Latif

Fatma

Prof.

While, in the first reading phase, reading as a language skill appears in the form of learning how the systematics of reading functions by making sense of certain writing symbols, it turns out to be the most fundamental means of acquiring knowledge and developing language in the later stages. Texts stand out as the most essential instrument used in the acquisition of four basic language skills in foreign language education. The reading passages used in both native language education and teaching Turkish as a foreign language are primarily regarded as teaching aids and materials. In Turkish teaching process, all texts ranging from the low-level texts such as warning and instruction signs on undergrounds and buses to the literary texts that involve deep meanings like poems have their own area of use in language education. For instance, in teaching Turkish to foreigners, a dialogue between a ticket officer and a passenger in the stage of buying a ticket for the underground or a column in a newspaper assumes a textual quality. Similarly, a poetry text containing figurative language and literary phrases or a text conveying information about a topic related to Turkish culture in a course book involves a textual characteristic with respect to a specific language skill. In other words, each meaning element that can be read, listened, written or spoken has a textual feature in terms of language teaching.&nbsp;Reading basically has the aim of communication and certain types of factors are present in the process of reading. These factors include the author, the text, the reader and the feedbacks. The most significant of all these during the process are the reading texts. In this respect, texts occupy a highly important place in teaching Turkish as a foreign language. The texts are not only involved in reading skill but also frequently used in the development stages of other language skills. When the sets designed to teach Turkish as a foreign language are closely examined, it is observed that the majority of the texts available in course books is made up of reading passages. As for the activities related to other language skills, a great majority of them is associated with the reading texts and their formation is based on the texts in question. To cite an example, in an activity aimed at the development of writing or reading skill, a dialogue or story text is given to the students to be read and they are asked to continue the text by speaking or writing.&nbsp;When texts are analyzed in terms of their types, it is seen that no association is present among the researchers with regard to the classifications of text types and that the categorizations have been achieved by the researchers in quite different ways. Despite the fact that each text classification is consistent and meaningful in itself, a variety of text type classification has come up due to the differences between the researchers’ points of view. Concerning language teaching, however, the concepts of texts and text types differ from the related classifications in some aspects. The reason for this is that the text to be used in the teaching of language involves a material quality. In this way, it is possible to regard every teaching material which can achieve the objectives and acquirements as a text.&nbsp;When the studies conducted upon text classifications are examined, it is observed that the related categorizations contain certain defects in terms of the field of language teaching. This being the case, a text type classification that can be used in language teaching has been performed in this study. In accordance with this classification, texts are divided into two as texts based on the aim of formation and those based on their functions. The former is also separated into two groups as fictional texts aimed directly at language teaching and original texts intended for the daily use of native language speakers and used indirectly in foreign language teaching. The texts formed on the basis of their functions, on the other hand, have been analyzed in terms of writing purpose and language use and gathered under two main titles as texts with utility function and literary texts. The original texts involved in the texts classified in accordance with their aim of formation are also divided into two in themselves as daily texts and literary texts. The daily texts contain such passages like menus, tickets, posters, warranty certificates and graffiti that are prepared with no aesthetic concern and that assign native language readers as their target group. As for the literary texts, they include novels, stories, tales, legends, etc that are put down on paper with an aesthetic concern and with native language readers being their target group. With respect to the texts based on their functions, the texts with utility function refer to all reading materials that can be readily experienced in daily life and that neither involve literary value in terms of the aim of writing or use of language nor aesthetic concern. The texts with utility function have been gathered within themselves under three titles as formal, instructive and communicative texts. The literary texts are those that are formed with an aesthetic concern in relation to the aim of writing and language use. These texts are also titled in three ways within themselves as instructive texts, texts based on expression/demonstration and poetry.&nbsp;Apart from the classification of text types, this study involves, as well, the analysis and comparison of the reading texts available in Yedi İklim Turkish Teaching Set and İstanbul Turkish Teaching Set for Foreigners along with recommendations related to which text type might be used in which language level.

The Classification of Text Types and The Evaluation of Reading Passages Available in Course Books in Teaching Turkish as A Foreign Language

Mehmet

Assoc. Prof.

