminde kullanılabilir.

Yapay Zeka Politikası

<ul><li>Yazarlar, gönderdikleri çalışmayı oluştururken <a target="_blank">Yapay Zeka destekli teknolojiler (Büyük Dil Modelleri [LLM'ler], sohbet robotları veya görüntü oluşturucular gibi) </a>kullandılarsa, bunu  beyan etmekle yükümlüdür. </li><li>Yazarlar hem ön yazıda hem de sunulan çalışmanın uygun bölümünde (bilgi notu olarak ve/veya metod kısmında), hangi Yapay Zeka aracını ve hangi versiyonunu ne amaçla kullandıklarını açıklamalıdır. </li><li>Yapay Zeka destekli teknolojilerden yararlanılarak oluşturulan içeriğin ve alıntıların doğruluğu, geçerliliği ve uygunluğunun sağlanması, olası hata, tutarsızlık ve taraflı sonuçların giderilmesi yazarların sorumluluğundadır. </li><li>Yazarlar, Yapay Zeka destekli teknolojiler ile üretilmiş metinlerde intihal potansiyeli olduğunu dikkate alarak, olası intihali bertaraf etmek için orijinal kaynakları mutlaka kontrol etmelidir. Kontrol ettiğini ve kaynakların orijnal kaynaklar olduğunu teyid etmelidir.  </li><li>Yapay Zeka destekli araçlar (ChatGPT gibi) yazar olarak listelenemez çünkü çalışmanın doğruluğundan, bütünlüğünden ve orijinalliğinden sorumlu olamazlar ve bu sorumluluklar yazarlık için şarttır. Bu nedenle, Yapay Zeka destekli teknolojilerin kullanımını içeren tüm materyallerden yazarlar sorumludur. Yazarlar, makalede yer alan ve çalışmanın hipotezlerini, yorumlarını, sonuçlarını, sınırlamalarını ve çıkarımlarını bildiren tüm ifadelerin kendi fikirlerini temsil ettiğinden emin olmalıdırlar.  </li><li>Yazarların, Yapay Zeka araçlarını temel araştırmacı ve yazar sorumluluklarının yerini alacak, aşağıdaki şekillerde kullanarak oluşturdukları çalışmalar bilimsel yayıncılık ve yayın etiği ilkelerine aykırıdır ve bu türden çalışmaların yayınlarda yer almasına izin verilmez: <ul><li>Titiz revizyon olmadan metin veya kod oluşturma, </li><li>Sağlam bir metodoloji olmadan eksik verileri ikame etmek için sentetik veri üretimi,  </li><li>Özetler veya ek materyaller de dahil olmak üzere her türlü hatalı, sentetik içerik oluşturulması </li><li>Yapay Zeka kullanımı ile görüntü ve şekillerin (resimler, çizelgeler, veri tabloları, tıbbi görüntüler, görüntü parçacıkları, bilgisayar kodları ve formüller) veya orijinal araştırma verilerinin oluşturulması ve manipüle edilmesi (bir görüntü veya şekil içinde belirli bir özelliğin artırılması, gizlenmesi, taşınması, kaldırılması veya eklenmesi).</li></ul></li></ul>

Hakem sürecinde gizliliğin korunması, değerlendirilen çalışmanın bu süreçte paylaşılmaması veya kullanılmaması esastır.  <a></a><a href="https://publicationethics.org/sites/default/files/ethical-guidelines-peer-reviewers-cope.pdf" target="_blank">(COPE – Ethical Guidelines for Peer Reviewers</a>) <ul><li>Hakemler, kendilerine değerlendirme için gönderilen bir makaleyi veya herhangi bir bölümünü gözden geçirme, değerlendirme veya karar verme sürecine yardımcı olması için üretken Yapay Zeka araçlarına veya Büyük Dil Modellerine yüklememelidirler; zira hakemlerin bu türden Yapay Zeka araçlarına içerik yüklemesi yazarların gizlilik ve mülkiyet haklarını ihlal eder.  </li><li>Bilimsel bir makalenin incelenmesi, yalnızca insanlara atfedilebilecek sorumluluktur. Hakem değerlendirmesi için gereken eleştirel düşünme ve orijinal değerlendirme bu teknolojinin kapsamı dışındadır ve teknolojinin makale hakkında yanlış, eksik veya önyargılı sonuçlar üretme riski vardır. Hakem raporu ve karar mektupları, hakemlerin ve editörlerin gönderilen içeriğe ilişkin kişisel değerlendirmelerini yansıtmalıdır. Hakem, raporunun içeriğinden sorumludur ve hesap vermekle sorumludur. </li><li>Yapay Zeka araçları, hakem değerlendirmesi ile bağlantılı olarak hakem değerlendirme raporu dilinin kalitesini artırmak için (çeviri veya dil düzenlemesi için) sınırlı bir şekilde kullanılabilir. Böyle bir kullanım olduğunda, hakem raporu iletirken, kullanımı beyan etmelidir. </li><li>Bir başvuruda üretken Yapay Zekanın uygunsuz veya açıklanmamış kullanımından şüphelenen hakemler, endişelerini dergi editörüne bildirmelidir. </li></ul>

