Serap

Assist. Prof.

The Greek invasion in Balıkesir, which started on June 30, 1920 and lasted for more than two years, had financial, administrative and socio-cultural consequences as well as military ones. This article discusses both the activities carried out by Greeks during the occupation in order to settle in Balıkesir permanently as well as the atrocities they committed and the problems caused thereby . The methodology chosen for the study is that of a detailed examination of the newspapers of the period and the literature at the core of reports written by some officials who were in the region at that time based on archive documents. According to these examined documents, as in other regions of occupation, the Greeks did not hesitate to implement certain practices that ignored the sovereign rights of the state in order to establish a Greek administration with steps to regulate the economic, administrative and socio-cultural structure towards the people in Balıkesir. That is to say, as can be understood from the statements of the Karesi Governor Cevdet Bey, after occupying the area, the Greeks started to work by removing the law enforcement officers from Balıkesir. They applied actions that led to the confiscation and restriction of communication tools that are vital in many ways in war or peace. They also saw to the dissolution of local personnel, and even to the establishment of a post office on their own behalf. Then, step by step, they liquidated and neutralized the managers of key government departments such as finance, courthouse and education. Finally, they prepared the ground for the realization of their goal of fully dominating the administrative mechanism in the region by sending the Karesi Governor Cevdet Bey, who was the greatest civilian authority of the port at the time , from Balıkesir to Istanbul. Their reason for doing this was that he defended the law of his state and did not submit to what they wanted him to do. In his stead they appointed someone as the deputy governor who could enforce their own wishes and they took over the administration, albeit indirectly, by implementing a bureaucratic occupation in addition to a military occupation in Balıkesir. In so doing the Greeks made a big mistake. They could have prevented the formation of a resistance movement in Balıkesir, which became an epic in the War of Independence, and they could have made the people accustomed to living under Greek rule. Instead, the Greeks forcibly seized extremely limited resources such as foodstuff, weapons and animals from the people in Balıkesir and its surroundings, who were fighting for independence, and left them in poverty. In addition to this, during the occupation, as in other parts of the country, the Greek forces continued committing all kinds of atrocities against the Muslim people in Balıkesir in an increasingly violent and unlimited manner and with slanders and false accusations.&nbsp;In addition to this picture of a city’s bureaucracy becoming inoperable, of severed communication channels, and especially of a Greek occupation which was intensifying day by day, there was a severe financial crisis in and around Balıkesir. The Greeks seized many of the financial resources of the region, and the state could not pay the salaries of officials, retired widows and orphans. This situation not only caused famine and poverty in and around Balıkesir, which has fertile lands, but also brought about other problems which the Greeks used to expand the occupation. Without doubt, it was not easy for the Ottoman Empire to find a solution to the economic crisis in Balıkesir , which had become particularly worn out by wars since the late 19th and early 20th centuries and had suffered from administrative weakness and economic collapse. Although the local administrators repeatedly informed the center about the situation and put forward various suggestions to solve the issue as explained in the text, it can be understood from the archive documents that these could not be implemented. Civil servants in Balıkesir could not get rid of financial difficulties for a long time and could not receive their salaries regularly even after the war was over. This time, the Balıkesir MPs brought the matter to parliament. Despite all the negativities and obstacles outlined above, a struggle against the enemy in Balıkesir took place which became an example to the nation, and a significant contribution was made to the liberation of the country from enemy occupation.

Balıkesir under Greek Occupation According to the Reports of  Civil and Military Officials (1920-1922)

Yusuf

After the industrial revolution, the Ottoman Empire entered Italy. Italy then set its sights on the Mediterranean after receiving approval from Europe’s great powers. However, Italy faced France as her rival. As the smallest imperialist state in Europe, Italy then focused on Tunisia for the supply of the raw materials needed for its growing population and industry. However, when France entered Tunisia in 1881, he tried his luck in Abyssinia in the 1880s. Unable to hold on here, it entered Libya on September 29, 1911 with various excuses. The most important factor in Italy’s entry into Libya was Libya’s geographic proximity to Italy. Italy occupied Libya in October 29, 1911. The officers sent to Libya included Mustafa Kemal Pasha, Enver Pasha, and other important officers. With the start of the Balkan wars, the Ottoman State could not continue the war with the Italians in Libya and thus withdrew from Libya under the Ushi Treaty, which was signed in October 18, 1912. This occupation was a rehearsal for the “Cihâd-ı Ekber: Holy War,” which was declared in the Great War. Italy declared war on Turkey in August 1915. The Ottoman Empire joined the First World War as an ally of Germany, and during this period, Jihad-ı Akbar was declared. Immediately thereafter, Turkey, with the support of the Germans, sent funds, weapons, ammunition, and officers to Senusi’ in Tripoli, which is known as Libya today, and then used the weapon of jihad against the Italians. Italy declared war on Turkey on August 23, 1915, and Libya tried to benefit from the Sheik of Senusi. Ahmed Senusi came to Istanbul just before the publication of the jihad fatwa and opened a discussion with the Ottoman government. The Ottoman government had already sent jihad propagandists to Islamic lands, including Libya, before the war. The declaration of jihad in Libya was translated into Arabic and read in all mosques. Although Italians were initially exempted from jihad in Libya, they continued to send underhanded weapons, ammunition officers, etc. Since she declared war on Turkey in August 1915, Italy became the target of the jihad in Libya. After the declaration of war, the Ottoman General Staff established the “North African Groups Command” and assigned Nuri Bey, the brother of Enver Pasha, as its head. Libya’s indigenous troops (Senusis) and mujahids were subordinate to this command. The Iraqiborn Ottoman officer Cafer el Askeri and other Arab officers also trained Sanusi forces and tribes according to the Ottoman warfare order. The language of instruction was Turkish. Weapons, ammunition, and money were provided by Teşkilat-ı Mahsusa. The Senusians did not initially intend to fight Britain, which controlled Egypt at that time; they were mainly against the Italians. However, Special Organization agents were constantly provoking the Senusis, and German agents were sending weapons and&nbsp;ammunition via submarines. As a result, when the Sanusi forces made a sudden raid on the British, Anglo-Sanusi clashes began, but the British had the upper hand. However, the chances of jihad success in Libya were very poor. Weapons and ammunition were sent to Tripoli via submarines. At the beginning of the war, the brother of Enver Pasha, Nuri Bey, was sent to Libya to manage the war while Prince Osman Fuad was sent to reconcile the tribes. Despite the refusal of the Sheik of Senusi, he was pressured by the German and Ottoman officers to attack the British. Although successful moves were made initially, the British later gained an edge. Ahmed Şerif Senusi was replaced by his uncle Sayyid Idris, who preferred to negotiate with the Italians. Toward the end of the war, Ahmet Şerif Senusi was invited by Enver Pasha to Istanbul to be sent to Islamic lands. However, this attempt was rejected by Sultan Vahdeddin. After the Armistice of Mudros, Libya was given to Italy through the Sevres Treaty. In 1919, the Republic of Tripoli was established in Misrata, but it was short lived. Some of the ulama who were in Istanbul for the propaganda of the Holy War were captured by the British. The Holy War in Libya had no chance of succeeding.

Turkish–German–Italian Activities in Libya During the First  War in the Context of the Holy War and Senusi Resistance

Rıdvan

Epidemic diseases, which are one of the biggest problems of human beings in almost every period of history, caused not only many people to die or become disabled in a short time but also triggered shocks in the internal order of the states and led to critical developments globally. These effects of the diseases are tried to end with the extraordinary struggle of the healthcare personnel and especially the physicians. In some periods, the facts shows that disease-related casulaties were higher than those in wars. Tackling epidemic diseases depends on factors such as finance, technology and scientific research. An absence of these factors has a negative impact on national health systems and causes a multitude of problems for physicians. Turkish physicians were affected by these kinds of problems during the wars before the foundation of the Republic of Turkey. Turkish physicians and especially military physicians have played an important role in the development process in the history of the Republic of Turkey, and one of these military physicians was General Mustafa Nahit Tunaşar.&nbsp;The life of Tunaşar, who was a patriot and an intellectual physician, can be examined in three periods. The first period that includes childhood and studentship/cadetship is between 1890-1913 and was spent in Istanbul excluding the months when he participated in the Balkan Wars as a cadet. The second period begins with his graduation as a captain in 1913. He was appointed to Dimetoka Cholera Hospital (Dimotica, now in Greece) and there participated in the Balkan Wars. Later on he was appointed as the director of medical units around Kars (a city at Turkish Eastern Front) and during World War I, these units fought with the Russian and Armenian troops at different locations. He was in the same region during The Turkish War of Independence. After the war, he was ordered to collect intelligence about an important Kurdish tribe (named Shikak) and its leader Simko İsmail Agha. He effored to protect the health of both soldiers on the front line and civilian people behind the front line and in villages. Due to the legal regulations related to medical specialisation, some physicians were sent to European countries for specialist education. He was not one of them so he couldn’t have the chance to be a specialist in a branch of medicine. He took place also in non-governmental activities while serving as a physician. One of them was membership of “Turkish Hearths” where he tried to inform the public about the new Turkish regime and principles of Atatürk. When it was decided to close this organization, he expressed his thoughts as a member in an effective way and wrote a special letter to the President of Turkish Hearths to prevent the organization from being closed. In 1944 he was promoted to the rank of Brigadier General and appointed to Erzurum and in 1947 he retired from the Army.&nbsp;The third period of Mustafa Nahit Tunaşar’s life is about his post-retirement life in Tire, İzmir. Tunaşar, who had started to work as a freelance physician in his clinic, gained the respect and love of the people in a short time and served voluntarily in public organisations. Meanwhile he intended to enter politics in the opposition Democratic Party (DP). This preference can be perceived as a reaction to his unexpected retirement decision. As DP’s Tire District manager and İzmir Provincial delegate, he played an active role in the party’s political works. Despite being an opposition politician, he always managed to keep respect and friendship in his relations with the leading party and local officials. This feature prevented him from being harmed by some negative developments which his fellows faced during the military coup on 27 May 1960. Tunaşar, who left politics due to the military coup, entered politics again in the newly founded Justice Party (AP), with the start of the normalization process in 1961. In this new period, he became the local manager of the AP in the Tire district. Although he was selected as a candidate for the Republic Senate for a period, he could not be elected. Despite all negativities in his political life, he stated that he had fulfilled his expectations in terms of policy. Mustafa Nahit Tunaşar’s life as a good head of the family, a successful physician and an exemplary Turkish intellectual ended on 24 November 1970.

General Mustafa Nahit Tunaşar (1890-1970); Military and  Civilian Life, Politicial and Cultural Activities

Nuray

Prof.

Women played a role in every phase of the National Struggle and provided significant support both on and behind the front lines during the country’s occupation. The most comprehensive and well-organized of women’s activities during the National Struggle involved women’s associations, which actively sought to raise public awareness and to communicate the National Forces’ spirit to the populous. The most effective associations of this period were Asri Kadın Cemiyeti (Association of Modern Women) in İstanbul, Hilal-i Ahmer Center for Women, the Women’s Branch of Müdafaa-i Hukuk Cemiyeti (Association for Defense of National Rights) in Anatolia, and the Anatolian Women’s Association for the Defense of the Homeland.One such women’s Association during the National Struggle, Asri Kadın Cemiyeti, was founded in İstanbul in late 1918 by students and graduates of İnas Darülfünunu. The Association was also supported by notable authors and academics of the period like Halide Edip (Adıvar), Nakiye (Elgün), Nezihe Muhiddin Hanım. The Head of the Association was Darülfünun graduate Naciye Faham Hanım and the Secretary General was Aliye Esad Hanım. Among its members were İstanbul intellectuals like Şukufe Nihal (Başer), Sabahat (Filmer), and Selma Köprülü. Its aims were to educate women physically and mentally and to raise their social status. To achieve this, the Association planned to establish a library, museum, laboratory, and workshops.&nbsp;The headquarters of Asri Kadın Cemiyeti was Bilgi Yurdu and most meetings were held in the hall of Malul Gaziler Cemiyeti (Association of the War Wounded), also used as the Central Army Office of Cinema. The Association’s first task was to organize women in the face of the occupations that followed the Armistice of Mudros. The Association took leadership in protesting, holding the first open-air meeting for women in Fatih Tomb on March 19, 1919. Association Head Naciye Feham Hanım delivered a sentimental speech on the perilous situation of the nation. The slogans shouted in this protest, emphasizing the Turkishness of İstanbul and that İstanbul belongs to the Turks, mobilized national sentiment among women.&nbsp;Asri Kadın Cemiyeti also sought to engage in cooperative action with other women’s associations in İstanbul against the occupations. It organized a meeting on March 28, 1919, attended by ten women’s associations active in İstanbul. Asri Kadın Cemiyeti also strengthened the spirit of resistance among İstanbul women by participating in the National Congress Association that helped to organize national resistance. The occupation of İzmir by the Greeks on May 15, 1919 deeply affected members of Asri Kadın Cemiyeti. The Association supported protests organized in various neighborhoods of İstanbul under the initiative of Turkish Hearts. Members of the Association showed great interest in the demonstrations both as contributors and as members of the audience in Üsküdar on May 20, 1919, in Kadıköy on May 2, 1919, and in Sultanahmet on May 23, 1919 and January 13, 1920. In open-air meetings held in İstanbul, for the first time women delivered speeches to gatherings of men and women. Naciye Faham Hanım, Sabahat Hanım, and Şukufe Nihal Hanım of Asri Kadın Cemiyeti gave exciting speeches stressing Turkishness. They moved the crowd with speeches emphasizing Muslimism, patriotism, femininity, freedom, motherhood, and martyrdom. They cried out that they were ready to struggle together with men for the integrity of the country and the sovereignty of the nation.&nbsp;The Association undertook cultural activities in line with its founding purpose and held training courses for women, including literacy, French, German, and English courses. Asri Kadın Cemiyeti became the representative of modern women in İstanbul and an authority on issues surrounding women’s rights. Most of the members, who were among the first postgraduate women in Turkey, taught at schools and strived to advance the education and rights of women. The Association could take little action after the official occupation of İstanbul on March 16, 1920, but it followed the National Struggle in Anatolia with interest. Indeed, following his victory at the Battle of Sakarya, Commander in Chief Mustafa Kemal Pasha was sent a letter of congratulations signed by Naciye Faham, Head of the Association. While the activities of Asri Kadın Cemiyeti ended in the Republican Period, its members remained active in organizations like the Turkish Women’s Union.&nbsp;&nbsp;This study will analyze the activities of Asri Kadın Cemiyeti, which was founded by the students and graduates of İnas Darülfünunu in İstanbul, during the armistice. Particular emphasis will be placed on the periodic importance of the protests led by the Association. The role and importance of women, organized through associations in the face of occupation, in achieving victory in the National Struggle will then be evaluated.&nbsp;

Activities of Asri Kadin Cemiyeti During the Armistice Period  (1918–1923)

Fahri

Assoc. Prof.

Mustafa Necati Bey was born in İzmir in 1892. Having been educated at İzmir High School and then at İstanbul Law School, he later returned to İzmir, where—besides being a lawyer—he worked as a history teacher at the Female Teachers Training College, as the principal of Private Şark High School, and as legal counselor for the Smyrna Cassaba Railway. The founder of Altay Sports Club and a notable member of the Turkish Hearts, Mustafa Necati Bey played an active role in the organization of West Anatolia National Forces through his writings on various journals and newspapers during the National Struggle Period.Being a member of the Parliament (GNAT) for Saruhan (Manisa) after its formation, Mustafa Necati Bey served as chief judge for the Independence Courts, minister of exchange and settlement, minister of justice, and minister of education. Moreover, as the head of the Turkey Teachers’ Union, Mustafa Necati Bey carried out the most significant educational reforms in Republican history during his three-year mandate as minister of education. The Law on the Organization of Education no. 789, adopted by the GNAT on March 22, 1926 formed the legal base for these reforms. With this legislation, the organization of the ministry was re-handled, a Language Committee was formed for the first time, the structure of the Board of Education was enriched, and a centralized education was aimed by setting up “Maarif Eminlikleri” he Alphabet Reform—one of the most crucial cultural revolutions of the Republican era—was implemented in this period.&nbsp;The law requiring the Alphabet Reform was adopted by the GNAT on November 1, 1928, coming into force on November 3, upon being published in the Official Gazette. For the Law on Introduction and Application of Turkish Alphabet with the number of 1353 to be applied, the leadership of the ministry of education launched a literacy campaign, and the country was nearly turned into a school.&nbsp;With the belief that the ministry of education had the greatest responsibility in the literacy campaign, Mustafa Necati Bey decided that teachers introducing the new Turkish alphabet had to undergo a short-term literacy course. With this aim, 15,000&nbsp;teachers introducing the new alphabet were educated, enabling them to teach the new alphabet through in-service trainings launched in August and September in İstanbul, Ankara, and various districts of Anatolia. Moreover, the publication and distribution of coursebooks for all primary schools, as well as the publication of secondary school coursebooks and Turkish books, were completed, and high school books, dictionaries, and spelling and grammar books were ready to be published.&nbsp;To teach the new Turkish alphabet to those over the school age, it was decided to open public schools where an all-inclusive common public education program was to be applied; people would be literate and not delay their careers; the education period would be scheduled as two, four, and six months, and itinerant schools would be formed in noschool environments. If necessary, all officers would be assigned to schools, and a few thousand people would be literate with this method. All these radical steps were taken a short while after the introduction of the Alphabet Reform: all preparations to open public schools were completed, and a regulation was implemented.&nbsp;Upon completion, public schools were opened with official ceremonies on January 1, 1929, even though the Minister for Education, Mustafa Necati Bey, had lost his life. With the help of common public education offered in these schools, many people could learn how to read and write. Though interest in these schools decreased in time, as a result of the educational activities carried out between 1928 and 1951, 83,008 classes were opened in total—66,197 as (A) classes and 16,811 as (B) classes. A total of 70,047 teachers were assigned to them, 57,227 of which were men, and 12,820 were women. A total of 355,034 people graduated from the public schools—1,065,581 men and 369,890 women from (A) classes, and 274,692 men and 80,342 women from (B) classes. Within 33 years 1,790,734 people had learned how to read and write, obtaining a diploma.&nbsp;This study includes the activities carried out by Minister for Education Mustafa Necati Bey in teaching the new Turkish alphabet to the people, and it employs a qualitative research method as document analysis technique. The research is based on archival sources of the period as well as newspaper and journals, surveys, articles, theses, and memoirs.