The Turkish Geography in Ottoman domination has attracted Western Travellers in almost all periods of history. The Western travellers penned several tangible objects and cultural heritage that attracted their attention. Within that period, they also recorded their observations, especially about the konargoçers called Yoruk or Turkman, which were one of the essential elements of Turkish Society in their travels. Their tents in use due to their mobile way of life, depending on the seasonal variations in winter quarters. pasture and fall range, and their other types of domicile were the first things which attracted their attention. Especially, tents were described in detail in terms of their appearance, equipment and set up besides their structures, and sometimes, they were mentioned in general. These travellers mostly tried to describe the surrounding as it was, but there were some who could not get rid of their Orientalist point of view, and described the surrounding according to their ideology, as well as others who could not hide their admiration with a romantic perspective.The types of the tents the konargoçers used and the travellers mentioned in their observations are various, such as topak ev, karaçadır and alaçık. Besides these tents, there were also huğ, hovel and soil covered dwellings with stone-walls. It is also observed that topak ev and karaçadır, or topak ev and hovel were used together.The name, topak ev, was not given directly in the travellers observations, but described in detail, and its qualities were mentioned. The topak ev resembled a cage, egg, bent basket, circular structure or hemisphere. There is also information about its wooden sections and felt cover. It was reflected that the topak ev was also covered with goat, black sheep and cow skins, as well as felt. It was said that it provided protection against cold weather, described as adverse weather conditions. While its appearance was described, its equipment, set up, transportation by rolling it up and forms of utilisation, were mentioned in detail. Several evaluations were made, and the price information about felt covers and wooden sections were given by referring to their height and width. The population harbouring in the topak ev was also mentioned. When the geographical distribution of this tent is reviewed by observing the travellers narrations, it is apparent that it was used in the Mediterranean, Aegean, Marmara and Central Anatolia Regions. Likewise, the topak ev stands out as a type of tent that was used together with the karaçadır in almost all of these regions.It was pointed out that the Karaçadır was weaved with sheep wool, though goat hair was mostly used. The Karaçadır was often mentioned in the notes of the travellers. The interior and the exterior equipment, its sections and intended use were described, as well as&nbsp;its weaving, equipment, set up, and usage characteristics. The waterproofing of the karaçadır was mentioned, and it was said to be cooler when compared to the topak ev. Its number of posts, width and height were also given. The tent flaps, referred to as tent canvas, the guy ropes, the side and front cover styles and the nails used to attach the bonds, were mentioned. Information was given about the stone-wall and straw lay around the karaçadır. It was asserted in the notes and observations of the travellers that the karaçadır, which was used in different parts and regions of the Turkish geography, was weaved and prepared in several different shapes and sizes.The travellers did not mention the alaçık as another tent type, but the tent type which the travellers wandering around Teke Region called as karaçadır, is actually the alaçık. However, it was not popular in other regions. This tent was only described by its appearance, and few details were given.The type of dwelling which the travellers called as a cottage, without giving a specific name, and was built with the canes cut from places close to swamps and lakes is known as a huğ. This dwelling was surrounded by cane hedges, surrounded by long nails and covered with canes again on beams and poles. In this sense, the huğ was transported short distances although it was considered as a permanent dwelling. It was observed that the dwellings made of adobe, and covered with clay, were used by the konargoçers besides other dwellings said to be made of cane, without giving a specific name.Besides the dwelling mentioned as a cave covered with a wall-like soil, the existence of the dwelling mentioned as a circular cottage draws attention. Also, the inspiration in building it was said to be topak ev. The structure which was used with the topak ev, came into prominence with its woodworking, and called a wooden cottage by the travellers.Additionally, there were also dwellings covered with soil on stone-walls and flat roof, described as primitive when compared to the houses of the settled society. The tent weaved with camel hair, its qualities and interior equipment was described without mentioning its special name.