Editörler dergiye gönderilen makalelerin değerlendirme sürecinde gizliliğinin korunmasını sağlamakla yükümlüdürler, değerlendirilen çalışmanın bu sürece dahil olan taraflar dışında paylaşılmaması veya kullanılmaması esastır <a href="https://publicationethics.org/files/Code_of_conduct_for_journal_editors_Mar11.pdf" target="_blank">(COPE – Code of Conduct and Best Practice Guidelines for Journal Editors)</a>.<ul><li>Editörler, yazarların gizlilik ve mülkiyet haklarını ihlal edebileceğinden, gönderilen bir makaleyi veya herhangi bir bölümünü gözden geçirme, değerlendirilme veya karar verme sürecine yardımcı olması için üretken Yapay Zeka  araçlarına veya Büyük Dil Modelleri'ne yüklememelidir. </li><li>Bilimsel bir makalenin editoryal değerlendirmesini yönetmek, yalnızca insanlara atfedilebilecek sorumluluklar anlamına gelir. Üretken Yapay Zeka veya Yapay Zeka destekli teknolojiler, editörler tarafından bir makalenin değerlendirme veya karar verme sürecine yardımcı olmak için kullanılmamalıdır, çünkü bu iş için gereken eleştirel düşünme ve orijinal değerlendirme bu teknolojinin kapsamı dışındadır ve teknolojinin makale hakkında yanlış, eksik veya önyargılı sonuçlar üretme riski vardır. Editör, editoryal süreçten, nihai karardan ve bunların yazarlara iletilmesinden sorumlu ve mesuldür.</li><li>Editörler, karar mektupları veya yayınlanmamış araştırmaların özetlerini oluşturmak için üretken Yapay Zeka aracı kullanmamalıdır. </li><li>Editörler, uygun hakemleri bulma konusunda yardımcı olması için üretken Yapay Zeka araçlarını kullanabilir.</li><li>Editörler, gönderilen bir makalede veya gönderilen bir hakem raporunda üretken Yapay Zeka kullanıldığından şüphelenirse konuyla ilgili editoryal bir değerlendirme yapmalı ve politikayı göz önünde bulundurmalıdır. </li></ul>

Journal of Economy, Culture and Society, yayın etiğinde en yüksek standartlara bağlıdır ve <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a> ve <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> tarafından yayınlanan etik yayıncılık ilkelerini benimser; Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing başlığı altında ifade edilen ilkeler için adres: <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a>Gönderilen tüm makaleler orijinal, yayınlanmamış ve başka bir dergide değerlendirme sürecinde olmamalıdır. Her bir makale editörlerden biri ve en az iki hakem tarafından çift kör değerlendirmeden geçirilir. İntihal, duplikasyon, sahte yazarlık/inkar edilen yazarlık, araştrma/veri fabrikasyonu, makale dilimleme, dilimleyerek yayın, telif hakları ihlali ve çıkar çatışmasının gizlenmesi, etik dışı davranışlar olarak kabul edilir.Kabul edilen etik standartlara uygun olmayan tüm makaleler yayından çıkarılır. Buna yayından sonra tespit edilen olası kuraldışı, uygunsuzluklar içeren makaleler de dahildir.