Activities Carried Out By The Minister of National Education  Mustafa Necati Bey to Teach The New Turkish Alphabet

Reyhan

A majority of the Jews living in Turkey are descendants of the Jewish ethnic division known as Sephardic Jews who were expelled from Spain and Portugal during the end of the fifteenth century. Their spoken language is a distinct dialect of Spanish, and this language has been called Judaic among the community and in some official records. In this study, an attempt will be made to explain how Spain’s proposal of citizenship for Jews in the world that was originally Sephardic was reported in the Turkish press and therefore among the Turkish Jewish community. Generally, we see that topics related to this were neglected in extant studies conducted in Turkey about the Jewish people.The historical ties Jews in Turkey with Spain first came to the fore during the abolition of the worldly powers of the Grand Rabbinate in the Republic Period. After that, discussions about “ties and loyalty” between the Spanish state of the time and Jews in Turkey had lost importance until 1931. When we look generally, the news about whether or not Jews will leave Turkey to go to Spain was first published by the Cumhuriyet newspaper in May 1931. Other newspapers of the period Son Posta, Vakit, Milliyet, and Yarın also reported on this subject. However, the Akşam and Hakimiyet-i Mlliye newspapers did not report any news on this issue. Subsequently, however, when this issue came up on the agenda for the second time in October 1931, it was reported by the Vakit newspaper. Vakit published this news based on a report in the “Times” newspaper. The newspaper Cumhuriyet remained indifferent to the issue at this time. When the news on the subject published in May and October are examined, we can conclude that Jews in Turkey did not accept the invitation of Spain because members of the Jewish Community who were interviewed by the press stated that they would not accept this invitation.To sum up, in 1931, the issue of migration to Spain by Jews in Turkey at the invitation of the Spanish government came up in the next process, and it has not been on the agenda of the press again. Only in a document in the American Archive dated December 3 1946 is there information that the Spanish consular authorities encouraged the return of Sephardic Jews from İstanbul to Spain.In the early 2000s, Spain began to offer citizenship to Sephardic Jews worldwide provided they renounced their current nationality. However, afterwards, the right of Sephardic Jews who want to become Spanish citizens and have dual nationality without relinquishing their current citizenship has come to the fore. The Ministers of Justice and Foreign Affairs of Spain announced that they would moderate the current law so that the grandchildren of Jews expelled from the country 500 years ago, estimated at 3 million, could become citizens of Spain. Finally, the necessary regulatory decisions were accepted by the Spanish Parliament in June 2015. As of October 1, 2019, Sephards’ right to obtain dual nationality without residing in Spain ended.After the establishment of the Republic of Turkey, we did not encounter any incident on the historical ties between the Portuguese state and the Jews in Turkey. However, in 2012, shortly after Spain attempted to enact a dual citizenship law that would cover Sephardic Jews worldwide, Portugal also started giving dual citizenship rights to the Jews it had expelled during the end of the fifteenth century. Moreover, in 2015, before the Spanish intervention, Portugal granted Portuguese-origin Sephardic Jews around the world the right to apply for citizenship. This right became official with decree number 30-A/2015 of 27 February 2015. When we look generally, there is a dearth of sufficient information from the decision of Spain and Portugal to grant citizenship to Jews they had expelled from their countries centuries ago on how many of the Jews in Turkey received citizenship or migrated. Finally, we have to state that the Şalom newspaper was used as the main source for the 2000s.&nbsp;

Spain and Portugal’s Efforts to Grant Citizenship to the  Sephardic Jews in Turkey

Aydın

Turkey initially followed the neutrality policy during the Second World War. After the defeats of the Axis powers, it pursued a policy in favor of the allies to delay participation in the war as much as possible. Turkey implemented a war economy due to the constant threat from countries that joined the war and with which it engaged in foreign trade. For this reason, the National Protection Law was enacted on January 18, 1940, which was implemented without interruption within the Democratic Party (DP) period. With this law, various regulations were made regarding the industry, mining, employment, agriculture, animal husbandry, and trade sectors, as well as practices that aim to ensure rent control and prevent the establishment of the black market.After approximately 27 years, the single-party era, named the DP, came to power in Turkey. During the first few years of the DP period, the economy of the country experienced short-term improvements due to the formulation of economic policies based on agriculture and foreign trade. However, this “success” period failed to prevent the emergence of economic difficulties. Conversely, long-term economic policies were not established at this point.After this period, the DP government realized the importance of public investments and implemented a mixed economy similar to statism. However, its scheme provided more support to the private sector. As of 1954, instead of the liberal economy and plans of abolishing statism, the country enhanced interventionism.In fact, with the adoption of the National Protection Law in 1956, important regulations were made in the economy, whereas punishments afforded to those who acted against the law were increased. In this manner, the government gained new powers. As the restrictions imposed by the National Protection Law increased with the objective of preventing the black market, increases were observed in poverty, strictures, and prices. Thus, the economy became strained and the law eventually lost its effect. In addition to price controls made by the government on the basis of the National Protection Law, economic policies led to inflation despite restrictions on loans and increased&nbsp;interest rates. Although the National Protection Law was actively implemented with the effects of economic necessities, difficulties in the production structure and irregularities in the implementation of the law prevented efficient results.By 1958, imported goods were not brought to Turkey and the country entered a bottleneck. For this reason, the DP government, which applied economic measures known as the August 4 Decisions, lowered the value of Turkish money and obtained new loans from foreign countries. During this period, efforts began for the abolition of the National Protection Law. However, the implementation of the law continued.After the DP period, which ended with a military coup on May 27, 1960, the control of the market was appointed to municipalities, and the National Protection Law was abolished in September 1960. In addition, another law was enacted to provide amnesty for crimes committed under the National Protection Law.Despite the claim of implementing the requirements of the liberal economy, the DP applied an interventionist regulation to the National Protection Law due to economic necessities and problems. In this respect, the law enacted an important economic regulation that remained in force without interruption from 1940 to 1960.Although many important decisions were made by applying the National Protection Law in nearly every aspect of the economy during the DP period, the law was only partially beneficial because it failed to eliminate basic problems in production and to avoid irregularities in decisions.This study collected data from primary sources, such as the Official Gazette of the Republic of Turkey, Official Records of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey, and Confidential Minutes of the Democratic Party Parliamentary Group. In addition, newspapers, such as Cumhuriyet, Zafer, Milliyet, and Akşam, and magazines of the 1950s were examined. Secondary sources that contribute to the topic were also evaluated and included in the study.

Penal Provisions of the National Protection Law and Its  Implementation During the Democratic Party Period

Gülşah

It is a well-known fact that both women and men have had formal and informal roles in diplomacy throughout various periods of history. Heads of state and their wives were evaluated as a team, in particular with the emergence of the concept of the “diplomatic couple” after the 19th century. As part of this team, men began to pursue the political side of diplomacy and women dealt with the social aspect. However, in terms of interstate relations, visits do not necessarily have to be for diplomatic purposes, especially as regards high-level ones. However, it is an undeniable fact that a bridge is sometimes established between states during short or long visits for the purposes of vacations. In this context, the visits of Queen Maria Regina (1875-1938), who was King Ferdinand of Romania’s wife, are worthy of study.&nbsp;Queen Maria was born as a member of the Royal Family of Great Britain and became known as “Princess Marie of Edinburgh.” It is claimed that the beauty, elegance, and intelligence befitting of a queen played a role in her marriage to Prince Ferdinand I of Romania (1865-1927) and her transformation into Queen Maria. In addition, she was the mother of King Carol II of Romania (1893-1953) who ascended the throne in 1930. Queen Marie also represented Romania many times in the international arena and established a virtual bridge between her country and other states. In this context, Queen Mary made some visits to Turkey at various times, the first in 1828.&nbsp;Although these visits were made for the purposes of a vacation, they helped to develop relations between Turkey and Romania. With the changing balance of power and politics in the world, relations between the two countries began to gain a new dimension and to develop from the early 1930s onward, thus the visits of Queen Maria to Turkey were even more meaningful.Queen Maria made diplomatic visits to Turkey many times, the first being in 1928, and there was an almost diplomatic aspect to this visit. In her book, “The Story of My Life,” while many parts of her life are described, there are no details about the visit to Turkey. In the study detailing the visit of Queen Maria to the National Center in Turkey, Ömer Metin’s doctoral dissertation, “Atatürk Period Turkey-Romania Relations (1923- 1938)” is noteworthy. In this study, although the visits of the Queen after 1930 are examined in detail, the 1930 visits are not discussed. In the master’s thesis prepared by Ayşegül Çatakçı, entitled “Ataturk’s Turkey-Romania Relations Period (1923-1938),” the Queen’s visits in 1930 are mentioned in detail.The purpose of this study is examine the visits of Queen Maria of Romania at the very beginning of Turkey-Romania relations in the 1930s, and reveal how she attached importance to certain people and places. Investigations into the welcome ceremony for the Queen, although not official, plus reflections on these visits and relations between Turkey and Romania are among other objectives of this article.

Reflections on Queen Maria of Romania’s Visits to Turkey in  the National Press in 1930

Hayri

The Turks in Bulgaria constitute a significant number of citizens in that country. In addition to being one of the historical religions of the Balkan Peninsula, Islam is a wellestablished religion in Bulgaria. The rights of people adhering to Islam have been safeguarded in different ways and times since the end of the 19th century. The very first indication of the rights provided to Muslims goes back to the 1878 Berlin Treaty and that of the very first constitution of the Principality of Bulgaria, namely. Tarnovo Constitution of 1879. These rights would later be strengthened after the establishment of the Kingdom of Bulgaria in 1909, and after the 1913 Peace Treaty of Istanbul with the Ottoman Empire and that of the 1919 Treaty of Neuilly.&nbsp;In the interwar era, Muslims in Bulgaria largely suffered from a variety of violations of their religious rights and liberties in spite of some positive steps such as the opening of the Nuvvab School in Shumen. The rights of Muslims under the Communist regime throughout the Cold War era would be highly restricted, thus making everyday life totally unbearable for many of them. The totalitarian regime intervened in issues related to Islam as well as its practices among its Muslims citizens. The Bulgarian Communist Party increased its control and power on the offices of the muftiates and that of the Chief Muftiate. Mosques as well as some muftiate offices were closed while the rest of the Muslim religious leaders had to adopt a pro-regime stance in their offices and support Communist policies limiting the rights of their own Muslim congregates.&nbsp;After a brief historical introduction, this study deals with the main paradigms of the Normative Theory and shows the reader its usefulness to tackle the main research question of this research: How effective has the EU membership of Bulgaria been with regards to the protection and promotion of the rights of Muslims in Bulgaria? As indicated in the title, the main aim of this article is primarily to focus on the religious issues of the Muslims of Bulgaria in the post-Communist regime and to provide a detailed analysis of them from various aspects. This study covers a period of three decades between 1990 and 2020. It primarily concentrates on issues concerning the highest religious body of the Muslims in Bulgaria, namely the. Chief Muftiate since many discussions about Islam in the country are centred around it.&nbsp;An institution with a history of over a century, the Chief Muftiate is the oldest and most powerful of its kind and deals with a variety of issues concerning its congregates living in different parts of the country. It is the earliest institution of Muslims in which Islam is portrayed in the context of Bulgaria. This research starts by exploring the main problematic areas in the functioning of the institution, namely, state-endorsed policies aiming to break the solid leadership of the institution over Muslims. Second, it highlights the monetary problems of the Chief Muftiate and questions the role of fiscal issues on its effective functioning. Third, it continues by emphasizing the role of the Chief Muftiate regarding the protection of those properties belonging to waqf, religious pious endowments of Muslims. This research ends by highlighting the link between the Chief Muftiate and prayer houses located in different parts of Bulgaria which are still in use.Having studied the abovementioned topics in detail using both local Bulgarian, Turkish and English sources, this study argues that some progress has been made in the area of religious freedom and the rights of Muslims in Bulgaria since the beginning of the post-Communist period. Nevertheless, despite becoming a member of NATO in 2004 and particularly of the EU in 2007, Bulgaria has not fully provided religious liberties to her Muslim citizens for the last thirty years. It seems that Bulgaria prefers not to find a final solution for the on-going violation of religious rights of Muslims, thus failing to promote principles of equality and non-discrimination among her citizens.

The Grand Muftiate and Religious Freedom of Bulgarian  Turks in the Post-Communist Period

History, which has an important place in the social sciences, is a discipline that seeks to explain social change by incorporating data in an optimal way based on its own methodological principles. However, the results obtained are generally shaped by the perspective of the particular historian who studies a given topic. This is especially the case in modern historiography. While historical problems at all scales can be examined by incorporating multidisciplinary approaches to history in an interdisciplinary framework, the methodological richness and basic perspective of the historian come to the fore as determining factors. Again, versatile and consistent perspectives are needed to assess this inevitable situation reasonably. Modern historiography, which has a history of about two centuries, is now expected to reveal and examine issues that have been addressed from all perspectives. This field, which can also be described as intellectual historiography, naturally demands very special training and skills. Examples of this kind of historiography in the world are very limited. In the case of Turkish historiography in particular, whether addressing philological problems or issues at instrumental level, there are a wide range of handicaps, from extent of interdisciplinary approach to depth of judgment. Even when all such problems can be overcome, the findings thus obtained may remain unsatisfying in terms of historiography.The historian Kemal H. Karpat was subjected to the assassination of silence in the field of historiography, like Ahmet Hamdi Tanpınar and Oğuz Atay in the literary world and Kemal Tahir in the intellectual world, and systematically ignored. This negligence continued even after his death. With the exception of a gift made during his lifetime, no study of his historiography has been published. His death has also been quietly avoided, apart from one or two articles. Therefore, Karpat is an intellectual whose work merits additional attention. As a matter of fact, this issue belatedly caught the attention of the academy, and two studies were conducted on the subject before the death of Karpat. One of these studies was conducted by Lütfi Sunar, who argued that Karpat remained far outside mainstream social science in Turkey. This was mainly because, at a time when document-based historiography was in demand, Karpat generally preferred a social history perspective, which only later became popular and widespread.In this sense, Karpat, as one of the leading historians of Turkey, produced important work in this area. Karpat was one of the greats among the latest generation of Turkey’s historians, undertaking highly sophisticated studies in political history, including the Ottoman and Republican periods, in economic history, and particularly in the social history of culture and intellectual life. Karpat made a significant contribution to understanding modern Turkey’s history in a comprehensive way, rather than simply providing another viewpoint on the history of Turkey’s modernization. It is quite regrettable in terms of historical understanding and historiography that Karpat’s work, the result of considerable labor as in every field of working life, has been coopted in contemporary speculations on Neo-Ottomanism and Moderate Islam. History, which tries to reveal the past of a given human community in a comprehensive way, must ultimately help to shed light on matters as they are today.

Ideological Support for Neo-Ottomanism or Comprehensive  Analysis of Turkish Modernization? The Historiography of  Kemal H. Karpat

Süleyman

Murat Arslan, Süleyman Demirel, İletişim  Yayınları, İstanbul, 2019, 1. Baskı, 271 s.

Nesrin

Öğretim Görevlisi Dr.

V. Türkan Doğruöz, Milli Mücadele Yıllarında  Kırklareli, İstanbul, İş Bankası Kültür  Yayınları, 2021, 413 s.

Mustafa

Alper

In the last thirty years, conservatives, increasingly defined by their religious identities, have undergone both ideological and sociological transformations. They have emerged as a group frequently discussed in academic and intellectual circles. Islamism, which encompasses all aspects of life in a way distinct from Islam, advocates for the existence of an organized system with its own principles and structure, and uses politics to achieve this. Islamism defines Islam not only as a religion but also as a socio-political movement in the struggle against irreligion, oppression, and exploitation. As Şerif Mardin puts it, Islamism should not be defined solely by religious variables, as it is influenced by non-religious aspects of society. Islamism has been shaped by this complex process, positioning itself against Kemalism in Turkish politics. Conservatism, on the other hand, developed first as a defensive response and later as a political movement in reaction to the destruction caused by modernity. It is an ideology that finds the true meaning of human existence within societal institutions like tradition, family, and religion. Conservatism rejects the idea of societal intervention and emphasizes social balance and hierarchies. Due to the elitist nature of Kemalism, conservatives—especially the religious segments—have been criticized and labeled as reactionary, backward, underdeveloped, or “Eastern.” Although there are significant theoretical differences between Islamism and conservatism, there is a general consensus in Türkiye today that Islamist thought has become more conservative. This shift is attributed to the AK Party, which, rather than adhering to the general principles of Islamism, adopted attitudes specific to conservatism. The AK Party has defined itself as a “conservative democratic” party, establishing a link with conservatism through the religious references it uses. However, the approaches of conservatives and Islamists toward religion are fundamentally incompatible. While Islamists emphasize universalism, conservatives prioritize tradition and national sensitivities.In this study, which engages in the theoretical discussion of Islamism and conservatism, the transformation of Islamism as a modern ideology is examined through the role of the AK Party, which defined itself with a conservative democratic identity, moving from the Milli Selamet Party to the Refah Party, and then from Refah to the Fazilet Party, thereby distancing itself from Islamist ideology. This study is based on a fieldwork approach that compares the ideological foundation of the conservative segment with Islamism from a theoretical standpoint. A methodological interpretive approach is employed, utilizing qualitative research methods, one of which is the “in-depth interview” technique. Interviews were conducted with eight individuals and analyzed. Two visits were made to Istanbul and one to Ankara. Six of the interviews were conducted in Istanbul, and two in Ankara. On average, each interview lasted at least two hours, with some lasting up to three or three and a half hours. The responses were not recorded but were noted down. The participants were individuals who had higher education, were middle-aged, had direct or indirect connections to the AK Party, were open to critical thinking, and were able to question their (self-described) community. They were contacted through intermediaries. The questions posed were about conservatives’ experiences of modernization, relationships between men and women, the effects and significance of the February 28 process, individualization and secularization processes, and the meaning of the changes they experienced in their world. The study attempts to critically discuss the changes they have undergone over the past 30 years, based on the fieldwork data, analyzing both the positive and negative aspects of the changes from their perspectives. Islamism, which emerged with the migration of large groups of people from rural areas to cities in the Turkish modernization process, highlighted the presence of these people in cities and stood against the Kemalist ideology. However, it did not manage to differentiate its perspective from Kemalism. Conservatism, on the other hand, became the ideology of the right-wing groups flowing into the cities. Yet, faced with the emergence of individualism in urban areas, it experienced a loss of meaning, and conservative masses quickly shifted into a secularization process. Conservatives who defended religion and tradition were most exposed to this process during the AK Party era.&nbsp;The study found that the struggles of the February 28 process are not sufficiently recognized in the memories and among the younger conservative generation, and this process has lost meaning in the community as well. Regarding the relationships between men and women, conservative men viewed conservative women as guardians of feudalism, and no change in this perspective was observed. The fact that conservative men recognize no woman other than their mothers has led to significant problems. A new type of “feminine man” has emerged, and divorces have been increasing within the conservative community. There has been more interaction and understanding between secular and conservative men and women, and it has become normalized not to share the same ideology and worldview. Neoliberalism has played an important role in integrating economic and cultural fields into the world, and conservatives have contributed to this. However, it has been observed that many of the values and institutions that conservatives thought they were preserving have become hollow. In other words, conservatives have experienced a process where the negative aspects of secularization have become more pronounced.&nbsp;

Yeni Orta Sınıf Muhafazakârlar ve Sekülerleşme Pratikleri

Oğuzhan

Assoc. Prof. Dr.