Yoruk/Turkman Tents in Observations of Western Travellers

Mustafa

Translation, though concerning quite many scientific disciplines such as medicine, pharmacy, mathematics, physics, philosophy, history, linguistics etc., and many other areas concerning practical lives like politics, trade, literature; for the most part, deals with interlinguistic connections.&nbsp;The interactions between Arabic and Turkish started to flourish after the Turks’ adoption of Islam. The translations from Arabic to Turkish stemmed mainly from the need to learn about the religion of Islam. Oghuz Turkish, in its formation process as a written language, was also fulfilling such a demand. Hence, the texts with religious content seriously predominated the ones that were produced in the early periods.&nbsp;The expansion of Oghuz Turks into larger lands under the Seljuk dominion, and their adoption of a new religion as large masses, took place in periods that are quite close to each other. Whereas the need for written correspondence in the state hierarchy was being fulfilled via Persian, it is obvious that Arabic or Persian would fall short of such a proper function in the case of spreading religious knowledge. For this reason, a small number of literate Turks went into the effort of producing texts in Turkish, which was the common spoken language among Oghuzs and other clans. One may argue that the endeavour to write in Turkish gradually spread towards the west, beginning in the Horasan region. The adoption of Islam by the Oghuzs, and the formation of a large state organization in a simultaneous way, both came into play in the flourishment of the Oghuz language in the written form. Though the need for an official language was met by correspondences that were being written in Persian, it was not sufficient for the learning of the new religion, and in corresponding the demand for knowledge, which came forward in various strata of society in differing proportions. The fact that Arabic was the language of the main religious source, and the official language being Persian was leading to a shortage of communication for the larges masses of Oghuzs, with both the state and religion. Though the official language, being Persian, did not constitute a serious problem for the people who did not have grave concerns about the state mechanism, their disconnection with religion was quite of an inconvenience.Firstly expanding to the Horasan region, and up to the inlands of Anatolia afterwards, Oghuz settlements necessitated their meeting with the new religion, and re-organizing their lives in accordance with the two motives, along with adapting to a new geography. Except&nbsp;for the migrant settler masses, religious knowledge had become a necessity for the Oghuzs, who adopted a sedentary life in their daily practices. The fact that it was religious motives behind the transmission of knowledge from Arabic to Turkish aggravated the responsibility of the translators who shouldered it. Any mistake that was to be made in the translation of a literary text would at worst vitiate the aesthetic flavour of the text. However, the translation of a religious text obviously requires much more sensitivity. Hence, one should admit that it requires a very special effort in the translation of such issues as the faith and the attributions of Allah, which also shape one’s conception of God. The Quranic translations that were produced with such a sensitivity as much served for the formation of the written Turkish as for the comprehension and teaching of the religion.&nbsp;The young Turkish scholars, who did not know any other written sources other the Arabic ones, must have used Arabic as a guide during their translations. We should admit that the translation of Arabic expressions to a language that had been used in written form before, must have been very difficult. Especially, the translation of some peculiar Arabic phrases to Turkish correctly, required the utmost prudence, so as to understand the source of religion in the most correct way.The underline translation method which was commonly used in the early periods, despite being a poor method for the phrases, was successful in producing comprehensible Turkish written texts. In the course of these translations, there were some peculiar elements in Arabic, such as ism-i fail (present participle), sıfat-ı müşebbehe and the exaggerative present participle, which were alien to Turkish to a great extent. Building the conception of God in accordance with the understanding of oneness (and unity), the Quran presents the idea of God as almighty andbenevolent, by often making use of the aforementioned peculiar expressions. It also uses those word structures in order to explain the condition of men in the face of orders and prohibitions to which it appeals in regulating human life. The suffix -IcI in Oghuz Turkish virtually seems to have taken on a very special task, so as to meet the peculiar expressions of Arabic in question. The suffix IcI, which did not usually come forward in the early years in Old Turkish and the Anatolian region, is now one of the most common elements, and it is one of the indicators of verb performers.We know that the suffixes -GlI and -GAn were being used for certain verb performers of Arabic in the Karakhanid and Khorezmian regions. Such a differentiation indicates the rising sensitivity in the Anatolian geography with regard to the translations of these aforementioned structures. It also shows that the written language in Anatolia developed quite separately from the Turkistan region. Although the Quranic translations that were written in Karakhanid and Khorezmian Turkish contain some occasional instances of the suffix -IcI (=ĠUçI), it seems to have been used far less in proportion to the Anatolian region.Besides the historical dialects such as Karakhanid and Khorezmian, there are some examples that it was from time to time corresponded by the suffixes -IcI (küçi and Kuçi) in Afghanistan Uzbek Turkish and Kazan Tatar Turkish.

The Place of Suffix -IcI in The Formation of Turkish as a Written Language

Neslihan

Öğretim Görevlisi

The first essential element of any culture is language, and without language it is not possible to speak of the existence of a society. Societies have developed and used new words in relation to their geography in each period. Therefore, it is possible to make general inferences about the culture of the society that speaks a language by considering the existing vocabulary. Similarly, the Turkish language reflects Turkish culture and it has been the bearer of Turkish culture for centuries. In order to talk about the existence of a cultural concept, it is necessary to mention the words related to that concept in the language of that nation.Language has developed in relation to culture across all periods. This situation reveals that language and culture cannot be evaluated independently. In other words, literary works should not be evaluated independently of the periods in which they are written, and the social conditions and the cultural elements of the society in which they are written should be taken into consideration. In this way, while examining the works of the Old Uighur Turkish period, it is not possible to evaluate them independently from the social environment, to make sense of them and to shed light upon the conceptual fields of those words.The Uighur Turks are a Turkish tribe with a developed civilization and have succeeded in conveying their high level of civilization up to the present day with their works in different social circles such as Manicheism, Buddhism, Christianity and Islam. As a result, Uighur Turks have played an important role in maintaining tradition. In this study, words of foreign origin in "Kuanşi İm Pusar”, “Three Stories in Uighur”and “Çaştani Bey Story” which are among the texts of Buddhist environment Old Uighur Turkish have been determined. Classified words are listed alphabetically.While determining borrowed words in Old Uighur Buddhist peritexts, Sinasi Tekin's Uyghur Texts I: Kuanşi İm Pusar, and Three Stories in Uighur translated by S. Himran and “The Story of Çaştani Bey” written by A. von Gabain and FWK Müller which was translated by S. Himran were taken as the basis.In this study, the words of foreign origin identified in the works mentioned above are arranged alphabetically under three titles. After giving the origins and meanings of the words, the numbers indicate the line number of the word in the text.

An Evaluation of Foreign Oriented Words in the Old Uighur Buddhist Peritexts

Seçil

Assist. Prof.