Etik

Dergi araştırma etiğinde en yüksek standartları gözetir ve aşağıda tanımlanan uluslararası araştırma etiği ilkelerini benimser. Makalelerin etik kurallara uygunluğu yazarların sorumluluğundadır.<ul><li>Araştırmanın tasarlanması, tasarımın gözden geçirilmesi ve araştırmanın yürütülmesinde, bütünlük, kalite ve şeffaflık ilkeleri sağlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma ekibi ve katılımcılar, araştırmanın amacı, yöntemleri ve öngörülen olası kullanımları; araştırmaya katılımın gerektirdikleri ve varsa riskleri hakkında tam olarak bilgilendirilmelidir.</li><li>Araştırma katılımcılarının sağladığı bilgilerin gizliliği ve yanıt verenlerin gizliliği sağlanmalıdır. Araştırma katılımcıların özerkliğini ve saygınlığını koruyacak şekilde tasarlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma katılımcıları gönüllü olarak araştırmada yer almalı, herhangi bir zorlama altında olmamalıdırlar.</li><li>Katılımcıların zarar görmesinden kaçınılmalıdır. Araştırma, katılımcıları riske sokmayacak şekilde planlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma bağımsızlığıyla ilgili açık ve net olunmalı; çıkar çatışması varsa belirtilmelidir.</li><li>Deneysel çalışmalarda, araştırmaya katılmaya karar veren katılımcıların yazılı bilgilendirilmiş onayı alınmalıdır. Çocukların ve vesayet altındakilerin veya tasdiklenmiş akıl hastalığı bulunanların yasal vasisinin onayı alınmalıdır.</li><li>Çalışma herhangi bir kurum ya da kuruluşta gerçekleştirilecekse bu kurum ya da kuruluştan çalışma yapılacağına dair onay alınmalıdır.</li><li>İnsan öğesi bulunan çalışmalarda, “yöntem” bölümünde katılımcılardan “bilgilendirilmiş onam” alındığının ve çalışmanın yapıldığı kurumdan etik kurul onayı alındığı belirtilmesi gerekir.</li></ul>

Makalelerin bilimsel ve etik kurallara uygunluğu yazarların sorumluluğundadır. Yazar makalenin orijinal olduğu, daha önce başka bir yerde yayınlanmadığı ve başka bir yerde, başka bir dilde yayınlanmak üzere değerlendirmede olmadığı konusunda teminat sağlamalıdır. Uygulamadaki telif kanunları ve anlaşmaları gözetilmelidir. Telife bağlı materyaller (örneğin tablolar, şekiller veya büyük alıntılar) gerekli izin ve teşekkürle kullanılmalıdır. Başka yazarların, katkıda bulunanların çalışmaları ya da yararlanılan kaynaklar uygun biçimde kullanılmalı ve referanslarda belirtilmelidir.Gönderilen makalede tüm yazarların akademik ve bilimsel olarak doğrudan katkısı olmalıdır, bu bağlamda “yazar” yayınlanan bir araştırmanın kavramsallaştırılmasına ve dizaynına, verilerin elde edilmesine, analizine ya da yorumlanmasına belirgin katkı yapan, yazının yazılması ya da bunun içerik açısından eleştirel biçimde gözden geçirilmesinde görev yapan birisi olarak görülür. Yazar olabilmenin diğer koşulları ise, makaledeki çalışmayı planlamak veya icra etmek ve / veya revize etmektir. Fon sağlanması, veri toplanması ya da araştırma grubunun genel süpervizyonu tek başına yazarlık hakkı kazandırmaz. Yazar olarak gösterilen tüm bireyler sayılan tüm ölçütleri karşılamalıdır ve yukarıdaki ölçütleri karşılayan her birey yazar olarak gösterilebilir. Yazarların isim sıralaması ortak verilen bir karar olmalıdır. Tüm yazarlar yazar sıralamasını <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/22CB5659ED784C688C77CDBE2F27AE62" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formunda</a> imzalı olarak belirtmek zorundadırlar.Yazarlık için yeterli ölçütleri karşılamayan ancak çalışmaya katkısı olan tüm bireyler “teşekkür / bilgiler” kısmında sıralanmalıdır. Bunlara örnek olarak ise sadece teknik destek sağlayan, yazıma yardımcı olan ya da sadece genel bir destek sağlayan, finansal ve materyal desteği sunan kişiler verilebilir.Bütün yazarlar, araştırmanın sonuçlarını ya da bilimsel değerlendirmeyi etkileyebilme potansiyeli olan finansal ilişkiler, çıkar çatışması ve çıkar rekabetini beyan etmelidirler. Bir yazar kendi yayınlanmış yazısında belirgin bir hata ya da yanlışlık tespit ederse, bu yanlışlıklara ilişkin düzeltme ya da geri çekme için editör ile hemen temasa geçme ve işbirliği yapma sorumluluğunu taşır.

Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, cinsel yöneliminden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirir. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar. Gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalacağını garanti eder. Baş editör içerik ve yayının toplam kalitesinden sorumludur. Gereğinde hata sayfası yayınlamalı ya da düzeltme yapmalıdır.Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve Dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemlerin araştırmayla ilgili, yazarlarla ve/veya araştırmanın finansal destekçileriyle çıkar çatışmaları olmamalıdır. Değerlendirmelerinin sonucunda tarafsız bir yargıya varmalıdırlar. Gönderilmiş yazılara ilişkin tüm bilginin gizli tutulmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar. Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir. Bazı durumlarda editörün kararıyla, ilgili hakemlerin makaleye ait yorumları aynı makaleyi yorumlayan diğer hakemlere gönderilerek hakemlerin bu süreçte aydınlatılması sağlanabilir.

Daha önce yayınlanmamış ya da yayınlanmak üzere başka bir dergide halen değerlendirmede olmayan ve her bir yazar tarafından onaylanan makaleler değerlendirilmek üzere kabul edilir. Gönderilen ve ön kontrolü geçen makaleler iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir. Seçilen makaleler en az iki ulusal/uluslararası hakeme çift taraflı kör hakemlik ile değerlendirmeye gönderilir; yayın kararı, hakemlerin talepleri doğrultusunda yazarların gerçekleştirdiği düzenlemelerin ve hakem sürecinin sonrasında baş editör tarafından verilir.

Hakemlik Hakkında

Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirir. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar. Gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalacağını garanti eder. Baş editör içerik ve yayının toplam kalitesinden sorumludur. Gereğinde hata sayfası yayınlamalı ya da düzeltme yapmalıdır.Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemlerin araştırmayla ilgili, yazarlarla ve/veya araştırmanın finansal destekçileriyle çıkar çatışmaları olmamalıdır. Değerlendirmelerinin sonucunda tarafsız bir yargıya varmalıdırlar. Gönderilmiş yazılara ilişkin tüm bilginin gizli tutulmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar.Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir. Bazı durumlarda editörün kararıyla, ilgili hakemlerin makaleye ait yorumları aynı makaleyi yorumlayan diğer hakemlere gönderilerek hakemlerin bu süreçte aydınlatılması sağlanabilir.

Daha önce yayınlanmamış ya da yayınlanmak üzere başka bir dergide halen değerlendirmede olmayan ve her bir yazar tarafından onaylanan makaleler değerlendirilmek üzere kabul edilir. Gönderilen ve ön kontrolü geçen makaleler iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir. Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirir. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar.Seçilen makaleler en az iki ulusal/uluslararası hakeme değerlendirmeye gönderilir; yayın kararı, hakemlerin talepleri doğrultusunda yazarların gerçekleştirdiği düzenlemelerin ve hakem sürecinin sonrasında baş editör tarafından verilir.Hakemlerin değerlendirmeleri objektif olmalıdır. Hakem süreci sırasında hakemlerin aşağıdaki hususları dikkate alarak değerlendirmelerini yapmaları beklenir.-Makale yeni ve önemli bir bilgi içeriyor mu?-Öz, makalenin içeriğini net ve düzgün bir şekilde tanımlıyor mu?-Yöntem bütünlüklü ve anlaşılır şekilde tanımlanmış mı?-Yapılan yorum ve varılan sonuçlar bulgularla kanıtlanıyor mu?-Alandaki diğer çalışmalara yeterli referans verilmiş mi?-Dil kalitesi yeterli mi?Hakemler, gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar. Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir.