Meryem

Türkiye’s modernization experience has been predominantly shaped by the assumption that cultural Westernization is the primary path to progress. Elements within the cultural domain - including daily life practices, literature, music, and visual arts - illustrate that modernization has been closely associated with adopting Western norms. However, this alignment is not unidirectional; rather, it operates through a dynamic, reciprocal structure. On one side, the West asserts its cultural hegemony as an aspirational ideal, while on the other, local Westernist cultural elites internalize and propagate this ideal, thereby producing consent. This dual mechanism sustains a global hierarchy wherein the West occupies a superior position, relegating non-Western societies - including Türkiye - to subordinate roles, often reinforced through anti-Türkiye rhetoric.The emergence of digital media, initially intended for information dissemination, has evolved into a potent instrument that shapes societal thought patterns, normalizes specific ideologies, and perpetuates Western cultural dominance. Through these platforms, anti-Türkiye discourse becomes institutionalized, serving to legitimize and sustain Western hegemony. These narratives, emanating both from within Türkiye and from international sources, contribute to the entrenchment of this ideological structure.Notably, since 2015, Western media outlets have increasingly produced content targeting Turkish audiences. Among the most active platforms are Germany-based Deutsche Welle (DW) Türkçe, which launched on YouTube in 2011; +90, initiated under DW’s leadership in 2019; and BBC News Türkçe, operating from London since 2009. Selected through purposive sampling for this study, all three channels exhibit a consistent reliance on anti-Türkiye discourses. These narratives have transcended journalistic critique and function as instruments of propaganda. As such, representations of Türkiye are often distorted and detached from factual accuracy, reinforcing Western cultural hegemony through digital means.The research employed content analysis, a qualitative research method. The most viewed and most liked videos from the selected channels were transcribed and coded using the MAQDA 2024 software. Based on the coding results, the themes of migration incentives, economic and cultural exclusion, and social stigma were identified. The analysis was subsequently conducted using a descriptive analysis approach aligned with these themes.&nbsp;One of the key findings that emerged from this analysis is the emphasis on Türkiye’s economic conditions. The profiles featured in videos comparing the purchasing power of Turkish individuals living in Istanbul and those residing in Europe are particularly noteworthy. While participants based in Europe are typically white- or blue-collar workers, the Istanbul-based individuals are predominantly students or people not actively engaged in their professional fields. The portrayal appears to be strategically constructed to align with the intended target audience. For instance, conspicuous consumption practices are depicted to appeal to white-collar professionals considering migration, whereas such portrayals are absent in content directed at blue-collar workers.The motivations for white-collar migration are framed around themes such as admiration for the West, economic hardship, uncertainty about the future, security concerns, feelings of loneliness, identity issues, and professional dissatisfaction. Western cities are depicted as offering high purchasing power, vibrant social life, and career fulfillment for white-collar professionals. In contrast, it is implied that these individuals cannot access such opportunities in Türkiye. While white-collar migrants are portrayed as becoming integrated with local populations in Western urban centers, blue-collar migrants are encouraged to move to the peripheries and maintain social ties primarily with other Turks. Property ownership is presented as a feasible goal for white-collar workers, whereas blue-collar workers are depicted as merely striving to sustain their basic livelihood.Despite the distinct narratives tailored to each socio-economic group, both are shown to share a contradictory and emotionally charged sense of identity. Notably, members of both groups frequently report that being Turkish in the West is equated with foreignness and that exclusionary attitudes - rarely directed at other identities - are particularly directed toward Turkish identity. Simply being Turkish, regardless of one’s profession or circumstances, results in marginalization and alienation. Nevertheless, both groups express a preference for living in Europe over remaining in Türkiye, underscoring the pervasive influence of Western cultural hegemony.In conclusion, this content analysis of the YouTube channels DW Türkçe, +90, and BBC News Türkçe reveals a consistent pattern of framing Türkiye in a negative light. These negative portrayals are often exaggerated or presented as uniquely Turkish issues. As such, these channels contribute to the construction of a dichotomy that positions Türkiye in contrast to the perceived superiority of the West.

Batı Medyasının Türkiye Karşıtı Söylemi ve “Türkiye’de Yaşanmaz, Gidin Kendinizi Kurtarın!” Propagandası

Ahmet

İsa

Leman

Yakın Dönem Türk Siyasetinde Göç Tartışmaları ve Göçmen Karşıtı Niş Parti Örneği Olarak Zafer Partisi

Necmettin

Prof. Dr.

As discussed in the sections of this study, there are numerous claims and interpretations in German sources regarding the role of Ismail Enver Pasha in various key events, such as the signing of the Turkish-German Military Alliance, the Ottoman Empire’s entry into World War I alongside Germany, the opening of the fronts, and the relations between the Ottoman Empire and Germany. In these sources, a common view emerges: Enver Pasha is often described as a highly influential figure in shaping the developments of the First World War (1914-1918). He is frequently depicted as Germany’s most “reliable,” “friendly,” and “loyal” ally in Türkiye. Furthermore, he is often portrayed as the central figure on the Turkish side in both the execution and maintenance of the military alliance throughout the warDespite these claims, it becomes evident that Enver Pasha’s “German sympathies” were not the primary driving force behind his approach to Germany or his relations with German commanders and officers serving in the Ottoman Army. Enver Pasha’s preference for Germany as an ally and the subsequent decisions he made are often explained by his focus on the political and military interests of the Ottoman Empire. He viewed aligning with Germany as beneficial to Türkiye’s strategic objectives within the framework of realpolitik. The military and strategic benefits that Türkiye hoped to gain from an alliance with Germany are central to this rationale. Personal German sympathies are not cited in the sources as a determining factor in this context. In fact, even after the signing of the military alliance with Germany, Enver Pasha’s secret negotiations with Russia and his pursuit of a potential alliance with them serve as an evidence of his strategic mindset. This diplomatic maneuver underscores his pragmatic approach to international relations, rather than being driven by personal affinity. Furthermore, tensions with German officers such as Liman von Sanders, as well as the armed conflict between Turkish and German forces in Azerbaijan towards the end of the war, provide concrete examples of these strategic disagreements, demonstrating Enver Pasha’s complex and pragmatic foreign policy approach.It is more appropriate to assess Enver Pasha’s role in the German alliance, the nation’s entry into the First World War on Germany’s side, and his relations with the Germans during the subsequent four years, by considering the broader context of the Ottoman Empire’s situation. The prolonged weakness of the Ottoman Empire, the rising power of Germany, the anti-Ottoman diplomacy pursued by Russia and Britain prior to the war, and, crucially, the consistent rejection of the Ottoman Empire’s alliance proposals by the Entente Powers all shaped the framework for TurkishGerman cooperation during the First World War. This context resulted in Germany becoming a much more dominant and decisive force in its relations with the Ottoman Empire. The determination of the fronts on which the Ottoman Army fought should also be understood within this broader context. Enver Pasha, fully aware of both Türkiye’s vulnerable position and Germany’s power, sought to preserve and strengthen relations with Germany throughout the challenging years of 1914 to 1918.Given this context, it is inconsistent to explain Enver Pasha’s preference for Germany purely as a result of personal admiration. This prevailing interpretation is closely tied to the political and conjunctural shifts that emerged after the loss of the First World War. Therefore, this perspective must be revised in light of a more nuanced understanding of the geopolitical realities of the time.&nbsp;

“Enverland” Tartışmaları Gölgesinde Almanların Gözüyle Enver Paşa’nın Almanya’ya Yaklaşımı ve Almanlarla İlişkileri

Cemile

Nejla

Assist. Prof. Dr.

Mezopotamya’da Bir İngiliz Kadın Ajanı: Gertrude Bell ve Tarihsel Rolü

Celil

Erdal

The Turkish Army dealt a heavy blow to the Greek forces in the Battle of Sakarya, which took place between August 23 and September 13, 1921. Following this decisive defeat, it became evident that the Greeks would no longer be able to maintain their presence in Anatolia. During this period, while the Greek occupation continued, local Greeks in Western Anatolia began mobilizing to establish an independent state with its own army. This political and military initiative came to be known as the “Smallassianism Movement.”Initially, the royalist government of Greece opposed the activities of Anatolian Greeks seeking to establish such a state. The Greek authorities hoped that the British would pressure the Turkish side into accepting the Treaty of Sèvres, thereby securing Greek sovereignty over the territories outlined in the agreement. However, as France and Italy - two other members of the Entente - gradually shifted their policies in favor of the Turkish national movement, the Greek government reversed its stance and began supporting the Smallassianism Movement.The Greek government entrusted the task of establishing what it called the “Ionian State” in Western Anatolia to Aristeidis Stergiadis, Greece’s Extraordinary Commissioner in İzmir. The decision was formally announced to the Turkish public through a declaration issued by Stergiadis on July 30, 1922. In this declaration, the Greek government proclaimed that the cities of İzmir and Bursa, along with the districts of Biga, Ezine, Bayramiç, and Ayvalık- regions with significant Greek populations - were to be part of the proposed Ionian State. However, this state-building initiative was short-lived: it collapsed with the entry of the Turkish army into İzmir under the command of Mustafa Kemal Pasha on September 9, 1922, marking the definitive end of the Greek occupation.In parallel with the Ionian State project in İzmir, the Greek administration also sought to establish an autonomous administration centered in Bursa, the former capital of the Ottoman Empire. After the Turkish victory at the Battle of Sakarya, a group based in Istanbul formed the “Anatolian Association”. The association aimed to establish a provisional government in the Greek-occupied territories of Anatolia, with Bursa as its administrative center, and to conclude a peace and alliance treaty with the Greek government. The Anatolian Association later focused its efforts specifically on creating an autonomous regime in Bursa. The project was strongly supported by members of the Freedom and Entente (Accord) Party (Hürriyet ve İtilâf Fırkası) and other individuals opposed to the Turkish national struggle.&nbsp;To advance the autonomy initiative, it was decided to open a branch of the Anatolian Association in Bursa. All religious representatives of the city were invited to a meeting at the Bursa Municipality to draft the internal regulations of the branch and determine the proposed form of autonomy. The meeting was attended by 30 to 35 individuals, including Greeks, Armenians, Jews, and Muslims. At the conclusion of the meeting, a provisional committee of 14 members - representing various religious and ethnic communities - was elected. Although this committee prepared a draft charter, it was never formally adopted. The preparations for the autonomous administration were largely carried out by Armenian participants and Turkish collaborators.As a symbolic gesture, the committee decided to send a letter of gratitude to British Prime Minister David Lloyd George for his support of the autonomy initiative. People were gathered in front of the municipality and compelled by the authorities to sign the thank-you letter. Aziz Nuri Bey, Director of Immigration for Bursa Province, was appointed as the governor of the so-called Mukhtar Administration established in Bursa.&nbsp;To spread the idea of autonomy throughout Bursa, the supporters organized a public rally in front of the municipality. Greek Gendarmerie Commander Papaargiri, who aimed for a significant turnout, sent out a town crier to summon attendees. However, many of the city’s residents and shopkeepers were forcibly brought to the event by security forces. Only members of the Armenian and Greek communities actively participated. During the rally, İsmail Hakkı Bey, Director of Religious Endowments (Evkaf), gave a speech condemning the Turkish Grand National Assembly while praising the British and Greeks. At the end of the event, telegrams demanding autonomy were signed and sent to Izvolo, the Greek Deputy High Commissioner, and the Greek Occupation Command in Bursa.&nbsp;Following these events in Bursa, similar rallies were held in other Greek-populated districts such as Mustafa Kemal Paşa, Gemlik, and Karacabey. Telegrams produced at these rallies were likewise delivered to the Greek Occupation Command.Bursa was ultimately liberated from nearly two years and two months of Greek occupation on September 11, 1922, by Şükrü Naili (Gökberk) Pasha, Commander of the 3rd Corps. After liberation, individuals involved in the mukhtarate initiative were brought before a military tribunal on February 22, 1923. They were charged with treason for their collaboration with the occupiers. Those who had fled with the retreating Greek army were sentenced to death in absentia. Others received prison sentences of varying lengths, while some were acquitted.&nbsp;

Yunanlıların Millî Mücadele Döneminde Bursa’da İdare-i Muhtariye Kurma Girişimi

Nilüfer

Scouting was introduced to Istanbul during the Second Constitutional Era; however, it did not gain significant momentum among the Turks at that time. Following the Ottoman Empire’s defeat in the Balkan Wars, the Committee of Union and Progress (İttihat ve Terakki Cemiyeti) began to actively support scouting activities, particularly through Turkish sports clubs. Scouting was increasingly viewed not only as a means of fostering good citizenship but also as a preparatory activity for the defense of the nation. During this period, youth organizations affiliated with the Committee of Union and Progress were established as auxiliary bodies to promote such goals. Although five to six Turkish scout troops were active in the capital after the Armistice of Mudros, little further development occurred. It was only after the establishment of the Republic of Türkiye that Turkish scouting experienced significant growth.In contrast, during the Armistice period, non4Muslim communities 4 including Greeks, Armenians, and Jews 4 established and maintained active scout organizations in Istanbul. For these communities, scouting became a demonstration of communal strength and visibility. Among them, the Greek scouts 4 namely, Greek4speaking Orthodox subjects of the Ottoman Empire 4 were the most prominent. To fully understand the activities of these Greek scout groups in Istanbul, one must consider the structure and ideological foundations of the Greek Scout Organization in Greece itself. Scouting was introduced in Greece in 1910 and soon gained the strong support of then4Prime Minister Eleftherios K. Venizelos. The founders and key supporters of the Greek Scout Organization were closely affiliated with both Venizelos and the irredentist ideology of the Megali Idea.The first charter of the Greek Scout Organization in Greece, issued in 1912, stated that the organization’s goal was to raise “Hellenic children” 4 both within and beyond the borders of the Greek Kingdom 4 as good citizens and soldiers. This mission statement, which clearly aligned with the ideology of the Megali Idea, also encompassed Greek4speaking Orthodox subjects of the Ottoman Empire. The charter allowed the central organization in Athens to establish local administrative boards to realize this objective, thereby enabling the formation of Greek scout troops in Ottoman territories. The Greek Scout Organization designated March 25 4 the anniversary of the outbreak of “the Greek War of Independence in 1821” and a date of immense symbolic importance 4 as its official holiday. In some Anatolian scout groups, oath4taking ceremonies were intentionally scheduled for this date.The earliest Greek scouts and their leaders in Istanbul and Izmir emerged from Greek gymnastics clubs. During the Turkish War of Independence, the number of Greek scout troops in Istanbul grew to 45, with units established in nearly every neighborhood inhabited by Greeks. Among the most prominent areas were Kurtuluş and Beyoğlu. Greek scouts in Istanbul were reported to have committed serious offenses, including acts of violence and murder. Outside of Istanbul, Greek scouting units were also active in Çanakkale, Dedeağaç, and Karaağaç (three troops each), and in Edirne, Uzunköprü, Kırklareli, Erdek, Mudanya, Mürefte, İznik, Gemlik, Bandırma, Bursa, and Tekirdağ (one troop each). In Western Anatolia, Greek scouting first developed in İzmir, and during the Turkish War of Independence, the number of troops in the region increased to 63. From the moment the Greek army landed in İzmir on May 15, 1919, Greek scouts provided direct support to military operations by guiding army units, fighting alongside them, and working in military offices as interpreters, couriers, and postal workers.The official publication of the Greek Scout Organization in Greece, İ Zoi Ton Proskopon (The Life of the Scouts), regularly featured news about Greek scout activities in the Marmara and Western Anatolian regions 4 particularly in Istanbul and Izmir 4 throughout the tenure of Eleftherios Venizelos. The fact that reports concerning Greek scouts in Istanbul and Izmir were consistently positioned directly below those concerning Athens4based scouts underscores the close connection between the Greek Scout Organization in Greece and its affiliates in Ottoman territories. This alignment further reveals the ideological and organizational ties between the Greek scouting movement in Marmara and Western Anatolia and the broader nationalist aspirations encapsulated in the Megali Idea. Numerous pieces of evidence attest to this connection. Greek scouts in these regions received their uniforms from Greek embassies and consulates, began their ceremonies and public events with the Greek National Anthem, and carried the Greek flag in official parades. Their oath included a commitment to serve “God and the homeland” 4 where “homeland” was understood not merely as the existing Greek state, but as the envisioned “Greater Greece.”&nbsp;Following the Turkish victory at the Battle of Sakarya, expectations placed on Greek scouts intensified. As rumors of the Greek army’s impending retreat from Anatolia began to spread, the Greek population in Western Anatolia established a resistance4oriented organization called the Hellenic Anatolian Defense Organization (Elliniki Mikrasi4 atiki Amina, EMA), with which the Greek scouts actively cooperated. In the final days of the Greek military presence in Anatolia, Greek scouts also took part in political mobilization efforts, notably playing a visible role in the autonomy rally for Western Anatolia led by the Greek High Commissioner Aristeidis Stergiadis in Izmir.In light of these developments, it is not plausible to interpret Greek scouting in Marmara and Western Anatolia as a series of innocent activities involving children singing songs, engaging in physical exercise, and exploring nature. Rather, the movement functioned as a vehicle for nationalist mobilization, closely tied to political and military objectives aligned with the Megali Idea.

Marmara ve Batı Anadolu Bölgesindeki Rum İzci Örgütleri ve Megali İdea

Hazal

This study analyzes the evolution of the United States’ stance toward Türkiye between 1918 and 1923. It argues that President Woodrow Wilson’s selective internationalism -characterized by his pro-Armenian orientation - gradually gave way to an approach primarily driven by the economic and commercial interests of the United States in the region.&nbsp;President Wilson, widely regarded as the architect of the League of Nations and post-war internationalism, initially garnered support among Turkish intellectuals following the Mudros Armistice, particularly due to his formulation of the principle of self-determination in his renowned Fourteen Points. However, this article emphasizes that Wilson viewed the Turkish case not through the lens of his stated principles but through an ideological framework grounded in Christian values. In this regard, it is demonstrated that Wilson approached the Turkish issue predominantly through the question of an Armenian mandate and ultimately contradicted his own principle of self-determination when delimiting the Turkish-Armenian border - thereby revealing the selective nature of his liberal internationalist vision.Following Wilson’s presidency, the United States continued to monitor the situation of Christian minorities in Anatolia. American philanthropic and educational missions in Türkiye, along with Greek and Armenian diaspora groups in the U.S., submitted numerous reports and petitions to Washington throughout 1921 and 1922, appealing for government intervention in response to “ethnic tensions” within Anatolia. While the U.S. government expressed concern, it refrained from direct involvement. This position is closely tied to the broader shift in American foreign policy following Wilson’s departure, as the country moved toward military isolationism. Nevertheless, this isolationist stance did not hinder the pursuit of commercial interests - in fact, it placed them at the forefront of U.S. foreign engagement during the period.This shift in American policy was also closely linked to the growing strength of the Turkish National Movement. As Turkish forces achieved successive victories against the Greeks, U.S. policymakers began to recognize the need for a revised approach to Turkish-American relations - an approach shaped increasingly by American commercial interests in the region. The foremost advocate of this perspective was Admiral Mark Lambert Bristol, the U.S. High Commissioner in Istanbul, who consistently sought to maintain favorable relations with the Turks, even at times confronting American missionary groups active in Anatolia. Yet, Bristol was not alone in this regard. Just as Armenian and Greek communities petitioned the U.S. government to safeguard the rights of Christian minorities in Anatolia, American business groups lobbied for improved relations with the emerging Turkish authority in Ankara. This article argues that it was these economic considerations that ultimately catalyzed the transformation of U.S. policy toward Türkiye.The article also highlights that the Ankara government viewed the United States as a potential counterbalance to British and French influence in the region. Even during Wilson’s presidency, the leadership of the Turkish National Movement sought to cultivate amicable ties with the United States, as illustrated by the example of the Harbord Commission. In the latter stages of the national struggle, Turkish leaders attempted to leverage this relationship further by offering economic concessions, such as those included in the proposed Chester Project. This strategic orientation was reflected in the conduct of Turkish diplomacy at the Lausanne Conference, where the delegation continued to promote economic cooperation with the U.S. as part of a broader balancing policy. In conclusion, Türkiye’s approach to the United States during this formative period serves as a telling example of the broader contours of early Turkish foreign policy - marked by pragmatic engagement, strategic balancing, and an emphasis on economic diplomacy.