There are a number of theories dealing with phonemes, free and bounded morphemes, and syntactic elements. In linguistic studies which examine language as a mere fact, the deep structure-surface structure pair, first introduced by Bloomfield, has been the guide to the functions of all language units by distinguishing what was said and not. Many linguistic theories on syntax have been put forward. One of these, Universal Grammar, or GenerativeTransformational Grammar, is one of the important approaches in identifying common values of language. The theory, which was proposed by Chomsky in the 1950s and which included different stages of development in later periods, brought important concepts with it. Competenceperformance (act), deep-surface structure, phrasal structure, and transformation-movement are among the remarkable and prominent concepts of the theoryThe main aim of this study is to consider the rules of movement which is one of the types of transformation mentioned in the theory. The other aim is to give examples from Turkish and to explain these in addition to Chomsky’s three-types of movement in transformation, and to try to explain the existence of different types in Turkish.This study uses a qualitative research method. The sentences given as examples are chosen from phrases that are possible in verbal language.In Chomsky's general theory, namely the Theory of Principles and Parameters and the process of transformation, movement is a method that varies from language to language and can be realized in accordance with the possibilities offered by the syntax. In all languages, surface structures which have undergone different transformation and movement processes are observed.&nbsp;Transportation and movement is a process applied to the deep structure by placing the deep structure in the surface structure. According to the theory, transportation and movement are applied to a constructor in the syntax and move the constructor to an empty location in the next syntax. The principle of movement is that the item being moved can only be moved to the position where an item from its category can be found (2006: 5).This study mentions the three types of movement that Chomsky demonstrates in his examples, especially in European languages: these are noun phrase-movement, head-movement, and whmovement. The most typical example of the noun phrase-movement is seen in passivation. The element that is in a given position in an active sentence fills the empty category in the new sentence when it is rewritten in a passive structured sentence. However, the element in the previous sentence, but not found in the second sentence leaves a trace in its place (Ex. a. “Ayşe bulaşıkları yıkadı.” b. “Bulaşıklar yıkandı.”). This trace is in the deep structure. In addition to this typical noun phrase-movement, this study gives examples of the causativation process which is shown to involve not only movement, but also the operation of addition (Ex. a. “Ayşe temizlikçilere evi temizlemeleri için emir verdi.”, b. “Ayşe evi (temizlikçilere) temizletti.”). Also, it is seen that the sentences with verbals and ne… ne (de) conjunctions are also rewritten with noun phrase transportation as an example of phrase structure movement.Different types of movement from noun phrase to the head-movement are not very common. In European languages (for example English), the subject and the auxiliary verb can be replaced (eg a. You are a student. , b. “Are you a student?” | YouAre). The head element in Turkish is moved when the verb in the predicate is in the position of time phrase by taking mood and time suffixes.The last movement type discussed in the theory is wh-movement. This type of transport is not typical for Turkish, as is the case for head-movement.Carrying question words is not typical in Turkish. The reason for this is the freedom of movement which can be applied in regular sentences. In Turkish syntax and in languages where there are no strict rules, question words can be found in all parts of the sentence in line with the logical structure they have established between them. Therefore, this transportation process is not a physical structure in Turkish, but a logical structure.

Movement in Turkish Syntax and the Effect of Movement on Transformation

Gülten

Onur

The Place of Woman in Siberian Realm Turkish Legends and the Perception of Ancient Turks in This Regard

Özlem

This article was written whilst conducting a meticulous study on the economic relations between the Ottomans and Americans through the journal, Levant Trade Review, published by the American Chamber of Commerce for the Levant, upon realizing that this journal might possibly shed some light on the history of the Smyrna. As a matter of fact, the American Chamber of Commerce for the Levant was one of the examples of the twentieth-century transformation and development of chambers of commerce which were founded for the first time in the last decade of the sixteenth century in France, when this mercantilism and trade capitalism dominated the economic life. For this reason, it is possible to make extensive reading on the economic, social, and even cultural structures of the period through the observations and reports of this organization. Using the example of the city of Smyrna (which was one of the three major economic centers of the Ottoman State), we aim to evaluate this accumulation of knowledge. The period was determined by the development of the Turco Italian War of 1911-1912 and the Balkan Wars following the first publication of the journal in 1911. Within this context, it should be noted that the year 1911 is important for revealing the method of organization of the chamber of commerce and the reasons for its establishment and publication of its journal.&nbsp;Therefore, the American economic structure’s dynamics and characteristics are analyzed in the introduction of this article. Then, an attempt is made to concretize the economic and social conditions of the Ottoman State and Smyrna. With this aim, the dimensions of the social and economic life of Smyrna are presented thematıcally and, on the basis of the Levant Trade Review, used as a method of developing an understanding of the period.&nbsp;There are also two target factors to consider. The first is to minimize the author's conclusions about the prevailing conditions of the period, and to leave the reader to form their own opinions in the main section. The sections of the article are generally based on the journal’s special economic issues which are related to Smyrna. In this context, it should be noted that the Smyrna Chamber of Commerce’s observations and evaluations have a significant role to play in accounts of Smyrna. According to their records, Smyrna port’s role and its surroundings’ needs were vital for the city and state economic power. In addition, long distances and the lack of direct navigation of steamships were among the main problems. Subsequently, this journal attempts to open a window to the Ottoman merchants and wholesaler’s expectations of, and problems with, the American entrepreneurs in the local markets. Besides that we can also read the American entrepreneurs’ approach towards the opportunities of the time. This research also evaluates the agricultural sector’s transformations related to the procedures of&nbsp;different hygiene practices developed during the packaging and shipping stages, as well as the living conditions shaped in the fields of agriculture and horticulture under both wartime and peacetime conditions. Moreover, at the end of this period, companies and trusts were established and the developments related to mobilities ranging from domestic and foreign capital rivalries to workers’ movements contributed, as seen in this journal, to the formation of economic and social advances in the city.Finally, this research aims to illustrate the journal’s potential and significance for the Smyrna case. It is without doubt that the journals of the chambers of commerce published by other countries will also shed light on relevant areas of interest.