DilDerginin yayın dili Amerikan İngilizcesi’dir.Yazıların Hazırlanması ve GönderimiAksi belirtilmedikçe gönderilen yazılarla ilgili tüm yazışmalar ilk yazarla yapılacaktır. Makale gönderimi online olarak ve <a href="https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/jecs" target="_blank">https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/jecs</a> üzerinden yapılmalıdır. Gönderilen yazılar, yazının yayınlanmak üzere gönderildiğini ifade eden, makale türünü belirten ve makaleyle ilgili bilgileri içeren (bkz: Son Kontrol Listesi) bir mektup; yazının elektronik formunu içeren Microsoft Word 2003 ve üzerindeki versiyonları ile yazılmış elektronik dosya ve tüm yazarların imzaladığı <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/22CB5659ED784C688C77CDBE2F27AE62" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a> eklenerek gönderilmelidir.<ol><li style="text-align: left;">Çalışmalar, A4 boyutundaki kağıdın bir yüzüne, üst, alt, sağ ve sol taraftan 2,5 cm. boşluk bırakılarak, 12 punto Times New Roman harf karakterleriyle ve 1,5 satır aralık ölçüsü ile hazılarlanmalıdır.</li><li style="text-align: left;">Çalışmalar 4500 - 8500 sözcük arasında olmalı ve sayfa numaraları sayfanın altında ve ortada yer almalıdır.</li><li style="text-align: left;">Yazar/yazarların adları çalışmanın başlığının hemen altında sağa bitişik şekilde verilmelidir. Ayrıca yıldız dipnot şeklinde (*) yazarın unvanı, kurumu ve e-posta adresi ve telefonu sayfanın en altında dipnotta belirtilmelidir.</li><li style="text-align: left;">Dergimize gönderilen makalelerde Giriş bölümünden önce 180-200 sözcük arasında çalışmanın kapsamını, amacını, ulaşılan sonuçları ve kullanılan yöntemi kaydeden İngilizce öz (abstract) yer almalıdır.  İngilizce özün (abstract) altında çalışmanın içeriğini temsil eden 3-5 anahtar kelime yer almalıdır.</li><li style="text-align: left;">Çalışmaların başlıca şu unsurları içermesi gerekmektedir: Başlık, öz ve anahtar kelimeler;  ana metin bölümleri, son notlar ve kaynaklar.</li><li style="text-align: left;">Çalışmanın başında yer alan GİRİŞ bölümünü “AMAÇ VE YÖNTEM”, “BULGULAR”, “TARTIŞMA VE SONUÇ”, ”SON NOTLAR” “KAYNAKLAR” ve “TABLOLAR VE ŞEKİLLER” gibi bölümler takip etmelidir.</li><li style="text-align: left;">Çalışmanın başında yer alan giriş bölümü “1. GİRİŞ” şeklinde belirtilmelidir. Gönderilen çalışmalarda sorunsalın betimlendiği ve çalışmanın öneminin belirtildiği tüm bölüm ve alt bölümler numaralandırılmalıdır. Bu düzenlemede, bölümler sırasıyla 1,2,3,4 şeklinde numaralanırken, alt bölümler ve onların da altındakiler için 1.1., 1.2., 2.1., 2.2., ve 1.1.1., 1.2.1, 1.2.2., 2.1.1., 2.1.2 gibi birden çok haneli şekilde olmalıdır.</li><li><div style="text-align: left;"><div style="text-align: left;">Metin içi alıntılama ve kaynak gösterme için APA (American Psychological Association) kaynak sitilinin 7. versiyonu kullanılmalıdır. APA 7 stili hakkında bilgi için; http://istanbul.edu.tr:8080/journal/jecs/information/yazim-kurallari sayfasını ziyaret edebilir veya Yazarlara Bilgi’nin Kaynaklar başlığı altında ilgili açıklama ve örnekleri inceleyebilirsiniz.</div></div></li><li style="text-align: left;">Çalışmalarda tablo, grafik ve şekil gibi göstergeler ancak çalışmanın takip edilebilmesi açısından gereklilik arz ettiği durumlarda, numaralandırılarak, tanımlayıcı bir başlık ile birlikte verilmelidir. Tablolara ait başlık üstte, Şekiller’e ait başlık altta yer almalıdır. Demografik özellikler gibi metin içinde verilebilecek veriler, ayrıca tablolar ile ifade edilmemelidir.</li><li style="text-align: left;">Yayınlanmak üzere gönderilen makale ile birlikte yazar bilgilerini içeren <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/47732043ABFE4C63922C06907098CFF1" target="_blank">kapak sayfası</a> gönderilmelidir. Kapak sayfasında, makalenin başlığı, yazar veya yazarların bağlı bulundukları kurum ve unvanları, kendilerine ulaşılabilecek adresler, cep, iş ve faks numaraları ve e-posta adresleri yer almalıdır (bkz. Son Kontrol Listesi).</li><li style="text-align: left;">Kurallar dâhilinde dergimize yayınlanmak üzere gönderilen çalışmaların her türlü sorumluluğu yazar/yazarlarına aittir.</li><li style="text-align: left;">Yayın kurulu ve hakem raporları doğrultusunda yazarlardan, metin üzerinde bazı düzeltmeler yapmaları istenebilir.</li><li style="text-align: left;">Yayınlanmasına karar verilen çalışmaların, yazar/yazarlarının her birine dergi gönderilir.</li><li style="text-align: left;">Dergiye gönderilen çalışmalar yayınlansın veya yayınlanmasın geri gönderilmez.</li></ol>