Seçici Enternasyonalizmden Askeri İzolasyona ABD Dış Politikasında Türkiye (1918-1923)

Fatma

After the signing of the Lausanne Peace Treaty, the resolution of bilateral disputes regarding unenforceable contracts, immovable properties and debts between the party countries was left to the mixed arbitration courts. The establishment and working conditions of the courts are specified in articles 92-98 of the Lausanne Peace Treaty. The matters to be dealt with by the courts are also clearly defined by the treaty. Thus, mixed arbitral tribunals were established between Türkiye-England, Türkiye-Italy, Türkiye-Belgium, Türkiye-Greece, Türkiye-Romania and Türkiye-France.Representative elections for the Türkiye-France Mixed Arbitral Tribunal started in 1924. While Asser was chosen as the president of the court, the Turkish arbitrator was first Osman Bey, then Mehmet Ali and Hacı Adil Bey. The French referees were Daniel Serruys, Maurice Gandolphe, Pierre Chaudun.&nbsp;With the completion of the final regulations regarding the procedure of the Türkiye-France Mixed Arbitral Tribunal, it entered into force by being published in the Official Gazette of France on 1 December 1925, and in the Official Gazette of Türkiye in two parts between 26 November and 1 December 1925. Thus, December 1, 1925 was the beginning of the filing of defenses in the cases and the submission period of the courts started on this date. While the deadline for filing cases was 31 May 1926 for cases such as contracts, debts, ownership and industry, the deadline for filing cases based on articles 65, 66 and 69 was 31 August 1926. With the completion of the court preparations, the first official arbitration court was held between Türkiye and France on 19 May 1926.&nbsp;The cases between Türkiye and France regarding Çukurova, Pera Palas, Augustin Normand, Abdulhamid II’s legacy, Périer and Bauer Banks were included in our study.&nbsp;One of the most important cases of the Turkish-French Mixed Arbitral Tribunals was the case concerning the Resulayn Farm in Syria, which was the personal inheritance of Abdulhamid II after the First World War. The plaintiffs have applied to the court several times under articles 60 and 65 of the Lausanne Peace Treaty. However, the court rejected the applications on the grounds that it was not within its jurisdiction.&nbsp;Pera Palace was sold to Bodosakis Athanassiadés in 1915. During the War of Independence, Bodosakis escaped from the country and went to Paris. In order not to lose Pera Palas, he established a company here and bought the hotel again. However, since he did not pay the war profits tax due in Türkiye, the hotel and its contents were seized. Bodasakis applied to the mixed arbitration court, claiming that the hotel and its belongings belonged to the French company, and therefore either to return them or to pay compensation. The court found Türkiye’s defense justified and the case ended in Türkiye’s favor in 1931.&nbsp;In 1914, the Ottoman Empire ordered 6 destroyers from the French Augustin Normand Construction Marine Company. The destroyers ordered during the First World War were not received and were not paid for. After the Lausanne Peace Treaty, the company brought the issue to the mixed arbitral tribunal. Mahmut Esat Bozkurt defended Türkiye in court. Despite a good defense, the case was concluded in favor of France in 1934.In order to close the budget deficit and meet some of its necessary needs, Istanbul Municipality borrowed 1.100.000 Ottoman liras from the Périer Bank in 1913. During the wars, the municipality could not pay its debt to the bank. For this reason, the bank brought the issue to the mixed arbitral tribunal. Both sides tried to resolve the case peacefully. In 1934, Minister of Justice Adnan Saraçoğlu negotiated with the bank and, after finding a common path, a new contract was signed for the payment of the debt. Thus, the bank gave up the case in 1935 and the case was dropped.&nbsp;Bauer Marchal Bank claimed to be the successor of Périer Bank and applied to the mixed arbitration court to collect its debt from the Istanbul Municipality. However, since the court process was prolonged, all the courts were closed in 1939 and Türkiye decided to resolve the case through negotiation.The lands subject to the Çukurova Case were leased to two French partners named Comte Paul de Lesseps and Baron Evain de Vendeuvre in 1912. The contract was canceled in 1916. For this reason, the company took the matter to the mixed arbitration court. Former Minister of Justice Mahmut Esat Bozkurt defended Türkiye in court. Türkiye closed mixed arbitration courts in 1939. Since the Çukurova Case could not reach a conclusion, it was decided to resolve it through negotiations with France.In 1952, Türkiye took action to pay France the amount it had to pay for the cases it won in the mixed arbitration court. Except for the Çukurova Case, all payments were made in 1953 and the issue of the mixed arbitration court was closed.

Lozan Barış Antlaşması Sonrasında Kurulan Türk-Fransız Karma Hakem Mahkemesi ve Örnek Davalar

Selma

Yassıada is one of the two islands known as the “Inauspicious Islands,” along with Sivriada, located in the Sea of Marmara. The earliest known records concerning the island date back to the Byzantine period. During the reign of Emperor Theophilos (829-842), the Platea Monastery was constructed on the island. In 860, Patriarch Ignatios commissioned the Church of the Forty Saints, beneath which underground corridors were later used as dungeons. Over time, Yassıada became a site of exile. Following the conquest of Istanbul, Yassıada came under Ottoman rule. In the late 19th century, British Ambassador Henry Bulwer purchased the island, building a castle and two harbors. He later sold the island to the Egyptian Khedive, Ismail Pasha. In the final years of the Ottoman Empire, Yassıada served as a quarantine station, and during the early Republican period, it was visited primarily by fishermen. After the Second World War, the island was transferred to the Naval Forces Command. Despite this shift, Yassıada remains widely associated with the post-May 27, 1960 coup trials. As a result, the island retained its reputation as a place of exile. However, during the 1950s - when the Democrat Party was in power - the island underwent significant changes. For Democrat Party leaders, Yassıada became closely linked with the Naval Forces Command and its educational facilities, marking a very different phase in the island’s history prior to its later use as a site of political trials.Following the Second World War, Türkiye adopted policies aimed at strengthening its relations with the Western world and embarked on a military modernization process, particularly in terms of technological advancement. Within this framework, efforts were directed toward improving the Turkish Navy, and developments on Yassıada must be understood in this context. The establishment of the Naval Operations and Artillery Schools on the island was a direct reflection of this modernization objective. Yassıada, which was allocated to the Naval Forces Command in 1947, was initially used for the training of enlisted personnel. After key decisions made in 1949, the island became the training site for the Marine Corps in 1952. That same year, Türkiye’s accession to NATO prompted a significant expansion of military infrastructure on the island. Numerous facilities were built to accommodate the housing, feeding, recreation, and training needs of both officers and enlisted soldiers. In addition, the Artillery and Operations Schools were relocated to Yassıada in 1952, followed by the transfer of the Deck Class School from Heybeliada. As a result, the island functioned as a naval training center until 1966, and its training role continued in various forms until 1978.During the Democrat Party period, additional facilities were constructed on the island, including Naval Operations Facilities, Torpedo and Mine Units, and a Closed Artillery Training Track. In the 1950s, Yassıada also became a frequent destination for foreign military and political delegations visiting Türkiye. Military representatives and political figures from countries such as the United States, Italy, Yugoslavia, Iraq, Lebanon, Siam (Thailand), and Sudan visited the island, which served as a showcase of Turkish naval modernization. However, following the May 27, 1960 coup, Yassıada was transformed from a symbol of modernization into a site of imprisonment for Democrat Party leaders. This period lasted approximately one and a half years. After the conclusion of the trials - held in the gymnasium of the Naval School - marine training activities resumed on the island. This study also explores the critical question of why Democrat Party members were brought to Yassıada after the coup. The article examines when and by whom this decision was made and argues that such a move could not have occurred without the knowledge of the Navy, given the island’s status as a major naval training center. For this reason, the article emphasizes the importance of considering the role of the Navy in scholarly studies of the May 27 coup.Although naval training continued on Yassıada until 1978, the island remained closely associated with the coup throughout these years. Even during its use by Istanbul University’s Faculty of Fisheries between 1993 and 1995, Yassıada continued to evoke memories of the Democrat Party trials and the 1960 coup. In an effort to counter this negative association, the island was renamed “The Island of Democracy and Freedoms.” Nevertheless, the symbolic link to the coup persisted. Perhaps for this reason, in 2020, museums were established on the island to preserve and commemorate the events of that period.This study examines developments on Yassıada during the Democrat Party era, particularly in the context of maritime history. It also discusses the relationship between the Democrat Party and Yassıada during the coup process. The article is based on official archival documents, memoirs, scholarly works, and periodical publications.&nbsp;

Deniz Kuvvetleri Komutanlığı’ndan Milli Birlik Komitesi’ne Demokrat Parti Ekseninde Yassıada Analizi

Fatih

The Tanzimat Edict represents a significant turning point in the history of the Ottoman Empire. The Westernization efforts initiated under Sultan Mahmud II evolved into a broader process of institutional reform with the proclamation of the Tanzimat Edict, leading to profound transformations across the empire’s political and bureaucratic structures. Educational institutions were naturally influenced by this wave of reform, and new schools and institutes were established in line with the spirit of Tanzimat. This reform process, which began with the founding of secondary schools 8 Rüşdiyes 8 in honour of Mustafa Reşid Pasha, often referred to as the “father of Tanzimat,” gradually expanded to encompass institutions at other educational levels. In 1868, the Galatasaray Mekteb8i Sultanîsi (Lycée Impérial Ottoman de Galata8Serai) was founded with the status of a college, and in 1869, during the tenure of Safvet Pasha as Minister of Education, the Regulation on Public Education (Maarif8i Umumiye Nizamnamesi) was issued, laying the legal foundation for the Tanzimat8era educational system.When we examine the educational institutions established during the Tanzimat period of the Ottoman Empire, we observe a structured system comprising Sıbyan (Ibtidaî) Schools equivalent to primary schools, Rüşdiye Schools (both civil and military) corresponding to secondary schools, İdadî Schools equivalent to high schools, Sultanîes functioning at the level of colleges, and Mekteb8i Âli institutions comparable to academies or higher education institutions. These schools were developed and operated in accordance with the regulations introduced during the Tanzimat era. Students were educated within a framework aligned with the new systemic and bureaucratic vision of the state. However, the success of the Ottoman Empire in implementing this educational model can be assessed from two distinct perspectives. On the one hand, in terms of the quality of education and the calibre of students, these institutions were remarkably successful in cultivating an elite class. Indeed, many individuals educated in these schools played influential roles in the late Ottoman political sphere and were instrumental in both the dissolution of the empire and the founding of the Republic of Türkiye. On the other hand, when evaluated in terms of the proliferation and accessibility of these schools to the broader population, it appears that the intended level of success in widespread educational dissemination was not fully realized.&nbsp;In terms of the gradual structuring and diversification of the Ottoman educational system, the Tanzimat period marks a significant phase of development. One of the notable outcomes of this diversification was the increasing emphasis on girls’ education. The first step in this process was the establishment of Girls’ (İnas) Rüşdiye Schools, which provided education at the equivalent of a lower secondary level. This was followed by the foundation of the Dârülmuallimât (Teacher Training School for Women), designed to train female teachers. However, the absence of secondary schools at the high school level between these two institutions created a noticeable gap in the education of girls.&nbsp;As the number of Girls’ Rüşdiyes expanded and student enrollment rose, the Ottoman Empire began to accelerate its efforts to establish high school8level educational institutions for girls. In this regard, France once again served as a model. Influenced by the educational reforms implemented under the French Minister of National Education Jules Ferry in 1881 and 1882, the Ottoman Empire issued a regulation on girls’ education during the tenure of Münif Pasha as Minister of Education, thereby initiating a new phase in the institutionalisation of female education.&nbsp;The Ottoman Empire adopted a pragmatic and functional approach to girls’ education, integrating both vocational and academic elements within the curriculum. These schools were designed not only to enhance the vocational skills of female students but also to educate them as individuals who were compatible with the socio8cultural fabric of Ottoman society at the time. For this reason, a careful balance between vocational/technical training and academic instruction was established in the curriculum.The Yedikule Girls’ Industrial School emerged as the pioneer of this new educational model. The hybrid structure of its curriculum prompted debates regarding the school’s institutional classification and the ministry to which it should be affiliated. Initially established in 1869 under the authority of the Ministry of Trade, the school was later transferred to the Ministry of Education in 1877. Surpassing expectations, the school quickly gained a reputation for success and became an educational hub attracting many female students. However, its geographical location 8 on the southern periphery of Istanbul 8 eventually undermined its sustainability. Over time, this remoteness reduced its accessibility and led to a gradual decline in its appeal.This school was succeeded by the Aksaray İnas Nehari Sanayi Mektebi (Aksaray Industrial Day School for Girls), which was established in a far more central and accessible location within the city. Its primary advantage lay in its convenient urban setting and the boarding education it provided. The presence of a nearby secondary8level model school further enhanced its attractiveness, effectively transforming it into an educational hub for female students. Opened during the reign of Sultan Abdülhamid II, the institution steadily expanded and improved its educational quality over time. Following the declaration of the Second Constitutional Monarchy in 1908, and similar to other idadî8 level institutions, the Aksaray İnas Sanayi Mektebi was elevated to the status of a “Sultanî”, effectively becoming an imperial college for girls. This new status led to the establishment of an iptidaî (elementary) section within the school to ease the transition from Rüşdiye8level education. Moreover, the institution gained access to privileges reserved for Sultanî schools, including expanded resources and institutional prestige. At this point, the school was renamed in honor of Selçuk Hatun, a prominent member of the Ottoman dynasty during the reign of Mehmed II (the Conqueror). The choice of name reflected both the historical legacy of Selçuk Hatun 8 who had charitable foundations (vakıfs) in the region 8 and the connotation of the term Sultanî, thus reinforcing the school’s imperial character.&nbsp;In 1922, the school was relocated from its original site in Horhor, Aksaray, to the Derviş Pasha Mansion in Fındıkzade. This new building, constructed after a fire, entailed considerable costs but was better suited to meet the institution’s growing needs. Despite the challenges of the late imperial period, the school not only maintained its operations but also successfully transitioned into the Republican era. Following the establishment of the Republic, the institution was renamed Selçuk Hatun Sanayi Mektebi (Selçuk Hatun Industrial School). Specializing in art and vocational education during the early Republican period, the school notably engaged in international teacher exchanges, sending and hosting educators from abroad. This sustained adaptability and commitment to modernization enabled the school to survive into the present day.&nbsp;

Sanayi’den İnas Sultanî’ye: Aksaray İnas Sanayi Mektebi ve Selçuk Sultanîsi

Diren

Şeyda

The historic Idadi building, which holds a significant place in the educational history and socio&gt;cultural fabric of the Isparta region, has served as a witness to both the late Ottoman and Republican periods. The study of historical educational structures and the spatial cultures that emerge around them &gt; as well as documenting and interpreting the transformations they have undergone &gt; contributes not only to the urban memory of the cities in which they are located but also to a broader understanding of the socio&gt;cultural evolution of the country.This study aims to analyze the transformations experienced by the historic Isparta Idadi, which has continuously served as an educational institution from the Ottoman Empire to the Republic of Türkiye. It further seeks to explore how these transformations correspond to broader educational reforms and reflect the cultural history of the city. In addition to the limited secondary literature available on the subject, the study draws upon personal memoirs and original data obtained from archival documents pertaining to both historical periods.Constructed in 1912 as the Isparta (Hamidabad) Idadi during the Second Constitutional Era, the building also carries the legacy of the former Isparta Rüştiye School, originally built in 1861 during the Tanzimat period. As such, the building represents a critical node in the educational and socio&gt;cultural development of the city, bridging two major eras in Turkish history.Following its construction in 1912, the building underwent its first major transformation as a result of damage sustained during the 1914 earthquake. The original third floor was removed and replaced by a cihannüma &gt; an architectural feature that constitutes the only substantial alteration to the building’s original structure. Designed in accordance with the standardized Idadi school plans implemented in provincial centers during the reign of Sultan Abdülhamid II, the building closely resembles the typological characteristics of similar structures in cities such as Kastamonu and Balıkesir. Initially constructed as a three&gt;storey building, the Isparta Idadi featured a prominent third floor with a columned portico that projected outward. After the earthquake, this upper storey was replaced in 1914&gt;1915 with a hipped roof and an attic, accompanied by a balcony built above the original portico. While this addition was meant to emulate the function of a cihannüma, it lacked its formal architectural qualities and instead created a new focal point in the building’s external appearance.By 1925, the building was functioning as the Isparta Secondary School. Following a nationwide survey conducted by the Ministry of Education in 1926, several modifications were made in the 1926&gt;1927 academic year. These included the division of classrooms to accommodate increased enrollment, concreting of the floors, replacement of hall ceilings, and the expropriation of adjacent land &gt; currently the site of the Isparta Teachers’ Lodge &gt; to expand the schoolyard. Additionally, a four&gt;classroom pavilion was erected in the courtyard, though it no longer survives today. In 1952, the institution was reconstituted as Isparta High School, and in 1960, it was renamed Şehit Ali İhsan Kalmaz High School. The following year, the school was relocated to a newly constructed building situated in the rear courtyard. From 1961 onwards, the historic Idadi building was repurposed to serve various public institutions. Between 1986 and 1990, the building underwent a major restoration. While the external facade was largely preserved to maintain historical authenticity, the interior was significantly altered. The internal walls were reconstructed using reinforced concrete, new supporting columns were added, and the roof slab was replaced to ensure structural integrity. Following this restoration, the building housed the Provincial Directorate of National Education until approximately 5&gt;6 years ago. In 2019, a government decision repurposed the building as a Millet Kıraathanesi (Public Reading Hall), a function it continues to fulfill today.

İki Dönemin Tanığı Bir Bina: Isparta İdadisi/Orta Mektebi Binasının Tarihi

Setenay

Studies on gender and nationalism underline the profoundly gendered character of nationalism and reveal that national projects aiming to build nations, nation-states and ethnic groups are simultaneously gender projects, operating on various levels and constructing multiple images of women. In those projects, women are portrayed simultaneously as mothers, victims, symbols, subjects and preservers of the nation. Emerging in tandem with an Ottoman feminist movement in the early twentieth century, Turkish nationalism utilized this repertoire and encoded the nationalist project as a gendered project necessitating the formation of a new woman as a modern companion to the modernizing men of the empire. Hence, modernization, nationalism and feminism became the key pillars that characterized the ideological debates, cultural production and politics of the final decades of the empire.Given such a background, this study aims to explore the constructions of femininity, their transformations and limitations in the Turkish nationalist women’s novels during the transition from the Empire to the Republic. Despite their differences in literary styles and political orientations, Halide Edib Adıvar and Müfide Ferit Tek were two female authors who were considered nationalist literary pioneers by the founding fathers of Turkish nationalism. Analyzing Halide Edib’s New Turan (Yeni Turan, 1912), The Shirt of Flame (Ateşten Gömlek, 1918) and Strike the Whore (Vurun Kahpeye, 1923), along with Müfide Ferit’s Aydemir (1922) and Propellers (Pervaneler, 1924), this study points at a multiplicity of roles designed for women in nationalism though none of these female characters attained leadership positions.Themes of desexualization, sacrifice, subordination of individualism for the survival of the nation and the depiction of ideal women characterize these early nationalist novels written during the transformation from the empire to a new nation-state. While these novels depicted “new woman” with a certain degree of familiarity with Western culture and modernity, these characters were meticulously crafted on a balance between tradition and modernity, East and West, as well as liberation and chastity. The authors maintained this delicate equilibrium by depicting these women without a nuclear and parental family structure. With the exception of Propellers (Pervaneler), all female protagonists in these novels lacked any significant relationships with other women, lost their mothers early in life and lacked sisters or female companions. In the absence of any meaningful interactions with women, ‘other women’ served the function of being educated, emancipated by the protagonists or becoming jealous of them. Nationalism, it appears, embraced some women while disregarding women’s potentials for building bonds of sisterhood. The more elevated their position in the nationalist projects, the more isolated they became from other women and familial ties, often accompanied solely by a man with a similar ideological framework. Their ‘elevation’ to the nationalist roles and missions required disconnecting from the world of women.&nbsp;The female figures in Adıvar’s and Tek’s nationalist novels were engaged in a multiplicity of roles, including serving as nurses during times of war, being political orators in the political meetings, and even contributing theoretical perspectives to a fictional nationalist movement in its early stages. These diverse roles allowed female protagonists a space of activism, mobility and agency amidst the great transformations of history—such as the dissolution of an empire, a nationalist struggle for independence, and the formation of a nation-state. Nevertheless, the grand finale —lynching of the female protagonist by the townspeople—in Strike the Whore (Vurun Kahpeye), a Republican novel, insinuates that the unexpected and chaotic activism of these heroic women in the nationalist cause was over and the second war, which would be against the tradition and bigotry, would be fought by men and the masculine state. In Propellers (Pervaneler), another Early Republican novel, female characters were portrayed as social problems to be solved, and subjects requiring discipline and control by nationalist men. These two novels of the Republican period signify the beginning of a new period for women in nationalism in which the nascent nation-state began recruiting women to predesignated nationalist roles by the directives of the founding fathers; rather than women recruiting themselves. Consequently, they underscore the employment of a different discourse on women within state-based/ post-independence/post-colonial nationalisms.