An American Enterprise and an Endeavour of Reading the Ottoman City: The Levant Trade Review and Smyrna (1911-1914)

Esra

Mehmet Murad was born in 1854 in Dagestan. He completed his primary education in Dagestan and his high-school education in Russia. Due to the oppression of Russians that he was exposed to since his childhood, he went to Istanbul in 1873 in order to serve the Khalifa and Islam. When he first came to Istanbul, he introduced himself in French since he did not know Turkish and presented his condition by meeting with Mithat Pasha. With the sponsorship of Mithat Pasha, he was assigned to report the news which is summarized in French by following the Russian media to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. He also served as a teacher of Law and in Teachers’ Training School for Boys and performed various tasks of the state. He started to publish Mîzan newspaper in 1886. Mîzan newspaper which was published at intervals and in abroad for a while was an important platform in which Mehmet Murad voiced his opinions and suggestions on political, economic, literary, etc. Mehmet Murad is mostly known with his political identity in his time but he mainly uttered the problems that he observed in political and social life as an intellectual of the time in newspaper columns with his literary identity and wording. In addition to this, he also benefited from literature which was regarded as enlightening at that time. Furthermore, he wrote articles on literary criticism, stated his opinions on some of the works with criticism and even created literary works in which he reflected his poetic manner. Mehmet Murad mentioned his opinions on literary criticism with 18-series of article titled as “Üdebamızın Numune-i İmtisalleri” which were published in Mîzan newspaper and also in some of the literary writings and in the “İfade-i Mahsusa” part of his novel. According to him, literature is a reflection of society. This situation gives an important mission to the littérateurs. The most important aspect of literature which can be exploited by the public is the moral of literature. That is, the aspect of literature which supervises the moral and social rules and serves to improve these. However, according to Mehmet Murad, the least developed aspect of literature for us is this aspect, moral of literature. Mehmet Murad explains the general characteristics of novels and dramas that reflect the moral of literature by stating that the examples of the literary approach which he named as the moral of literature were given as novels and dramas in Western literature. The littérateurs of the area created social characters that are outstanding, epitomic and has talents in heroism and patriotism in their novels and dramas. According to Mehmet Murad, the plot of work should be realistic and natural. In addition to this, it should be appropriate to social moral rules, national culture and the nature of the sense. The work should comply with the real, but it is not enough. In order for the work&nbsp;&nbsp;to be regarded as a literary work, it should completely comply with the rules and methods of rhetoric. In addition to this, subjects that would revive national feelings, evoke real life, motivate good behaviors and remove bad behaviors should be chosen.Positive characters in his novel and drama are ideal characters which have a stance against life with honesty and social ethics. He provides the opportunity for literature to serve to social moral either by including these characters in his works and make the reader envy or include negative characters and make the reader disgust. Mehmet Murad examined the effect of literature on society with Western examples. For this reason, the talent of the writer should be directly proportionate to the correction effect that the writer can carry out in social moral. Talent is attracting attention to the malignancies which escape from the attention of everyone by revealing them effectively, to give up to the correction of connoisseur's benevolence by compiling the problems that were secretly rooted in the moral and customary rules of society to evoke the "noble opinion" by leading everyone to the desired by making them envy and implementing hate to the malignancies and undesired.“Tencere Yuvarlandı Kapağını Buldu” is the first drama of Mehmet Murad. The work which was published in 1326/1908 in Istanbul is a 4-act comedy. The most conspicuous characteristic of the work is the statement that was expressed after the writer introduces the names, “Although the names are foreign, the main issue is local.” This situation is to prevent the criticisms that might be made on the most sensitive subject of the writer. Because the author did not give any information on this subject on his subsequent writings. The point which is touched upon the most in the criticisms of the writer is the disorderly conduct against national morality, customs and Islamic rules. In a Western-style work in which the subject is marriage, it is necessary for women and men to come together or to mention situations that can be considered as illegitimate for the writer to reach his purpose. Whereas, it would be unreal for characters who live by the Islamic rules to experience situations that would arise conflict. It would make Mehmet Murat the target on the subject that he criticizes. This approach in his drama is quite appropriate with the poetic approach of Mehmet Murad.The subject of the work is prearranged marriages which is the subject of several dramas of the era. However, he brings a different perspective from the work of Şinasi which is Şair Evlenmesi. Although Mehmet Murad chose marriage as a subject, the message he wants to give is different. While Şinasi draws attention to the problems that may arise from prearranged marriages, Mehmet Murad wants to draw attention to the error of marriages that would be made without taking into consideration the social moral, national and moral values or marriages that would be made for interest. However, the common points of these works are that they draw attention to social corruptions and the subject is smoothed over at the end of the incident. Şair Evlenmesi tries to give its message on the element of humor. However, the element of humor is scarce in Tencere Yuvarlandı Kapağını Buldu. The writer attempts to force literature to serve for moral in each opportunity through monologues and dialogs.&nbsp;The plot summary of the play is as follows. Monsieur and Madam Loan are the parents of Mademoiselle Mari. There is a candidate for Mademoiselle by the name of Ernest Lömon. This young man who is a prodigal wants to marry because he knows the disposition of his chief in his workplace to the young women, that is, the wives of his employees and wants to be promoted. Nobody finds it appropriate for Mari and Ernest to marry, except for her mother and her cousin Sofi. Her prudent father approves an architect by the name of Vayan for his daughter. However, they have a dispute between them that arises from their occupation. This dispute is resolved at the end of the play as well. In the end, everyone decides to marry the person they desire to.&nbsp;Mehmet Murad, who stated his theoretical opinions on literature with series of articles titled as “Üdebamızın Numune-i İmtisalleri” in Mîzan newspaper, tried to put this into practice through two of his works. In both of his works, he is moved by the idea that the literature should serve to reform and improve the social moral. This situation required to fictionalize ideal characters in both of his works. Mehmet Murad desires the society and the country to be composed of the prototypes he created in his work in the future. Thus he would serve to his country, Islam and his people with his pen as an intellectual.&nbsp;