Yazım Kuralları

Makaleyi göndermeden önce Yazarlara Bilgi’yi lütfen okuyun ve aşağıdakilerin eksik olmadığından emin olun:Editöre mektup<ul type="disc"> <ul type="circle"> <li>Makalenin türü</li> <li>Başka bir dergiye gönderilmemiş olduğu bilgisi</li> <li>Sponsor veya ticari bir firma ile ilişkisi (varsa belirtiniz)</li> <li>Kaynakların APA7’ye göre belirtildiği</li> <li>İngilizce yönünden kontrolünün yapıldığı</li> <li>Yazarlara Bilgide detaylı olarak anlatılan dergi politikalarının gözden geçirildiği</li> </ul> </ul><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/22CB5659ED784C688C77CDBE2F27AE62" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a>Daha önce basılmış material (yazı-resim-tablo) kullanılmış ise izin belgesi<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/47732043ABFE4C63922C06907098CFF1" target="_blank">Makale kapak sayfası</a><ul type="disc"> <ul type="circle"> <li>Makalenin kategorisi</li> <li>Makalenin başlığı</li> <li>Yazarların ismi soyadı, unvanları ve bağlı oldukları kurumlar (üniversite ve fakülte bilgisinden sonar şehir ve ülke bilgisi de yer almalıdır), e-posta adresleri</li> <li>Sorumlu yazarın e-posta adresi, açık yazışma adresi, iş telefonu, GSM, faks nosu</li> <li>Tüm yazarların ORCID’leri</li> </ul> </ul>Makalenin ana metni<ul type="disc"> <ul type="circle"> <li>Makalenin başlığı</li> <li>Özet 180-200 kelime </li> <li>Anahtar Kelimeler: 3-5 arası </li> <li>Makale ana metin bölümleri</li> <li>Finansal Destek (varsa belirtiniz)</li> <li>Çıkar Çatışması (varsa belirtiniz)</li> <li>Teşekkür (varsa belirtiniz)</li> <li>Kaynaklar</li> <li>Tablolar-Resimler, Şekiller (başlık, tanım ve alt yazılarıyla)</li> </ul> </ul>Makale Gönderme<ul type="disc"> <li style="text-align: left;">Makalenin gönderileceği DergiPark sayfası adresi: <a href="https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/journal/2249/submission/step/manuscript/new" target="_blank">https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/journal/2249/submission/step/manuscript/new</a></li><li style="text-align: left;">Yapılan başvurularda, çalışmanın sorumlu yazarının (corresponding author) hesabı kullanılmalıdır. Sorumlu yazarın dışındaki yazarların ya da çalışmada yazar olarak yer almayan bir başkasının hesabı kullanılmamalıdır. Başvuru ile ilgili bütün yazışmalar DergiPark sistemi üzerinden gönderilen elektronik posta ile sorumlu yazara iletilmektedir.</li> <li style="text-align: left;">Makale ana metninin dosyasını (Main Document)  yüklerken, çift taraflı kör hakem süreci gereği, bu dosyanın yazar kimliğini deşifre eden hiçbir unsur barındırmadığından emin olun. Makale ana metni dosyası (Main Document) başlık sayfasını (Title Page) içermemeli; yazar adı geçen ya da yazar adlarını ifşa edebilecek bölümler içermemeli (Örneğin: Teşekkür, her sayfada tekrar eden ve yazar adlarını içerebilen başlık). </li> </ul><ul type="disc"> </ul>Ayrı Ayrı Yüklemeniz gereken dosyalar<ul type="disc"> <li>Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</li> <li>Resim, Tablo vb başka kaynaktan alındıysa izin belgesi</li> <li>Makale Kapak Sayfası</li> <li>Makale Ana Metni Dosyası  (Bu dosya aşağıdaki unsurları içermelidir)</li> </ul><ul type="disc"> <ul type="circle"> <li>Makalenin başlığı</li> <li>Özet 180-200 kelime </li> <li>Anahtar Kelimeler: 3-5 arası </li> <li>Makale ana metin bölümleri</li> <li>Finansal Destek (varsa belirtiniz)</li> <li>Çıkar Çatışması (varsa belirtiniz)</li> <li>Teşekkür (varsa belirtiniz)</li> <li>Kaynaklar</li> <li>Tablolar-Resimler, Şekiller (başlık, tanım ve alt yazılarıyla)</li></ul></ul>

Sayı Türü	Special
Editör(ler)	Lütfi Sunar
Kapak (PDF)
Tam Metin (PDF)
Ön Sayfalar (PDF)