İmparatorluk’tan Cumhuriyet’e Geçiş Döneminde Milliyetçi Kadın Yazınında Kadın Kurguları: Halide Edib Adıvar ve Müfide Ferit Tek Romanları (1912-1924)

Berna

Res. Assist. Dr.

Following the French and Industrial Revolutions, during what came to be known as the Age of Nationalism, folkloric studies gained significant prominence within multiethnic empires. A discernible link exists between the process of nation-building and the increased emphasis on folklore during the modernization of Ottoman-Turkish society, as was the case across much of Europe. The rise of Turkish nationalism, particularly after the Balkan Wars of 1912-1913, led to the systematization and institutionalization of folklore studies. This period also marked a turning point in Ottoman-Turkish cultural history, wherein studies focused on language and folk knowledge signaled the discovery and legitimization of folklore as a field of inquiry.During the early Republican era, folklore emerged as a central concern of the state’s cultural policies, and various institutions and organizations were mobilized to collect, classify, and analyze folkloric data. On one side stood the enduring legacy of imperial Ottoman culture, with its long-standing classical traditions, and on the other, the vernacular expressions of the people, embodying local and regional variations. Following the proclamation of the Republic, folklore was elevated as the primary - and in many respects, exclusive - source for interpreting the past. This elevation was rooted in a political vision that disassociated classical Ottoman culture, art, and literature from the new national identity, casting them as remnants of the imperial past incompatible with the modern nation-state.This approach was reflected in literature, which served as a tool for mass transformation, where various elements of folklore were incorporated into literary production. Ahmet Hamdi Tanpınar stands out as a unique figure in this cultural landscape, engaging with these issues not only in his fictional works but also in his academic writings and essays. Yet, unlike many of his contemporaries, Tanpınar did not regard folklore as the sole reservoir for constructing national identity, nor did he entirely reject the classical cultural heritage. A strong proponent of historical consciousness and cultural continuity, Tanpınar approached both classical and folk traditions not as ideological instruments of nationalism, but as dynamic cultural resources that could be adapted to the realities of his time. In his novels, Tanpınar thus advances a pragmatic vision - advocating for cultural synthesis and underscoring the necessity of drawing from both traditions.This article examines how Ahmet Hamdi Tanpınar engages with the cultural and political climate of the early Republican era through his novel Huzur and, in particular, through the characterization of the female protagonist, Nuran. The study explores the tension between classical and folkloric elements within the novel and how these elements, rather than challenging the dominant patriarchal canon, are mobilized to reconstruct the female protagonist’s identity in alignment with male-centered ideological frameworks. Nuran is subjected to two overlapping processes of character formation - one shaped by the author, and the other by the male protagonist, Mümtaz. Both formations are informed by a shared ideological vision that seeks to synthesize classical and folkloric traditions as an alternative to the prevailing political narratives of the period. However, this synthesis remains confined within the epistemological limits of patriarchal discourse. While the author constructs Nuran as a symbolic bearer of cultural continuity - tasked with preserving and transmitting both folkloric and classical legacies - Mümtaz, as a fictional character, seeks to reimagine and reconfigure her identity according to the same ideological schema. This dual positioning produces a complex interplay between the Nuran envisioned by the author and the Nuran idealized by Mümtaz, raising questions about authorship, agency, and representation. The article interrogates how Nuran’s identity is shaped by these male figures, how her voice is framed within or resists these constructions, and what forms of subjective agency emerge in moments of tension with the male-imagined synthesis of culture and identity. In doing so, the analysis foregrounds the role of folkloric and classical knowledge in the production of Nuran’s subjectivity, examining how both abstract and material remnants of the past are inscribed onto her character. Furthermore, the article considers Nuran’s moments of resistance as a critical site of agency, marking her refusal to be fully subsumed into the symbolic order devised by male authorship. Finally, the study includes a comparative reading between Nuran in Huzur and Emine in Yakup Kadri Karaosmanoğlu’s Yaban. This comparison is situated within a broader ideological framework, revealing how both characters are shaped by distinct yet intersecting forms of nationalist discourse that ascribe symbolic meaning to female figures within the matrix of official ideology

Cumhuriyet’in Yeni Kadınını Yazmak: Huzur’da Erkek Muhayyilenin Politik Sentezciliğine Karşı Kadın Kahramanın Öznellik Direnci

Up to the last quarter of 19th century, steam power was the only available source of power for commercial enterprises. Steam power provided reliable and abundant amount of energy. But it required great investments. This requirement limited the spread of mechanization. But the invention electrical motors changed the situation. With its practical usage opportunities, electricity took attention of several commercial enterprises in the Ottoman Empire. According to former steam power, electricity provides both usage easiness and lesser cost opportunity to commercial enterprises. Thanks to electrical engines, relatively small businesses were able to take decision of mechanization. In this article, there were shown examples from six sectors, who wanted to benefit from electricity in their activities. Entrepreneurs made investments in mining, logistics, jewelry, transportation, ginning and milling, for this new technology. In general with electricity investments, entrepreneurs wanted to reach seven advantages that there were communication possibility, safer working environment, energy efficiency, better lighting, easy utilization, reduced cost and increased productivity.In this article, there were three examples from mining sector. Balya-Karaaydın Mining Company from Balıkesir established power station in Mancılık. This company wanted to bring microphones, for better communication in the any case of probable accident. Kesendire Mining Company from Thessaloniki planned to change its power source from steam to electricity. Thus, the company claimed that forest wealth of the region would be protected. In third example, Thasos Mines demanded permission for electricity using in lighting, because of different lighting equipment could cause various problems for this enterprise.Apart from mining, there were some other sectors demanded electricity or electrical equipment. Firstly, Haydarpaşa Port Company was building a silo within the port. The company wanted to produce electrical power, for using in crane like machines of silo. Secondly, a jewelry artisan Pilus oğlu Bedros from Trabzon wanted to bring a galvanoplasty machine from Paris. This machine would be used for plating metals. Thirdly, Oriental Railways Operator Company would build a bridge in Kuleliburgaz. The company had declared that it would construct the bridge using the pneumatic method. For lighting during construction, the company wanted to use electric light, instead of oil or olive oil. All equipment would be brought from Austria. Fourthly, German Levant Cotton Company supported cotton production in the region. Later, this company prepared ginned cotton and sent them to German textile factories, for their raw material needs. The company demanded permission to import electric dynamo, in order to use in its factory. At the beginning, demand of German Levant Cotton Company was rejected. Ottoman custom administration ordered that mentioned machine must be sent back to arrival address. Later, with the intervention of German Embassy, the company was granted permission to import electric dynamo to the Ottoman Empire.Lastly, some entrepreneurs in the field of milling requested permission for electricity using. There had been shown three examples about this sector. In the first example, a German person applied to the government regarding the lighting of the steam mill he operated in the city of Jerusalem. He wished to renew lamps of his mill. In the second example given about the mills, Mehmet from Yakova ran a mill in the İlhame district of Damascus. In his request in 1902, this person brought a water-powered electric machine from Europe. In the third example given about the mills, there is a prohibition. Ago Pasha had a flour factory built in Skopje. He also ordered an electrical machine from Europe to illuminate this factory. However, since the import of this machine was not allowed, the device in question was left to rot in the customs warehouse.As to the Ottoman government’s approach to these entrepreneurs, the officials did not always eagerly meet their demands. Most of the custom officials were unwilling to take initiative. Unless Sultan’s very clear order, they rejected entrepreneurs. However in the end, demands of entrepreneurs were mostly accepted by the government. But, the Ottoman Empire did not ignore the evaluation of the necessity of demands. The government considered that it was important to clearly determine the purpose of the demands. Every machine must only be used in specifically permitted business. In addition, the responsible person of each machine or equipment must also be determined, in the case of probable accident or an inconvenient situation.

Yeni Bir Güç Kaynağı Olarak Osmanlı Ticari İşletmelerinde Elektrik

Banu

Türkiye’de Alman Propagandası Hakkında Bir Kitap: Türkishe Post

Amerikan Kaynaklarında İnanılmaz Türk Mustafa Kemal Atatürk

@JOURNAL_BOX_CURRENT

@JOURNAL_BOX_EARLYVIEW

Yasin

Cyprus has for many years attracted international attention due to its strategic location. The island came under Ottoman rule in 1571. In 1878, British forces took over the island from the Ottoman administration, in exchange for protection against Russian attacks. In response to the entry of the Ottoman Empire into the First World War on the side of Germany, Britain added the island unilaterally to its own territory on 5 November 1914. During the negotiations in Lausanne, the Turkish side accepted that Cyprus belonged to Britain. The declaration of the establishment of the Turkish Republic of Cyprus took place on 16 August 1960, with both Turkish and Greek Cypriots taking part in the administration of the country. However, the Republic of Cyprus was not able to continue for long. Clashes resumed on the island after Makarios attempted to restrict the rights acquired by the Cypriot Turks in the 1960 constitution.Following the collapse of the Republic of Cyprus in December 1963, Turkish Cypriots established their own administration on the island. First, a separate Turkish administration called “General Committee” was established in 1964. Then, in November 1967, the Provisional Turkish Cypriot Administration was established. Thus, Turkish Cypriots tried to ensure their security in a more organized way. Britain did not support the steps taken by the Turkish Cypriots on the island. After Turkey’s 1974 military intervention, the Autonomous Turkish Cypriot Administration was established in October 1974 in the north of the island. On February 13, 1975, the founding of the Turkish Federated State of Cyprus (TFSC) was announced.Against this background, this study deals with the response of the British parliament to the declaration of the establishment of the TFSC by Turkish Cypriots in 1975. One of the countries that reacted strongly to the Turkish military intervention on the island in 1974 was Britain. The announcement of the establishment of the TFSC also provoked a strong reaction from Britain. In the statements made by the British government, the establishment of the TFSC was declared to be an “undesired development”. This study examines the approach of British MPs to the TFSC through discussions in the House of Commons.The first result of the study shows that British MPs did not support the announcement of the establishment of the TFSC. British MPs reacted to this and they questioned whether the British government knew about this announcement beforehand. British MPs also sought an answer to the question of why the government had not taken any steps to prevent the establishment of the TFSC. British government officials emphasized in their statements that they did not know that the founding of the TFSC would be announced. In addition, they expressed with certainty that the newly established Turkish administration would not be recognized by Britain. Another point that the study draws attention to was that because Ankara supported the TFSC, some MPs wanted the British government to “punish” Turkey. Moreover, one member of parliament wanted the British government to work for the suspension of Turkeys’ UN membership. However, British government officials stated that they did not support such a proposal.Some MPs expressed in the British parliament that Britain, which is one of the guarantor states in Cyprus, should take more initiative in seeking a resolution to the Cyprus problem. In response to this proposal, government officials pointed out the necessity to continue negotiations between the Turkish and Greek Cypriots for peace in Cyprus. British deputies expressed that there would be no results from long-standing inter-communal talks. They argued that the British government should follow a more active policy for peace in Cyprus. Government officials disagreed with these suggestions and stated that Britain could not act alone. Other guarantor states in Cyprus would have to agree together on a solution. Thus, the government did not take into consideration the active policy proposal for a solution to the Cyprus problem. Finally, another issue that came up after the announcement of the establishment of the TFSC was the situation of British citizens on the island. Some MPs proposed to open an official representative office within the boundaries of the TFSC for British citizens. However, British government officials opposed this proposal.&nbsp;As a result, MPs in the British parliament did not accept the announcement of the TFSC. Furthermore, there were deputies who said that the Turks should not be declared solely responsible for the Cyprus problem. However, this view did not cause any change in the policy of the British government and the TFSC was not recognized by the British government.

Kıbrıs Türk Federe Devleti’nin (1975) Kuruluş İlanına İngiliz Parlamentosunun Tepkisi

II. ABDÜLHAMİD ÖZELİNDE OSMANLI’DA BİSMARCK ALGISI

İsmail

At the end of the Second World War, a fast decolonization process started in the British Empire. This situation re-triggered the sovereignty debate in Cyprus. Repre-sentatives of the Greek Cypriots had been trying to make Cyprus a territory of Gree-ce for many years. Enosis, which meant the annexation of the island to Greece, was a strong feeling among Greek Cypriots. They also wanted to take advantage of the decolonization process. However, Great Britain did not favor the annexation of the island to Greece due to its interests in the Middle East. Great Britain favored making a more libertarian constitution on the island instead of enosis. The Greek Cypriots responded to this approach of the British government by declaring that they would never step back from the enosis.Enosis was not only prevented by Britain’s interests in the Middle East. Tur-kish Cypriots were also strongly opposed to enosis. Because Turks living on other islands, especially in Crete, had to leave their homeland due to Greek pressure, they were concerned the same outcome would happen on their own. That is why the Tur-kish Cypriots defended the continuation of the British rule on the island, or it should have been given to Turkey, which was the former owner of the island. On the other hand, Turkey was also against enosis because Turkey saw the enosis as an instrument of the expansionist politics of Greece. Despite the Turkish Cypriots’ and Turkey’s objections, Greek Cypriots insisted on demanding Enosis.The date of 18 October 1950 was a turning point for enosis because of Maka-rios III, whose original name was Mikhail Christodoulos Mouskos, was elected as archbishop. Makarios was ready to use all the facilities of the church for enosis. Eno-sis was a historical task, a national and religious issue for him. For that reason, he regarded leading the struggle for enosis as a great honor. According to Makarios, there were two ways to achieve enosis: diplomacy or armed struggle. He applied all the diplomatic methods he knew between 1950 and 1955. In this context, he organi-zed demonstrations in Athens and Nicosia; directed the public opinion, sought sup-port from the Greek lobby in the USA; and pressured the British administration.&nbsp;&nbsp;All the diplomatic initiatives of Makarios and Greece failed to persuade Bri-tain for enosis. Therefore, Greece applied to the United Nations to obtain the right of self-determination for Cyprus on August 16, 1954. However, the United Nations rejected Greece’s application. In the same period, besides diplomatic initiatives, an armed terrorist organization was established to carry out terrorist acts on the island, but this organization declined to take any action until the United Nations made its decision on Cyprus. The name of this&nbsp;organization was EOKA. It was founded under the leadership of retired Colonel Grivas and Makarios, and its aim was to carry out enosis through terrorist attacks.&nbsp;&nbsp;The establishment activities of EOKA began secretly in 1951, and had comp-leted all preparations by 1 April 1955. EOKA carried out all its activities on the is-land mostly through youth organizations such as PEON and OHEN. The Cyprus Church provided financial support to EOKA. Thanks to this financial support, the necessary weapons could be purchased. In order to become a member of EOKA, it was necessary to be Greek, a supporter of enosis and not be a communist. Therefore, EOKA was a pan-helenic fascist organization whose purpose was limited to enosis. Consequently, EOKA cannot be described as an organization that is fighting against colonialism to gain independency for its own folk because it wanted only enosis, not national independence. It was clear that EOKA’s motivation to resort to armed struggle against the British colonial administration was never independence.

Düşünceden Eyleme EOKA

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BİRİNCİ DÜNYA SAVAŞI’NDA İNGİLİZLERCE HİNDİSTAN’A GÖNDERİLEN TÜRK ESİRLERİ

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Hüseyin

This study’s purpose is to provide information about Ali Saib Bey, who was in service in various provincial offices in the Ottoman State for many years and was the author of the annex which constitutes the main subject of the article. On the other hand, another purpose of the study was to determine the issues and recommendations stated in the annex and reveal whether these recommendations were realized through archive documents.The civil service life of a public servant who served in the Ottoman provinces for many years will be examined in this study. Many issues such as his duties, assignments, and rewards taken by this officer in the provinces will be revealed in this section. In addition, the presentation of the annex that Ali Saib Bey wrote was also important in terms of showing what problems he had in Shkoder, which would come out shortly after the Ottoman Empire, and what recommendations were put forward to overcome these problems. The question of whether these recommendations were taken into consideration were examined through documents in the Presidential Ottoman Archives. It is thought that the findings obtained within the framework of this annex, which reveal the central-provincial relations and have not been studied before, will contribute to the history of this territory.The first step in the method followed during the study was to collect data about the civil service life of Ali Saib Efendi, the owner of the annex. Later, it was evaluated in accordance with the original partition by making content analysis of the annex. And then, the documents obtained as a result of the review carried out in the Presidential Ottoman Archive on the subjects mentioned in the annex were compared. The studies conducted on the related territory were utilized for the data related to Shkoder. In this respect, the main source of the study was the annex of Ali Saib Bey and the documents obtained in the Presidential Ottoman Archive.Ali Saib Bey, the son of a soldier father, started his career as a correspondence clerk in Malatya sanjak at a very young age and served in many parts of the country. Ali Saib Efendi, who came to Shkoder with his position as a provincial letter officer on February 1, 1909, also served as deputy governor of Shkoder during this duty. Ali Saib Bey, who briefly summarized his civil service life in this way, wrote an annex dated October 29, 1911 that formed the subject of this study. Initially, he transferred the geographical borders and population information of the province. In the section titled political and social situation and urgent needs of Shkoder, he emphasized the issue of Malesori, for which he was also assigned. One of the important determinations he made was that it was the most important problem of the people in this place to be in ignorance and misery. Also, the efforts of Austria and Italy to influence here are another issue that was mentioned in the annex. It was understood from the statements of Ali Saib Bey that they took the hearts of the people through the great investments they made in the region and that even some of the Muslims in the Malesori region left their religions for this reason. It was a remarkable determination that the people in Malesori and Shkoder took refuge in the patronage of Montenegro, which was their enemy. An important determination in this section was that the Ottoman ambassador in Çetine was acting as if he were supporting Montenegro. After this section, Ali Saib Bey gave information about the law that he defined as “not fit for civilization and humanity” under the title of Dukakin Law. The next title was education. In the annex stating that Shkoder was not at the desired level in education, it was worth noting that many of the teachers with insufficient salaries did not know Ottoman Turkish. The most important recommendation in this section was that an industrial school should be opened there. Under the title of Public Works, it mentioned that the situation of the roads was very bad and that it was necessary to do something as soon as possible. Another point mentioned in this section was that foreign engineers and conductors did not want to go to their places owing to various excuses. Under the public order title, it determined that the coast of Shkoder Lake, up to Boyana and Drac, was open to smuggling and that it was a necessity to set up observation towers in suitable places on the coast, and he emphasized the necessity of installing a telephone line between them. In the title on agriculture, he stated that agriculture was done in the old way due to the financial deficiencies of the people. Therefore, he emphasized that it was necessary to increase the capital of the agricultural bank there and to open the branch of the bank in some towns. Opening a sample field on which Ali Saib Bey was standing was one of the recommendations put into practice. Another important determination in this section is that Shkoder was very rich in terms of forest but it was not utilized properly. Under the heading of civil service, some significant opinions were given about administrative arrangements that needed to be made by giving the current administrative division of Shkoder. The most noteworthy of these was the proposal to assign the Muslims or Christians in Shkoder, who could speak the local language, as the head of the district. Under the heading of officers to be assigned to Shkoder, it was requested that the unqualified ones be taken from there and replaced by experienced officers, and that the salaries and liabilities of the officers who would work there should be made regularly. The most striking point in the headline of politics to be implemented in Shkoder was that almost all of the people across the province had an attitude towards the government and that the people of the territory should not behave violently as a result of their nature, but it would not also result in being too soft. The only thing to do was to meet in the middle. It was another recommendation that mobile doctors should be assigned there and that these doctors should constantly treat people who were sick in the villages and mountains and make the state propaganda. Finally, it was recommended that the loyalty of the people to the state should be provided through the Muslim and Christian opinion leaders and that the financial support should be provided to poor people as much as possible.The annex written by an officer who worked in different parts of the Ottoman Empire as the correspondence clerk of Shkoder was an important document in order to understand center-provincial relations. There were some recommendations by Ali Saib Bey that were realized as well as those that could not be realized due to financial difficulties. As a result, thinking about how to manage Shkoder better and how to handle the current problems, Ali Saib Bey explained these issues in detail. However, neither this annex nor the efforts of the Ottoman State yielded any results, and Shkoder came out of the hands of the Ottomans as a result of the Balkan Wars.