A Forgotten Work of Mehmed Murad and on The Morality of Literature Approach

Nuray

World War I broke out while the Ottoman Empire was busy with settling and catering for hundreds of thousands of immigrants arriving during and after the Balkan Wars. The Ottoman Empire granted various exemptions in military and financial areas for the immigrants to settle into a new life and adapt to it. The immigrants were exempted from military duty for six years from the date of immigration and inhabitation and from various taxes such as tithe, dividend and cattle tax for two years. While struggling to increase its military service and financing, the Ottoman Empire’s military and financial exemptions granted to the immigrants have been regarded as a crucial sacrifice.&nbsp;&nbsp;However, the economic difficulties caused by World War I generated some problems in practice. The exemption from tithe tax granted to immigrants was seen as an opportunity by those peasants not willing to pay taxes. Those peasants tried to avoid taxes by pretending that their products belonged to the immigrants settled in their village. Some of the immigrants caused an unfair profit claiming the villagers’ products as their own. As the Ottoman economy was based on agriculture, tithe tax was the most important source for budget revenue. The collection of tithe tax, from various agricultural products by a tenth part, was crucial especially during the years of war. The Ottoman Government was already having numerous difficulties in collecting the taxes in a war environment. It had to make some regulations on exemptions of tithe tax in the face of the abuse caused by immigrants.&nbsp;&nbsp;Then, on 17 June 1915, the Government resorted to collecting a new tax called “Hisse-i Teavün” tax (mutual aid share) from the tithe ratios of the crops from immigrant settlers who did agricultural production. The “Hisse-i Teavün” was not mentioned as a tax in the regulation that was based on Tithe Tax Regulations. Instead the “Hisse-i Teavün” was regulated as&nbsp;benefit share that was seemingly taken at the same ratio as tithe tax over the agricultural products of immigrants exempt from the tax. As the seed taken from immigrants would be turned back to them it was not named a tax. However “Hisse-i Teavün” was the same in practice with tithe tax and thus it was a kind of tax even though not officially stated as so.&nbsp;The purpose of taking “Hisse-i Teavün” was both to eliminate the abuse in collecting tithe tax and to help those in need with the share taken from those immigrants doing well. This practice was then an attempt to find a new reserve for the Ottoman Government struggling with financial difficulties as a result of the World War I. When there was a huge migration to the Ottoman Empire after the Balkan Wars, the aim was to supply the basic needs of the migrants with no burden to the Government during the years of war. The wish was that the collected benefit share would be handed out as seed and feed and used for the immigrants’ needs, thus easing the burden on the empire. And in practice special attention was paid to utilize the collected tax for the immigrants’ needs.&nbsp;The follow up and collection of the tax was implemented under the supervision of the Immigration Settlement Commissions in addition to local administrators. Grains like wheat, barley, and oat that were accumulated in warehouses of the Immigrants Commission and were distributed to the immigrants as seeds and edibles. The Ottoman Empire paid attention to continuing aids and exemptions for immigrants during the years of war, too. As “Hisse-i Teavün” was not seen as a tax, the public were often informed that the financial exemptions granted to immigrants was still in effect. Nevertheless trying to accommodate themselves with the new lands in the years of war, the immigrants had difficulty in giving their requested share over their yields to the empire. They even hardly made ends meet. The period of exemption from military service was reduced back to three months and due to war the productive male population was on military service thus creating a decline in production and as a result there was a problem in collecting “Hisse-i Teavün”. After almost two years of practice “Hisse-i Teavün” was ended on May 30th 1917. Immigrants in need were approved to be given seed from the treasury of the empire for future recompense.&nbsp;This study examined the subsistence of the immigrants within the Ottoman Empire and “Hisse-i Teavün” collected based on the ratio of tithe from the immigrants who were previously exempt from tax by the Government as a result of the economic difficulties caused by World War I. In light of the Prime Ministry Ottoman Archive documents, the study focused on the importance of using the tax collected as mutual aid share to be utilized for the needs of the immigrants during the period of World War I.

Hisse-i Teavün Tax Collected From Balkan Migrants During World War I

Simge

The use of hendiadys, encountered in every Turkic work even from the first written ones, is a significant way of expression strengthening, glamourizing and harmonising phrases. As Aydemir mentioned, a few examples of hendiadyses were firstly encountered in Pott’s work, who is a linguist; however, the first detailed study on the topic was done by Karl Foy. Saadet Çağatay in Uygurca’da Hendiadyoinler, presented a detailed research on especially the hendiadyses seen in Old Uighur; trying to clarify the phonetic, grammatical and semantic aspects of the hendiadyses. There will not be any mention of the other studies on the topic, but to be informed, Eski Uygurca İkilemeler by Mehmet Ölmez can be checked.Kşanti Kılguluk Nom Bitig, a repentance text of Buddhist Uighur Literature, is a translation of a Chinese work Cíbēi dàochǎng chànfǎ, which is composed of 40 chapters. Written for redemption through repentance and to be recited in a ritual, it was copied lots of times. Mentioned first in the 2nd volume of Berliner Turfantexte, its whole text (1368 lines), translation, explanation and facsimile was published by Klaus Röhborn. Ingrid Warnke wrote a PhD thesis on the topic in 1978. In the introduction, information about the content of the text, orthography characteristics, its phonetic, morphological and syntactic value, its vocabulary and the translation method were given. Following, there is 852-line text, German translation and notes. Finally, Jens Wilkens, gathered all of the fragments in Germany, Russia, China and Japan in the 25th book of the Berliner Turfantexte and published a 4443-line text. The first volume of this two-volume study includes Chinese and Sanskrit counterparts of the names of Buddha, text and its translation. In the second volume, there is a dictionary, facsimiles and transliteration of fragments. By analysing the BT 25, the final work on Kşanti Kılguluk Nom Bitig, the hendiadyses, which had not been included yet in earlier Uighur hendiadys researches, were studied in this article. To find out different hendiadyses, the hendiadyses in question were compared with the ones in Uygurca’da Hendiadyoinler, Eski Uygur Türkçesinde İkilemeler and Eski Uygurcada İkilemeler Üzerine, and UW, UW NB I.1, UW NB II.1, UW NB II.2, OTWF, ED, DTS dictionaries alongside with the dictionary section of Altun Yaruk III. Kitap (=5. Bölüm), Eski Uygurca Din Dışı Metinlerin Karşılaştırmalı Söz Varlığı and Daśakarmapathāvadānamālā were utilised. The hendiadyses are listed with their Turkish and German meaning, the context they have been used, line number and written frequency. Most of the German translations are based on Wilken’s translations but some has been changed in accordance with TDKAlmT. The signs that were used to indicate reduced, completed or missing parts are not included due to clarity purposes. Forms like ḍ ṭ and ẓ, which show distinct spelling features in the transcription of the text, are not benefitted also. (…) is used if there is a long or completed sentence, and to clear up what is the context, whether the sentence is in harmony or not has been looked into.The hendiadyses, which can be seen since the very first written sources of Turkic, especially in the Old Uighur period, are mentioned in the above studies. However, 201 new hendiadyses&nbsp;in the BT 25, the most recent work on Kşanti Kılguluk Nom Bitig, are not encountered in those studies. Those 201 hendiadyses are listed, their Turkish and German translations and example sentencesand their written frequencies are given in this study. The hendiadyses, important for understanding the Old Uighur texts and rebuilding them, are presented for the attention of those who study in this field.