Osmanlı Taşrasında Bir Kamu Görevlisi, Ali Saib Bey ve İşkodra Vilayetine Dair Layihası

Davud

The Ottoman Empire, which joined the First World War on the side of the Central Powers, had to fight actively on many fronts due to its strategic and geopolitical position. These fronts stretched from the Caucasus to Iraq, from the Suez Canal to the Dardanelles. In addition, Ottoman forces also operated in areas that were not actively involved in conflict, taking active or passive defensive measures. The Ottoman Empire’s Deputy Commander-In-Chief in Thrace carried out military operations in case of a military landing by the Allied forces and as such took various measures in the Black Sea, Marmara, western Anatolia and around Iskenderun.&nbsp;The Ottoman Empire’s Western Anatolian coasts being under the threat of the British and French Navy , and having the assistance of the Allied Forces to carry out air operations with aircraft carriers wherever they wanted, led to the deployment of aviation units by the Ottoman Commander-in-Chief in the relevant regions.The Ottoman Empire entered the First World War with six aircraft at the beginning of the war. After some time, the Ottoman Empire was in active at the front with 1500 personnel and 450 aircraft which were received from its ally Germany. At the beginning of the war, the Ottoman Deputy Commander-in-chief sent two aircraft to the Dardanelles and one plane to Izmir, taking into account the strategic and geopolitical situation of the Dardanelles and Izmir region. Over time, air troops were deployed in the region with aircraft from Germany and the amount of aircraft was increased.At the beginning of the First World War, measures were taken by sending planes around Çanakkale and Izmir, and in 1915, also to the Dardanelles Front battles began with the offensive of the Allied Forces. On March 18, 1915, the Allies did not succeed in their naval operation, followed by a landing on the Gallipoli peninsula on April 25, 1915. However, the Entente forces withdrew from the region at the beginning of 1916, failing to achieve any success as a result of the joint defence of the Turkish land, air and naval forces.After the victory of the Turkish forces in the Dardanelles, the Allied forces carried out operations until the end of the war in the western Anatolia region with the air and&nbsp;naval forces they had gathered in the islands . The Allied tactical operation was aimed at maintaining the control of the Straits and preventing entry and exit from there. Consequently, the region was constantly supervised by both sea and air elements due to its strategic importance. In addition, from time to time western Anatolian coasts, cities and ports were harassed and bombed by Allied naval and air elements.The activity of the Allied forces was marked by the formation of 1st and 6th divisions in and around Çanakkale, which included the Western Anatolia region, and 5th and 12th divisions around Izmir, in order to follow, explore, monitor and report the situation to the command levels as quickly as possible. The possibility and expectation that the Entente forces would make a landing over Gallipoli or Izmir after the battles of the Dardanelles made the formation of the air defense forces mandatory in addition to the precautionary measures of the Ottoman State. The aim was to secure the capital Istanbul with air troops from the relevant regions in the Dardanelles and to advance against the Allied Air Forces. It was also intended to preempt possible landings into the region with the air forces in Izmir.The Aegean Sea and the islands were monitored by the units and platoons established, and from time to time the allied bases there were bombed. Air battles took place with the aircraft of the Allied forces. From the point of view of the opposing forces, the strategic importance of the Ottoman territory led to Allied aircraft carrying out aerial attacks on Istanbul and Izmir from time to time. Although these aerial attacks did not affect the outcome of the war, they played their part in terms of psychological effects. The Allied elements demonstrated effectiveness, particularly by bombing strategic public institutions, air bases and warships.The headquarters of the British Air Force in the Mediterranean was assembled and directed at a command post in Malta. The air operations against Istanbul and Izmir were carried out by the air units based at Mondros, under the command of Colonel Gordon. After the battles of the Dardanelles, 34 French and British aircraft based on the islands in the Aegean Sea operated on Western Anatolia. French aircraft served in Bozcaada, and a Greek aircraft station that was under the supervision of the Greek Ministry of War, was located in Mondros. Meanwhile, a base between Thasoz and Lesbos served the Entente aircraft. All these squadrons were managed under the command of the commander at Mondros.Turkish coasts were blockaded from 1915. French naval forces were completely under the control of Beirut, Iskenderun, and the Antalya coasts. The French, assisting their naval forces, began to conduct aerial reconnaissance from the Egyptian ports and the small islands of Ruad and Meis between Cyprus and Syria. Upon the increase of enemy activities in the Aegean Sea and Izmir region, the 5th Airborne Division was assigned the task of reconnaissance and control against the Entente activities in the region. In this context, flights were made from the islands of Chios, Sisam, Rhodes, Lesbos and Kösten (Uzunada), and mobility in the region was monitored.&nbsp;From all academic studies carried out on behalf of the history of aviation thus far, it can be seen based on archival documents that no studies have been conducted on the topic of the air operations carried out in the western Anatolia region after the Gallipoli victory. Having remedied this with this study, aviation activities realized in the said region have now been examined in the light of archival documents.

Çanakkale Zaferi’nden Sonra Batı Anadolu’da Havacılık Faaliyetleri (1915-1918)

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Yakın Dönem Türkiye Araştırmaları-Recent Period Turkish Studies, İstanbul Üniversitesi Atatürk İlkeleri ve İnkılap Tarihi Enstitüsü’nün yayınıdır. Açık-erişimli, bilimsel, hakemli ve bölgesel odaklı uluslararası bir dergidir; öncelikle Türkiye’nin tarihsel olarak ilişkili olduğu bölgeler olan Balkanlar, Doğu Avrupa, Doğu Akdeniz, Orta Asya ve Orta Doğu’dan akademisyenleri, okurları ve yazarları hedefler. Yılda iki defa Haziran ve Aralık aylarında yayınlanır. Derginin başlangıç tarihi 2002’dir. 2024 itibariyle basılı versiyon durdurulmuştur. Dergi sadece online olarak yayınlanmaktadır.

Dergi, yakın dönem Türk ve Dünya Tarihini ilgilendiren tarih, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Tarihi, Atatürk İlkeleri ve İnkılap Tarihi, Osmanlı Tarihi, sosyoloji, edebiyat, sanat tarihi, hukuk, siyaset bilimi, iktisat disiplinlerinden özgün araştırmalara dayanan çalışmaları yayınlanmaktadır . Derginin amacı Türkçe, İngilizce, Almanca ve Fransızca araştırma, inceleme, derleme yazıları yayınlamak suretiyle bilime katkı sağlamaktır. 

Dergi odaklandığı alanlarda boşluğu dolduracak özgün araştırmalara dayanan makaleler; incelenen konuları zengin bir kaynakçaya dayanarak değerlendiren, eleştiren ve bu konuda yeni ve dikkate değer görüşler ortaya koyan araştırma, inceleme ve derleme yazıları yayınlar.

Alanla ilgili çevirilere ve durumun belirtilmesi koşulu ile daha önce bir bilimsel kongrede sunulmuş ancak yayınlanmamış bildirilerin metinlere; Milli Mücadele ve Türkiye Cumhuriyeti ile ilgili eser, şahsiyet ve ilmi faaliyetlerin tanıtım yazılarına da dergide yer verilir.

Derginin tüm giderleri İstanbul Üniversitesi tarafından karşılanmaktadır. Dergide makale yayını ve makale süreçlerinin yürütülmesi ücrete tabi değildir. Dergiye gönderilen ya da yayın için kabul edilen makaleler için işlemleme ücreti ya da gönderim ücreti alınmaz.

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Yakın Dönem Türkiye Araştırmaları-Recent Period Turkish Studies, yılda iki defa yayınlanan (Aralık-Haziran) bilimsel, açık erişimli ve hakemli bir dergidir. Dergi, yakın dönem Türk ve Dünya Tarihini ilgilendiren tarih, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Tarihi, Atatürk İlkeleri ve İnkılap Tarihi, Osmanlı Tarihi, sosyoloji, edebiyat, sanat tarihi, hukuk, siyaset bilimi, iktisat disiplinlerinden özgün araştırmalara dayanan çalışmaları yayınlanmakta, bu sayede ulusal ve uluslararası düzeyde bilim dünyası ile akademisyenler arasında bir köprü görevi görmektedir.Yakın Dönem Türkiye Araştırmaları-Recent Period Turkish Studies dergisinin amacı Türkçe, İngilizce, Almanca ve Fransızca araştırma makaleleri ve inceleme yazıları yayınlamak suretiyle bilime katkı sağlamaktır.Yakın Dönem Türkiye Araştırmaları-Recent Period Turkish Studies dergisinin kapsamını yakın dönem Türk ve Dünya Tarihini ilgilendiren tarih, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Tarihi, Atatürk İlkeleri ve İnkılap Tarihi, Osmanlı Tarihi, sosyoloji, edebiyat, sanat tarihi, hukuk, siyaset bilimi, iktisat disiplinleri oluşturur. Dergi odaklandığı alanlarda boşluğu dolduracak özgün araştırmalara dayanan makaleler; incelenen konuları zengin bir kaynakçaya dayanarak değerlendiren, eleştiren ve bu konuda yeni ve dikkate değer görüşler ortaya koyan araştırma, inceleme ve derleme yazıları yayınlar. Alanla ilgili çeviriler ve durumun belirtilmesi koşulu ile daha önce bir bilimsel kongrede sunulmuş ancak yayınlanmamış bildirilerin metinleri; Milli Mücadele ve Türkiye Cumhuriyeti ile ilgili eser, şahsiyet ve ilmi faaliyetlerin tanıtım yazıları da dergide yayınlanır.

Amaç ve Kapsam

<ul type="disc"> <li>Web of Science – Emerging Sources Citation Index (ESCI)</li> <li>TÜBİTAK ULAKBİM TR Dizin</li> <li>DOAJ</li> <li>ERIH PLUS</li> <li>EBSCO Central &amp; Eastern European Academic Source</li> <li>Research Bible (ResearchBib)</li> <li>İslâm Araştırmaları Merkezi (İSAM)</li> <li>Sosyal Bilimler Atıf Dizini (SOBIAD)</li> <li>Scopus</li> <li>Gale Cengage</li><li><a href="https://about.proquest.com/en/products-services/Ulrichsweb/" target="_blank" style="font-size: 14.6667px;">Ulrichsweb</a>                                                                                                                                                                                                           </li></ul>

Dizinler

Dergi yayın etiğinde en yüksek standartlara bağlıdır ve <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a> ve <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> tarafından yayınlanan etik yayıncılık ilkelerini benimser; Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing başlığı altında ifade edilen ilkeler için: <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a> Gönderilen makaleler derginin amaç ve kapsamına uygun olmalıdır. Orijinal, yayınlanmamış ve başka bir dergide değerlendirme sürecinde olmayan, her bir yazar tarafından içeriği ve gönderimi onaylanmış yazılar değerlendirmeye kabul edilir. Makale yayınlanmak üzere Dergiye gönderildikten sonra yazarlardan hiçbirinin ismi, tüm yazarların yazılı izni olmadan yazar listesinden silinemez ve yeni bir isim yazar olarak eklenemez ve yazar sırası değiştirilemez.İntihal, duplikasyon, sahte yazarlık/inkar edilen yazarlık, araştrma/veri fabrikasyonu, makale dilimleme, dilimleyerek yayın, telif hakları ihlali ve çıkar çatışmasının gizlenmesi, etik dışı davranışlar olarak kabul edilir. Kabul edilen etik standartlara uygun olmayan tüm makaleler yayından çıkarılır. Buna yayından sonra tespit edilen olası kuraldışı, uygunsuzluklar içeren makaleler de dahildir.İntihal Ön kontrolden geçirilen makaleler, iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal/kendi kendine intihal tespit edilirse yazarlar bilgilendirilir. Editörler, gerekli olması halinde makaleyi değerlendirme ya da üretim sürecinin çeşitli aşamalarında intihal kontrolüne tabi tutabilirler. Yüksek benzerlik oranları, bir makalenin kabul edilmeden önce ve hatta kabul edildikten sonra reddedilmesine neden olabilir. Makalenin türüne bağlı olarak, bunun oranın %15 veya %20'den az olması beklenir.Çift Kör Hakemlikİntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir. Editör, makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakemlikten geçmesini sağlar ve makale biçimsel esaslara uygun ise, gelen yazıyı yurtiçinden ve /veya yurtdışından en az iki hakemin değerlendirmesine sunar, hakemler gerek gördüğü takdirde yazıda istenen değişiklikler yazarlar tarafından yapıldıktan sonra yayınlanmasına onay verir.

Politikalar

Dergi açık erişimlidir ve derginin tüm içeriği okura ya da okurun dahil olduğu kuruma ücretsiz olarak sunulur. Okurlar, ticari amaç haricinde, yayıncı ya da yazardan izin almadan dergi makalelerinin tam metnini okuyabilir, indirebilir, kopyalayabilir, arayabilir ve link sağlayabilir. Bu <a href="https://www.budapestopenaccessinitiative.org/translations/turkish-translation" target="_blank">BOAI</a> açık erişim tanımıyla uyumludur. Derginin açık erişimli makaleleri Creative Commons Atıf-GayrıTicari 4.0 Uluslararası (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.tr" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) olarak lisanslıdır.

Derginin tüm giderleri İstanbul Üniversitesi tarafından karşılanmaktadır. Dergide makale yayını ve makale süreçlerinin yürütülmesi ücrete tabi değildir. Dergiye gönderilen ya da yayın için kabul edilen makaleler için işlemleme ücreti ya da gönderim ücreti alınmaz.

Yazarlar dergide yayınlanan çalışmalarının telif hakkına sahiptirler ve çalışmaları  Creative Commons Atıf-GayrıTicari 4.0 Uluslararası (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.tr" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) olarak lisanslıdır. CC BY-NC 4.0 lisansı, eserin ticari kullanım dışında her boyut ve formatta paylaşılmasına, kopyalanmasına, çoğaltılmasına ve orijinal esere uygun şekilde atıfta bulunmak kaydıyla yeniden düzenleme, dönüştürme ve eserin üzerine inşa etme dâhil adapte edilmesine izin verir.

Editörler, yayınlanan makalede, bulguları, yorumları ve sonuçları etkilemeyen küçük hatalar tespit edilirse düzeltme yayınlamayı düşünebilirler. Editörler, bulguları ve sonuçları geçersiz kılan büyük hatalar / ihlaller söz konusu olduğunda, makaleyi geri çekmeyi düşünmelidir. Yazarlar tarafından araştırma veya yayını kötüye kullanmaya yönelik olasılık söz konusu ise; bulguların güvenilir olmadığına ve yazarların kurumlarının olayı soruşturmadığına dair kanıtlar var veya olası soruşturma haksız veya sonuçsuz görünüyor ise, editörler endişe ifadesi yayınlamayı düşünmelidir. Düzeltme, geri çekme veya endişe ifadesi ile ilgili olarak <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/flowcharts/complete-set-english" target="_blank">COPE</a> ve <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/" target="_blank">ICJME</a> yönergeleri dikkate alınır.Geri ÇekmeDergi geri çekme durumunda <a href="https://publicationethics.org/sites/default/files/retraction-guidelines-cope.pdf" target="_blank">COPE Retraction Guidelines</a>’ı izler. Editör, aşağıdaki durumlarda bir makaleyi geri çekme hakkına sahiptir: <ul><li>Büyük bir hata (örn. yanlış hesaplama veya deneysel hata), uydurma öğeler  (örn. veri) veya tahrifat (örn. görüntü manipülasyonu) gibi bulguların güvenilmez olduğu sonucunu çıkarmaya dair açık kanıtlar varsa; </li><li>İçerikte intihal varsa; </li><li>Uygun atıf yapılmadan başka bir yerde yayınlanmışsa;</li><li>Kullanım izni olmayan materyal veya veri içeriyorsa;</li><li>Telif hakkı ihlali veya başka bir ciddi yasal sorun varsa;</li><li>Etik olmayan araştırma içeriyorsa; </li><li>Hakem değerlendirme sürecinin bozulduğuna veya manipüle edildiğine dair kanıt varsa;</li><li>Yazar(lar), editörün görüşüne göre, çalışmanın yorumlanmasını veya editörlerin ve hakemlerin tavsiyelerini önemli derecede etkileyebilecek, kritik bir çıkar çatışmasını açıklamamış ise.</li></ul>Geri çekme durumunda aşağıdaki adımlar izlenir:<ul><li>Makale başlığını da içeren geri çekme bildirimi derginin bir sonraki sayısında yayınlanır. Geri çekme bildirimi  içindekiler tablosunda sayfa nosu verilerek listelenir. </li><li>Elektronik versiyonda geri çekme bildirimi ile orijinal makale arasında link sağlanır. </li><li>Online makaleden önce geri çekme bildirimini içeren sayfa gelir; okuyucu daha sonra makalenin kendisine geçebilir.</li><li>Orijinal makale, her sayfadaki .pdf üzerinde “geri çekildiğini” belirten bir filigran dışında değişmeden kalır.</li></ul>Yasal Nedenlerle Makalenin KaldırılmasıAşağıdaki durumlarda, üst veriler (başlık ve yazarlar) hariç olmak üzere, makale metni kaldırılır ve makalenin yasal nedenlerle kaldırıldığını bildiren bir sayfa makalenin yerini alır. <ul><li>Makalenin karalayıcı içerik ihtiva ettiği veya başkalarının yasal haklarını ihlal ettiği tespit edilir ve geri çekmenin yeterli bir çözüm olmadığı düşünülürse;</li><li>Makale bir mahkeme kararına konu olmuşsa veya olacağına dair makul bir neden varsa;</li><li>Kamu sağlığı açısından önemli bir risk söz konusu ise;  </li></ul>

Dergide yayınlanan tüm yazıların korunmasını ve kalıcı olarak erişilebilir olmasını sağlamak için makaleler, ulusal bir arşiv sitesi olarak hizmet veren ve aynı zamanda LOCKSS'in içeriği toplamasına, korumasına ve sunmasına izin veren Dergipark'ta saklanmaktadır.Ek olarak, yazarların kendilerinin makalelerinin son PDF sürümünü Open Archives Initiative (<a href="https://www.openarchives.org/" target="_blank">https://www.openarchives.org/</a>) standartlarına uygun açık elektronik arşivlerde arşivlemeleri önerilir. Yazarlar, yayınladıkları arşiv versiyonundan, İ.Ü. Yayınevinin dergi web sitesinin URL'sine bağlantı sağlamalıdır.

Yapay Zeka konusundaki gelişmeler ve akademik yayıncılıkta görülen uygulamalar dikkate alınarak oluşturulan Yapay Zeka Politikası, yazarların, hakemlerin ve editörlerin bu türden teknolojilerin kullanımında uymaları gereken editöryal ve etik ilkeleri içerir. Yapay Zeka politikasının oluşturulmasında, aşağıdaki kaynaklar dikkate alınmıştır:Committee on Publication Ethics <a href="https://publicationethics.org/guidance/cope-position/authorship-and-ai-tools" target="_blank">(COPE) - Authorship and AI tools</a>; International Committee of Medical Journal Editors <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/browse/roles-and-responsibilities/defining-the-role-of-authors-and-contributors.html#four" target="_blank">(ICMJE) - Artificial Intelligence (AI)-Assisted Technology; World Association of Medical Editors  (WAME) Chatbots, Generative AI, and Scholarly Manuscripts</a><a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/browse/roles-and-responsibilities/defining-the-role-of-authors-and-contributors.html#four"></a>Yapay Zeka destekli teknolojiler (Büyük Dil Modelleri [LLM'ler], sohbet robotları veya görüntü oluşturucular gibi), metin, görüntü, ses ve sentetik veriler dahil olmak üzere çeşitli içerikler geliştirebilmekte ve üretebilmektedir. Bu yetenekleri etik ve güvenli bir şekilde kullanıldığında üretkenliği artırabilir ve yeniliği teşvik edebilir; ancak insan yönlendirmesi olmadan kullanımında doğru olmayan ve taraflı sonuçlar; atıf verme konusunda eksikler ve hatalar; gizlilik ve fikri mülkiyet haklarının korunmasında eksiklikler; yazar ve yayıncıların haklarının potansiyel ihlali gibi riskler taşımaktadır. IUPress, Yapay Zeka kullanımı konusunda söz konusu riskleri bertaraf etmeyi amaçlayan aşağıdaki temel ilkeleri benimser:  <ul><li>İçerik üretiminde kullanılan (metin, şekiller, resimler ve kod dahil ancak bunlarla sınırlı olmamak üzere) her türlü Yapay Zeka ile ilgili ayrıntılar çalışmanın uygun bölümünde (bilgi notu olarak ve/veya metod kısmında) beyan edilmeli ve net biçimde açıklanmalıdır. </li><li>Hiçbir Yapay Zeka aracı hiçbir bilimsel çalışmada yazar olarak listelenemez. </li><li>Yazarlar, herhangi bir şekilde Yapay Zeka kullanımı durumunda da çalışmalarının doğruluğu, bütünlüğü ve özgünlüğünden sorumludur; başkalarının fikirleri, verileri, kelimeleri veya diğer materyallerini doğru referanslama ve atıf ile sunmakla yükümlüdürler. </li><li>Hakemler ve editörler gönderilen çalışmayı tamamen ya da kısmen hiçbir üretken Yapay Zeka uygulamasına yükleyemez. </li></ul>IUPress yayınlarının editöryal süreçlerinde, Yapay Zeka ile üretilmiş içerikleri tespit eden yardımcı araçlar editörlerin kullanımındadır. Öte yandan okunurluğu, dil ve grammeri iyileştirme ve geliştirme konusunda önerilerde bulunan Yapay Zeka araçlarının kullanılması yaygındır ve IUPress  yayınlarında bu türden Yapay Zeka araçları editörlerin ve yazarların gözetiminde kullanılabilir.

Yapay Zeka Politikası

<ul><li>Yazarlar, gönderdikleri çalışmayı oluştururken <a target="_blank">Yapay Zeka destekli teknolojiler (Büyük Dil Modelleri [LLM'ler], sohbet robotları veya görüntü oluşturucular gibi) </a>kullandılarsa, bunu  beyan etmekle yükümlüdür. </li><li>Yazarlar hem ön yazıda hem de sunulan çalışmanın uygun bölümünde (bilgi notu olarak ve/veya metod kısmında), hangi Yapay Zeka aracını ve hangi versiyonunu ne amaçla kullandıklarını açıklamalıdır. </li><li>Yapay Zeka destekli teknolojilerden yararlanılarak oluşturulan içeriğin ve alıntıların doğruluğu, geçerliliği ve uygunluğunun sağlanması, olası hata, tutarsızlık ve taraflı sonuçların giderilmesi yazarların sorumluluğundadır. </li><li>Yazarlar, Yapay Zeka destekli teknolojiler ile üretilmiş metinlerde intihal potansiyeli olduğunu dikkate alarak, olası intihali bertaraf etmek için orijinal kaynakları mutlaka kontrol etmelidir. Kontrol ettiğini ve kaynakların orijnal kaynaklar olduğunu teyid etmelidir.  </li><li>Yapay Zeka destekli araçlar (ChatGPT gibi) yazar olarak listelenemez çünkü çalışmanın doğruluğundan, bütünlüğünden ve orijinalliğinden sorumlu olamazlar ve bu sorumluluklar yazarlık için şarttır. Bu nedenle, Yapay Zeka destekli teknolojilerin kullanımını içeren tüm materyallerden yazarlar sorumludur. Yazarlar, makalede yer alan ve çalışmanın hipotezlerini, yorumlarını, sonuçlarını, sınırlamalarını ve çıkarımlarını bildiren tüm ifadelerin kendi fikirlerini temsil ettiğinden emin olmalıdırlar.  </li><li>Yazarların, Yapay Zeka araçlarını temel araştırmacı ve yazar sorumluluklarının yerini alacak, aşağıdaki şekillerde kullanarak oluşturdukları çalışmalar bilimsel yayıncılık ve yayın etiği ilkelerine aykırıdır ve bu türden çalışmaların yayınlarda yer almasına izin verilmez: <ul><li>Titiz revizyon olmadan metin veya kod oluşturma, </li><li>Sağlam bir metodoloji olmadan eksik verileri ikame etmek için sentetik veri üretimi,  </li><li>Özetler veya ek materyaller de dahil olmak üzere her türlü hatalı, sentetik içerik oluşturulması </li><li>Yapay Zeka kullanımı ile görüntü ve şekillerin (resimler, çizelgeler, veri tabloları, tıbbi görüntüler, görüntü parçacıkları, bilgisayar kodları ve formüller) veya orijinal araştırma verilerinin oluşturulması ve manipüle edilmesi (bir görüntü veya şekil içinde belirli bir özelliğin artırılması, gizlenmesi, taşınması, kaldırılması veya eklenmesi).</li></ul></li></ul>

Hakem sürecinde gizliliğin korunması, değerlendirilen çalışmanın bu süreçte paylaşılmaması veya kullanılmaması esastır.  <a></a><a href="https://publicationethics.org/sites/default/files/ethical-guidelines-peer-reviewers-cope.pdf" target="_blank">(COPE – Ethical Guidelines for Peer Reviewers</a>) <ul><li>Hakemler, kendilerine değerlendirme için gönderilen bir makaleyi veya herhangi bir bölümünü gözden geçirme, değerlendirme veya karar verme sürecine yardımcı olması için üretken Yapay Zeka araçlarına veya Büyük Dil Modellerine yüklememelidirler; zira hakemlerin bu türden Yapay Zeka araçlarına içerik yüklemesi yazarların gizlilik ve mülkiyet haklarını ihlal eder.  </li><li>Bilimsel bir makalenin incelenmesi, yalnızca insanlara atfedilebilecek sorumluluktur. Hakem değerlendirmesi için gereken eleştirel düşünme ve orijinal değerlendirme bu teknolojinin kapsamı dışındadır ve teknolojinin makale hakkında yanlış, eksik veya önyargılı sonuçlar üretme riski vardır. Hakem raporu ve karar mektupları, hakemlerin ve editörlerin gönderilen içeriğe ilişkin kişisel değerlendirmelerini yansıtmalıdır. Hakem, raporunun içeriğinden sorumludur ve hesap vermekle sorumludur. </li><li>Yapay Zeka araçları, hakem değerlendirmesi ile bağlantılı olarak hakem değerlendirme raporu dilinin kalitesini artırmak için (çeviri veya dil düzenlemesi için) sınırlı bir şekilde kullanılabilir. Böyle bir kullanım olduğunda, hakem raporu iletirken, kullanımı beyan etmelidir. </li><li>Bir başvuruda üretken Yapay Zekanın uygunsuz veya açıklanmamış kullanımından şüphelenen hakemler, endişelerini dergi editörüne bildirmelidir. </li></ul>

Editörler dergiye gönderilen makalelerin değerlendirme sürecinde gizliliğinin korunmasını sağlamakla yükümlüdürler, değerlendirilen çalışmanın bu sürece dahil olan taraflar dışında paylaşılmaması veya kullanılmaması esastır <a href="https://publicationethics.org/files/Code_of_conduct_for_journal_editors_Mar11.pdf" target="_blank">(COPE – Code of Conduct and Best Practice Guidelines for Journal Editors)</a>.<ul><li>Editörler, yazarların gizlilik ve mülkiyet haklarını ihlal edebileceğinden, gönderilen bir makaleyi veya herhangi bir bölümünü gözden geçirme, değerlendirilme veya karar verme sürecine yardımcı olması için üretken Yapay Zeka  araçlarına veya Büyük Dil Modelleri'ne yüklememelidir. </li><li>Bilimsel bir makalenin editoryal değerlendirmesini yönetmek, yalnızca insanlara atfedilebilecek sorumluluklar anlamına gelir. Üretken Yapay Zeka veya Yapay Zeka destekli teknolojiler, editörler tarafından bir makalenin değerlendirme veya karar verme sürecine yardımcı olmak için kullanılmamalıdır, çünkü bu iş için gereken eleştirel düşünme ve orijinal değerlendirme bu teknolojinin kapsamı dışındadır ve teknolojinin makale hakkında yanlış, eksik veya önyargılı sonuçlar üretme riski vardır. Editör, editoryal süreçten, nihai karardan ve bunların yazarlara iletilmesinden sorumlu ve mesuldür.</li><li>Editörler, karar mektupları veya yayınlanmamış araştırmaların özetlerini oluşturmak için üretken Yapay Zeka aracı kullanmamalıdır. </li><li>Editörler, uygun hakemleri bulma konusunda yardımcı olması için üretken Yapay Zeka araçlarını kullanabilir.</li><li>Editörler, gönderilen bir makalede veya gönderilen bir hakem raporunda üretken Yapay Zeka kullanıldığından şüphelenirse konuyla ilgili editoryal bir değerlendirme yapmalı ve politikayı göz önünde bulundurmalıdır. </li></ul>

<div style="text-align: left;">Yakın Dönem Türkiye Araştırmaları- Recent Period Turkish Studies, yayın etiğinde en yüksek standartlara bağlıdır ve <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a> ve <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> tarafından yayınlanan etik yayıncılık ilkelerini benimser; Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing başlığı altında ifade edilen ilkeler için adres: <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a></div>Gönderilen tüm makaleler orijinal, yayınlanmamış ve başka bir dergide değerlendirme sürecinde olmamalıdır. Yazar makalenin orijinal olduğu, daha önce başka bir yerde yayınlanmadığı ve başka bir yerde, başka bir dilde yayınlanmak üzere değerlendirmede olmadığını beyan etmelidir. Uygulamadaki telif kanunları ve anlaşmaları gözetilmelidir. Telife bağlı materyaller (örneğin tablolar, şekiller veya büyük alıntılar) gerekli izin ve teşekkürle kullanılmalıdır. Başka yazarların, katkıda bulunanların çalışmaları ya da yararlanılan kaynaklar uygun biçimde kullanılmalı ve referanslarda belirtilmelidir. Her bir makale editörlerden biri ve en az iki hakem tarafından çift kör değerlendirmeden geçirilir. İntihal, duplikasyon, sahte yazarlık/inkar edilen yazarlık, araştırma/veri fabrikasyonu, makale dilimleme, dilimleyerek yayın, telif hakları ihlali ve çıkar çatışmasının gizlenmesi, etik dışı davranışlar olarak kabul edilir.Kabul edilen etik standartlara uygun olmayan tüm makaleler yayından çıkarılır. Buna yayından sonra tespit edilen olası kuraldışı, uygunsuzluklar içeren makaleler de dahildir.

Etik

Yakın Dönem Türkiye Araştırmaları- Recent Period Turkish Studies araştırma etiğinde en yüksek standartları gözetir ve aşağıda tanımlanan uluslararası araştırma etiği ilkelerini benimser. Makalelerin etik kurallara uygunluğu yazarların sorumluluğundadır.<ul><li style="text-align: left;">Araştırmanın tasarlanması, tasarımın gözden geçirilmesi ve araştırmanın yürütülmesinde, bütünlük, kalite ve şeffaflık ilkeleri sağlanmalıdır.</li><li style="text-align: left;">Araştırma ekibi ve katılımcılar, araştırmanın amacı, yöntemleri ve öngörülen olası kullanımları; araştırmaya katılımın gerektirdikleri ve varsa riskleri hakkında tam olarak bilgilendirilmelidir.</li><li style="text-align: left;">Araştırma katılımcılarının sağladığı bilgilerin gizliliği ve yanıt verenlerin gizliliği sağlanmalıdır. Araştırma katılımcıların özerkliğini ve saygınlığını koruyacak şekilde tasarlanmalıdır.</li><li style="text-align: left;">Araştırma katılımcıları gönüllü olarak araştırmada yer almalı, herhangi bir zorlama altında olmamalıdırlar.</li><li style="text-align: left;">Katılımcıların zarar görmesinden kaçınılmalıdır. Araştırma, katılımcıları riske sokmayacak şekilde planlanmalıdır.</li><li style="text-align: left;">Araştırma bağımsızlığıyla ilgili açık ve net olunmalı; çıkar çatışması varsa belirtilmelidir.</li><li style="text-align: left;">İnsan denekler ile yapılan deneysel çalışmalarda, araştırmaya katılmaya karar veren katılımcıların yazılı bilgilendirilmiş onayı alınmalıdır. Çocukların ve vesayet altındakilerin veya tasdiklenmiş akıl hastalığı bulunanların yasal vasisinin onayı alınmalıdır.</li><li style="text-align: left;">Çalışma herhangi bir kurum ya da kuruluşta gerçekleştirilecekse bu kurum ya da kuruluştan çalışma yapılacağına dair onay alınmalıdır.</li><li style="text-align: left;">İnsan öğesi bulunan çalışmalarda, “yöntem” bölümünde katılımcılardan “bilgilendirilmiş onam” alındığının ve çalışmanın yapıldığı kurumdan etik kurul onayı alındığı belirtilmesi gerekir.</li></ul>

Makalelerin bilimsel ve etik kurallara uygunluğu yazarların sorumluluğundadır. Yazar makalenin orijinal olduğu, daha önce başka bir yerde yayınlanmadığı ve başka bir yerde, başka bir dilde yayınlanmak üzere değerlendirmede olmadığı konusunda teminat sağlamalıdır. Uygulamadaki telif kanunları ve anlaşmaları gözetilmelidir. Telife bağlı materyaller (örneğin tablolar, şekiller veya büyük alıntılar) gerekli izin ve teşekkürle kullanılmalıdır. Başka yazarların, katkıda bulunanların çalışmaları ya da yararlanılan kaynaklar uygun biçimde kullanılmalı ve referanslarda belirtilmelidir. Gönderilen makalede tüm yazarların akademik ve bilimsel olarak doğrudan katkısı olmalıdır, bu bağlamda “yazar” yayınlanan bir araştırmanın kavramsallaştırılmasına ve dizaynına, verilerin elde edilmesine, analizine ya da yorumlanmasına belirgin katkı yapan, yazının yazılması ya da bunun içerik açısından eleştirel biçimde gözden geçirilmesinde görev yapan birisi olarak görülür. Yazar olabilmenin diğer koşulları ise, makaledeki çalışmayı planlamak veya icra etmek ve / veya revize etmektir. Fon sağlanması, veri toplanması ya da araştırma grubunun genel süpervizyonu tek başına yazarlık hakkı kazandırmaz. Yazar olarak gösterilen tüm bireyler sayılan tüm ölçütleri karşılamalıdır ve yukarıdaki ölçütleri karşılayan her birey yazar olarak gösterilebilir. Yazarların isim sıralaması ortak verilen bir karar olmalıdır. Tüm yazarlar yazar sıralamasını <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/50820B6B44BF4741BF802244D5C926E7" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formunda</a> imzalı olarak belirtmek zorundadırlar.Yazarlık için yeterli ölçütleri karşılamayan ancak çalışmaya katkısı olan tüm bireyler “teşekkür / bilgiler” kısmında sıralanmalıdır. Bunlara örnek olarak ise sadece teknik destek sağlayan, yazıma yardımcı olan ya da sadece genel bir destek sağlayan, finansal ve materyal desteği sunan kişiler verilebilir.Bütün yazarlar, araştırmanın sonuçlarını ya da bilimsel değerlendirmeyi etkileyebilme potansiyeli olan finansal ilişkiler, çıkar çatışması ve çıkar rekabetini beyan etmelidirler. Bir yazar kendi yayınlanmış yazısında belirgin bir hata ya da yanlışlık tespit ederse, bu yanlışlıklara ilişkin düzeltme ya da geri çekme için editör ile hemen temasa geçme ve işbirliği yapma sorumluluğunu taşır.

Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirirler. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar. Gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalacağını garanti eder. Baş editör içerik ve yayının toplam kalitesinden sorumludur. Gereğinde hata sayfası yayınlamalı ya da düzeltme yapmalıdır. Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemler, araştırma, yazarlar ve/veya araştırmaya fon sağlayanlarla çıkar çatışması içinde olmamalıdır. Hakemler değerlendirmelerinin sonucunda tarafsız bir yargıya varmalıdırlar. Gönderilmiş yazılara ilişkin tüm bilginin gizli tutulmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar. Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir. Bazı durumlarda editörün kararıyla, ilgili hakemlerin makaleye ait yorumları aynı makaleyi yorumlayan diğer hakemlere gönderilerek hakemlerin bu süreçte aydınlatılması sağlanabilir.

Daha önce yayınlanmamış ya da yayınlanmak üzere başka bir dergide halen değerlendirmede olmayan ve her bir yazar tarafından onaylanan makaleler değerlendirilmek üzere kabul edilir. Gönderilen ve ön kontrolü geçen makaleler iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir.Seçilen makaleler en az iki ulusal/uluslararası hakeme çift taraflı kör hakemlik ile değerlendirmeye gönderilir; yayın kararı, hakemlerin talepleri doğrultusunda yazarların gerçekleştirdiği düzenlemelerin ve hakem sürecinin sonrasında baş editör tarafından verilir.

Hakemlik Hakkında

Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirir. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar. Gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalacağını garanti eder. Baş editör içerik ve yayının toplam kalitesinden sorumludur. Gereğinde hata sayfası yayınlamalı ya da düzeltme yapmalıdır.Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemlerin araştırmayla ilgili, yazarlarla ve/veya araştırmanın finansal destekçileriyle çıkar çatışmaları olmamalıdır. Değerlendirmelerinin sonucunda tarafsız bir yargıya varmalıdırlar. Gönderilmiş yazılara ilişkin tüm bilginin gizli tutulmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar.Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir. Bazı durumlarda editörün kararıyla, ilgili hakemlerin makaleye ait yorumları aynı makaleyi yorumlayan diğer hakemlere gönderilerek hakemlerin bu süreçte aydınlatılması sağlanabilir.

Daha önce yayınlanmamış ya da yayınlanmak üzere başka bir dergide halen değerlendirmede olmayan ve her bir yazar tarafından onaylanan makaleler değerlendirilmek üzere kabul edilir. Gönderilen ve ön kontrolü geçen makaleler iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir. Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirir. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar.Seçilen makaleler en az iki ulusal/uluslararası hakeme değerlendirmeye gönderilir; yayın kararı, hakemlerin talepleri doğrultusunda yazarların gerçekleştirdiği düzenlemelerin ve hakem sürecinin sonrasında baş editör tarafından verilir.Hakemlerin değerlendirmeleri objektif olmalıdır. Hakem süreci sırasında hakemlerin aşağıdaki hususları dikkate alarak değerlendirmelerini yapmaları beklenir.-Makale yeni ve önemli bir bilgi içeriyor mu?-Öz, makalenin içeriğini net ve düzgün bir şekilde tanımlıyor mu?-Yöntem bütünlüklü ve anlaşılır şekilde tanımlanmış mı?-Yapılan yorum ve varılan sonuçlar bulgularla kanıtlanıyor mu?-Alandaki diğer çalışmalara yeterli referans verilmiş mi?-Dil kalitesi yeterli mi?Hakemler, gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar. Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir.

Aksi belirtilmedikçe gönderilen yazılarla ilgili tüm yazışmalar ilk yazarla yapılacaktır. Makale gönderimi online olarak ve <a href="http://rpts.istanbul.edu.tr" target="_blank">http://rpts.istanbul.edu.tr</a> adresinden erişilen <a href="http://dergipark.gov.tr/login" target="_blank">http://dergipark.gov.tr/login</a> üzerinden yapılmalıdır. Gönderilen yazılar, makale türünü belirten ve makaleyle ilgili detayları içeren (bkz: Son Kontrol Listesi) kapak sayfası; editöre mektup, yazının elektronik formunu içeren Microsoft Word 2003 ve üzerindeki versiyonları ile yazılmış elektronik dosya ve tüm yazarların imzaladığı Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu eklenerek gönderilmelidir. <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/AF864E3AC73A41E0BB1120D54BF3A15D" target="_blank">Kapak Sayfası</a> ve <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/3AFB3D1E49CB441B8A3231E89A543986" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a> eksiksiz doldurulmalıdır. 1. Çalışmalar, A4 boyutunda, sol taraftan 4 cm, üst, alt ve sağ taraftan 2,5 cm. boşluk bırakılarak, 12 punto Times New Roman harf karakterleriyle ve 1,5 satır aralık ölçüsü ile ve iki yana yaslı olarak hazırlanmalıdır. Dipnotlar var ise, bu sınırlar içinde kalmalıdır ve 10 punto ile yazılmalıdır. Paragraflardan önce ve sonra 6 punto boşluk bırakılmalıdır. 2. Makalenin çeşitli, kısım, bölüm, altbölümlerinin başlıkları 14 punto ile yazılmalıdır. Başlıklardan önce ve sonra 6 punto boşluk bırakılmalıdır. 3. Başlık ve alt başlıklar sayfanın son satırı olarak yazılmamalıdır; sonraki sayfada yer almalıdır. Bir paragrafın ilk satırı sayfanın son satırı, paragrafın son satırı sayfanın ilk satırı olarak yazılmamalıdır. 4. Kısaltmalar, tablo, şekil ve sembol listeleri, önsöz, özetler, kaynaklar, ekler, metin içindeki tablo ve şekillerin isim ve açıklamaları ve dipnotlar 1 satır aralık ölçüsü ile yazılmalıdır. 5. Yazar/yazarların adları ve bilgileri çalışma metninde yer almamalı, yazara/yazarlara dair tüm bilgiler makale dosyası ve Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu ile birlikte sisteme yüklenecek olan Kapak Sayfasında belirtilmelidir. Kapak sayfasında, makalenin başlığı, yazar veya yazarların bağlı bulundukları kurum ve unvanları, kendilerine ulaşılabilecek adresler, cep, iş ve faks numaraları, ORCID ve e-posta adresleri yer almalıdır. 6. Giriş bölümünden önce 100-200 kelimelik çalışmanın kapsamını, amacını, ulaşılan sonuçları ve kullanılan yöntemi kaydeden Türkçe ve İngilizce öz ile 600-800 kelimelik İngilizce genişletilmiş özet yer almalıdır. Çalışmanın İngilizce başlığı İngilizce özün üzerinde yer almalıdır. İngilizce ve Türkçe özlerin altında çalışmanın içeriğini temsil eden, 5 adet Türkçe, 5 adet İngilizce anahtar kelime yer almalıdır. 7. Çalışmaların başlıca şu unsurları içermesi gerekmektedir: Makale dilinde başlık, öz ve anahtar kelimeler; İngilizce başlık, öz ve anahtar kelimeler; İngilizce genişletilmiş özet, ana metin bölümleri, kaynaklar, tablolar ve şekiller. 8. Çalışmalarda tablo, grafik ve şekil gibi göstergeler ancak çalışmanın takip edilebilmesi açısından gereklilik arz ettiği durumlarda, numaralandırılarak, tanımlayıcı bir başlık ile birlikte verilmelidir. Demografik özellikler gibi metin içinde verilebilecek veriler, ayrıca tablolar ile ifade edilmemelidir. 9. Dergide yayınlanan yazıların tüm sorumluluğu ve belirtilen görüşler yazarlara aittir; İstanbul Üniversitesi Atatürk İlkeleri ve İnkılap Tarihi Enstitüsü bir sorumluluk yüklenmez. 10. Yayın kurulu ve hakem raporları doğrultusunda yazarlardan, metin üzerinde bazı düzeltmeler yapmaları istenebilir.

Yazım Kuralları

Atıflar (Referans, Gönderme) Makalede, başka kaynaklardan yapılan alıntılar,  ya aynen aktarılır veya özü değiştirilmemek kaydıyla kaynak çalışmayı yapanın kendi cümleleriyle özetlenerek yahut yorumlanarak verilir. Her iki durumda da alıntı yapılan kaynağa (metin, tablo, şekil ve benzeri dahil) mutlaka atıfta bulunulmalıdır. Bu konuda aşağıdaki ilkeler uygulanır: a. Kaynaktan aynen alınan bilgiler (alıntı), çift tırnak içinde (“.....”) gösterilirler. Makaleyi hazırlayanın, kaynaktaki bilginin özünü değil, biçimini değiştirerek yaptığı alıntılar ise,  çift tırnak arasına alınmadan gösterilirler. Her iki alıntı türünde de ilgili kaynağa mutlaka atıf yapılır ve atıfların her birine, sayfa altı dipnot şeklinde birbirini izleyen numara verilir. b. Makalede, kaynaktan aynen aktarılan bilgilerin tamamı verilebileceği gibi, örneğin cümle, paragraf veya sayfalar halindeki bilgilerin sadece belli kısımları da verilebilir. Bu durumda, cümlelerde belli kelimelerin, çeşitli cümlelerin, paragraf ve sayfaların atlanarak verildiğini göstermek üzere, atlanan yerler üç nokta (...) ile belirtilir. c. Başka kaynaklardaki bilgilerin aynen aktarılması durumunda, kaynaklarda noktalama işaretleri ve çeviri yanlışları dahil olmak üzere harf, cümle, tarih, yer vb. gibi yanlışlıklar da tekrarlanır. Makale yazarı, kaynak metindeki yanlışlıkları düzelterek vermek isterse, o zaman doğru bilgi, yanlış bilgiden hemen sonra bir parantez içinde gösterilir. d. Kaynaklardan aynen yapılan alıntılar, bir cümleyi aşmayacak uzunluktaysa, makale metni içinde verilirler. Daha uzun alıntılarda,  alıntının ilk ve son satırları ile makale metni arasında en az çift aralıklı boşluk bırakılarak, alıntı ile metnin ayırt edilmesi sağlanır.  Bu tür alıntılar için, makale metninde kullanılan puntodan daha küçük punto kullanılır.Referans Dipnotları İle İlgili KurallarReferans dipnotlarında, ilgili kaynağa ilk kez referans veriliyorsa, eserin tam künyesi (yazar adı soyadı, eser adı, varsa çeviren/editör/derleyen bilgisi, yayınlandığı yer, yayınevi ve tarih) verilmelidir. Şöyle ki:Salahi Ramazan Sonyel, Türk Kurtuluş Savaşı ve Dış Politika I, Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayınları, Ankara, 1973, s. 10.Erol Güngör, Kültür Değişmesi ve Milliyetçilik, 2. Baskı, Ötüken Yayınları, İstanbul, 1984, s. 24.Eğer referans dipnotlarında, aynı kaynağa ikinci veya daha fazla atıfta bulunuluyorsa, yukarıdaki bilgiler uygun şekilde kısaltılarak verilir:Erol Güngör, Kültür Değişmesi …,  s. 35.Editörlü kitapta yazarın makalesine/kitap bölümüne referans:İlk referans:Hüseyin Bağcı, “Demokrat Parti’nin Ortadoğu Politikası”, Türk Dış Politikasının Analizi, der. Faruk Söylemezoğlu, Der Yayınları, İstanbul, 1994, s. 93-94.Sonraki referanslar:Hüseyin Bağcı, “Demokrat Parti’nin Ortadoğu Politikası”, s. 98.Süreli yayında makaleye referans:                                        İlk referans:Fahrettin Kırzıoğlu, “Mustafa Kemal Paşa-Erzurum İlişkileri (1919-1920)”, Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Dergisi, VII/20, 1991, s. 223-266.Mustafa Budak, “Ermeni Meselesi Açısından Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi’nin Önemi”, Yakın Dönem Türkiye Araştırmaları Dergisi, C. 17, S. 34, 2018, s. 209.Sonraki referanslar:Fahrettin Kırzıoğlu, “Mustafa Kemal Paşa-Erzurum İlişkileri (1919-1920)”,  s. 225.Gazetelerdeki makale ve haber yazıları aşağıdaki gibi gösterilmelidir:“Hükümet-i Osmaniyye’nin Sulh Konferansına Teklifâtını Hâvi Muhtıra”, İkdam, 3 Mart 1335 (1919), s. 1.“DP Kongresi Saat 10’da Açıldı”, Vakit, 15 Ekim 1955, s. 1-2.“İnönü ve Gülek’in Menderes’e Geçmiş Olsun Telgrafları”, Ulus, 19 Şubat 1959, s. 1-2.Arşiv belgelerine referans:Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Cumhurbaşkanlığı Devlet Arşivleri Başkanlığı Osmanlı Arşivi (BOA), Bab-ı Âlî Evrak Odası (BEO), 3733/236781 (Sadaret’ten Harbiye Nezareti’ne gönderilen 1 Teşrîn-i Sânî 1326 [14 Kasım 1910] tarihli tezkire).Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Cumhurbaşkanlığı Devlet Arşivleri Başkanlığı Cumhuriyet Arşivi (BCA), 030-01-37/222-1 (6-7 Eylül olaylarında zarar görenlere maddi destekler hakkında).Aynı arşiv ve fon isimleri, ikinci ve sonraki atıflarda kodlarıyla yazılmalıdır: BOA, BEO, 3733/236781.Elektronik/internet kaynağa referans:TBMM, Süreli Yayınlar, III. Menderes Hükümeti, (Çevrimiçi), <a href="http://www.tbmm.gov.tr">www.tbmm.gov.tr</a>, 8 Aralık 2013.Ayhan Kamel, “İkinci Dünya Savaşı’nın Bitiminden Günümüze Kadar Türk-Rus İlişkileri”, (Çevrimiçi), <a href="http://www.dispolitika.org.tr">www.dispolitika.org.tr</a>, 7 Aralık 2013.John N. Berry, &#34;Educate Library Leaders,” Library Journal, February 15, 1998 (Çevrimiçi), http//www.epnet.com/ehost, 3 Nisan 2019.KaynakçaKaynakçada kitap ve makaleler aşağıdaki şekilde gösterilmelidir:Satan, Ali: Türk ve İngiliz Belgelerinde Halifeliğin Kaldırılması, Yazıgen Yayıncılık, İstanbul, 2017.Türkmen, Zekeriya: “Mustafa Kemal Paşa ve Yıldırım Orduları Grup Komutanlığı”, Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Dergisi, C. XVI, S. 47, Temmuz 2000, s. 395-419.Ek/EklerMakalenin ek kısmında, metinle ilgili resimler, tablolar, formlar, anket sorularının listeleri, önemli belgelerin kopyaları, fotoğraf, harita vb. gibi malzemeler bulunur. Bu tür tek bir malzeme için sadece bir ek, birden çok malzeme için de gerekli görülürse, birden çok ek yer alır. Ekler, birbirinden ayırt edilmesi gerekecek sayıda ise Ek-1, Ek-2 vb. şekilde birbirini izleyecek biçimde numaralanır. Her numaranın karşısına, Ek’in içeriğini belirten bir başlığın konulması önerilir.Ek’te yer alan bilgiler, başka kaynaklardan aktarıldığı takdirde, bu kaynaklara ilişkin referanslar dipnotta mutlaka belirtilmelidir.

<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/AF864E3AC73A41E0BB1120D54BF3A15D" target="_blank">Kapak Sayfası</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/50820B6B44BF4741BF802244D5C926E7" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/3C1E8159CCCB4F4DA235DF62FB6B6C38" target="">Yazar Formu</a>

Aşağıdaki listede eksik olmadığından emin olun:● Editöre mektup<ul><li>Makalenin türü</li><li>Başka bir dergiye gönderilmemiş olduğu bilgisi</li><li>Sponsor veya ticari bir firma ile ilişkisi (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Kaynakların derginin kullandığı referans sistemine uygun düzenlendiği</li><li>İngilizce yönünden kontrolünün yapıldığı</li><li>Yazarlara Bilgide detaylı olarak anlatılan dergi politikalarının gözden geçirildiği</li></ul><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/7786EC0A4CD041C680BFF8CC6931373A" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a><a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/3C1E8159CCCB4F4DA235DF62FB6B6C38" target="_blank">Yazar Formu</a>Daha önce basılmış materyal (yazı-resim-tablo) kullanılmış ise izin belgesi<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/AF864E3AC73A41E0BB1120D54BF3A15D" target="_blank">Kapak sayfası</a><ul><li>Makalenin kategorisi</li><li>Makale dilinde ve İngilizce başlık</li><li>Yazarların ismi soyadı, unvanları ve bağlı oldukları kurumlar (üniversite ve fakülte bilgisinden sonra şehir ve ülke bilgisi de yer almalıdır), e-posta adresleri</li><li>Sorumlu yazarın e-posta adresi, açık yazışma adresi, iş telefonu, GSM, faks nosu</li><li>Tüm yazarların ORCID’leri</li></ul>● Makale ana metni<ul><li>Makale dilinde ve İngilizce başlık</li><li>Özetler: 100-200 kelime makale dilinde ve 100-200 kelime İngilizce</li><li>Anahtar Kelimeler: 5 adet makale dilinde ve 5 adet İngilizce</li><li>İngilizce olmayan makaleler için İngilizce genişletilmiş Özet (Extended Abstract) 600-800 kelime</li><li>Makale ana metin bölümleri</li><li>Teşekkür (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Finansal Destek (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Çıkar Çatışması (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Son notlar (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Kaynaklar</li><li>Tablolar-Resimler, Şekiller (başlık, tanım ve alt yazılarıyla)</li></ul>

Başeditör Ad: Prof. Dr. Mustafa BUDAK E-posta: mustafa.budak@istanbul.edu.tr Telefon: (0212) 440 00 00 (Dahili: 11950) Adres: İstanbul Üniversitesi Atatürk İlkeleri ve İnkılap Tarihi Enstitüsü, Süleymaniye Mah. Besim Ömer Paşa Cad. No: 19 Kat: 4 Fatih - İstanbulEditörAd: Dr. Öğr. Üyesi Hayrünisa ALP E-posta: hyralp@istanbul.edu.tr Telefon: (0212) 440 00 00 (Dahili: 11956) Adres: İstanbul Üniversitesi Atatürk İlkeleri ve İnkılap Tarihi Enstitüsü, Süleymaniye Mah. Besim Ömer Paşa Cad. No: 19 Kat: 4 Fatih - İstanbulEditörAd: Dr. Öğr. Üyesi Yakup AHBAB E-posta: yakupahbab@hotmail.com Telefon: (0212) 440 00 00 (Dahili: 10627) Adres: İstanbul Üniversitesi Atatürk İlkeleri ve İnkılap Tarihi Enstitüsü, Süleymaniye Mah. Besim Ömer Paşa Cad. No: 19 Kat: 4 Fatih - İstanbulDergi İletişimAd: Doç. Dr. Önder KOCATÜRK E-posta: onder.kocaturk@istanbul.edu.tr Telefon: 1) 05362689505 2) 02163189780 3) 0212440 00 00 (Dahili: 10443) Adres: İstanbul Üniversitesi Atatürk İlkeleri ve İnkılap Tarihi Enstitüsü, Süleymaniye Mah. Besim Ömer Paşa Cad. No: 19 Kat: 4 Fatih - İstanbulDergi İletişimAd: Arş. Gör. Duygu SAYGIN E-posta: duygu.saygin@istanbul.edu.tr Telefon: (0212) 440 00 00 (Dahili: 10437) Adres: İstanbul Üniversitesi Atatürk İlkeleri ve İnkılap Tarihi Enstitüsü, Süleymaniye Mah. Besim Ömer Paşa Cad. No: 19 Kat: 4 Fatih - İstanbulDergi İletişimAd: Arş. Gör. Umut DERE E-posta: umutdere@istanbul.edu.tr Telefon: (0212) 440 00 00 (Dahili: 11955) Adres: İstanbul Üniversitesi Atatürk İlkeleri ve İnkılap Tarihi Enstitüsü, Süleymaniye Mah. Besim Ömer Paşa Cad. No: 19 Kat: 4 Fatih - İstanbul

Sayı Türü	Regular
Editör(ler)	Mustafa Budak
Kapak (PDF)
Tam Metin (PDF)
Ön Sayfalar (PDF)

Yakın Dönem Türkiye Araştırmaları

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SAYI 39, 2021

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