Specific Hendiadyses in Ksanti Kilguluk Nom Bitig

Korkmaz

Muş, located in the Eastern Anatolia Region, has hosted a number of civilizations throughout history. That Muş was situated particularly on the western route of the Urartian state and on a historical trade route, made the city remain in a strategical location throughout history. The bridges examined in the study were also on the mentioned route. However, it may be stated that the route had been used by all states ruling the region in the interlude until the ruler of the Ottoman Empire. Four historical bridges including the Mus Ulu Bridge, the Karasu Bridge, the Malazgirt Bridge and the Abdurrahman Pasha Bridge have reached the present day. However, among them, no archival information about the Abdurahman Pasha Bridge could be obtained. Similarly, although the archival information related to the Mus Karasu Bridge is available, the bridge itself did not survive. There is no exact information indicating when and by whom the analyzed bridges were first built. It may be inferred from the obtained archive documents that the historic bridges in Muş were either rebuilt or substantially repaired because they had been too destroyed to cross in the late Ottoman period. In the existing publications, the studied bridges were dated back to the Seljuk period when they were examined in terms of their materials, engineering, and plans. However, any documents confirming this assumption could not be obtained.The first document concerning the bridges dates back to 1849. It is stated in this document that the Mus Ulu Bridge had 18 bays, one of which was destroyed and in need of repair. However, it has reached to the present day with its 12 bays.The Karasu Bridge and the Ulu Bridge (Historical Murat Bridge) are located on the same route. It is followed on the same route by the Karasu Bridge, the Ulu Bridge, the Mercimek Castle, and the Abdurahman Pasha Bridge, respectively, from Mus center towards Erzurum. It is noted that the comings and goings were interrupted for about 15-20 days, particularly in harsh climate conditions, and especially caravans and poor people could not cross. It was possible to cross only by means of donkeys or other animals at that time. Moreover, it is noted in the subsequent documents that correspondences were initiated in H.1311/C.E. 1893; however, a favorable result could not be obtained until the early 1900s. It may be inferred from the documents that the bridges were either repaired, or another solution was produced for transportation between the years 1849 and 1890. However, it is stated that the Karasu and Ulu Bridges were too destroyed to cross, and the Karasu Bridge was completely ruined and the last wood left on it also went away because of the water in 1893. Thus, there is a high probability that the deck part of the Karasu Bridge, which could not reach today, was wooden. It is also emphasized that the Ulu Bridge also collapsed, and it had to be repaired as it was crucial for the transportation of the army; otherwise, it would be dangerous in terms of safety and it would be impossible for the transportation of the army between the routes Bitlis-Muş-Erzurum and Bitlis-Muş-Bingöl-Harput. It is also noted that both of the bridges had to be renovated in accordance with their original forms.It may be claimed that a security threat has increased in the region since the beginning of the 20th century. It is known that the following years correspond to World War I. The other point to take into consideration is the dating of the bridges. The Karasu Bridge could not reach the present day. No information was obtained in relation to the date of its construction.It is not known when and by whom the Mus Ulu Bridge (Historical Murat Bridge) was first built. However, it may be concluded from its prevailing condition that it underwent considerable repairs in the late Ottoman period. Considering its materials and technique, it may be noted that it has some noteworthy similarities with the Kırkgoz Bridge, located on the way of the Tohma Stream in Malatya. The historical background of the Kırkgoz Bridge in Malatya is not precisely known today.&nbsp;&nbsp;However, it is inferred from another archival document that the Malatya-Kırkgoz Bridge was one of Murat 4th’ charity works and had been repaired together with the Karakısıt bridge in Hekimhan for three years, and the repair was completed, and the bridge was reopened to use. However, it is not precisely clear whether it was rebuilt or not. According to the present document, it may be claimed that it was first built by Murat 4th. Nevertheless, it would be useful to consider its construction year carefully. It is highly possible that the Mus Ulu Bridge (Historical Murat Bridge was also reconstructed by Murat 4th.The reason for this is that the bridge is called “Historical Murat Bridge” today. It must have reached today because of its constructor. It is similar to the Malatya-Kırkgoz Bridge in terms of its materials and technique. It is most likely that some hans and bridges on the route were repaired, and some of them were reconstructed to facilitate the crossing of the army during the Baghdad expedition of Murat 4th.Although there are no available documents about the Abdurrahman Pasha Bridge, it may be assumed, as its name suggests, that the present bridge was built by the ruler of Muş, Abdurahman Pasha, in the first half of the 19th century. It is realized that Abdurahman Pasha was appointed as the ruler of Muş in 1827. Considering that he was murdered soon after his appointment in 1827, it is most likely that the bridge was constructed in 1827 or 1828.As for the Malazgirt Bridge, it is also unknown when and by whom it was built. However, according to the information in the documents, it had been absolutely destroyed, and only its piles have reached today, and it had not been repaired until the years 1911-1912. It is highly possible that it was rebuilt in the Republic period. The aim of the study is to evaluate the existing documents in particular and the bridges, in terms of their materials, engineering, and plans.

Muş Bridges in The Ottoman Archive Documents

Melis

The famed poet Baki became known as the “sultan of poets” during his long career and his poems were often included in anthologies and his Divan was copied widely. Despite the numerous copies of the Divan of Baki and the inclusion of his ghazals in most anthologies of poetry, illustrated copies of the Divan of Baki are scanty. Among these examples (British Library Or. 7084, Bibliothèque nationale de France Supp. turc 356, Museum of Turkish and Islamic Art T. 1959, and three detached folios coming from a single manuscript: Metropolitan Museum of Art 45.174.5, 25.83.9, RISD Museum 17.459), the seven paintings in the Harvard Divan are unique for their emphasis on the poet and their close connection to the poetry of Baki. These paintings reflect both on particular motifs of the lyric poetry and its mood. Rather than marking the ends of individual odes, or the beginning of a new set of ghazals––as is the case with the majority of illustrated divans––the paintings of the Harvard manuscript interact in a more fluid way with the text. As the Harvard manuscript has not been studied previously, this article provides a preliminary analysis into its paintings and their relationship to the text.&nbsp;&nbsp;The manuscript contains seven almost full-page paintings that come from the same hand. The first painting represents a youth carving a mountain and an older man shown in profile, with the distinguishing feature of a prominent nose. The ghazal that accompanies this painting begins with a description of spring and ends with the effects of love and of the beloved on the lover. The final couplet compares the poet with the legendary character Farhad, of Khusraw and Shirin of Nizami. The following painting also shows a close relationship to the text where it makes a specific reference to drinking as the painting shows a youth and an older man in a lush garden setting. The next painting similarly depicts the poet (again with his prominent nose) and the youth. This painting, like the previous one, follows the visual convention of juxtaposing the fashionable youth and an old man as the beloved and the lover, respectively. In addition to this visual convention, the composition appears to draw from the breakline couplet: “It is the place of pleasure and desire, let us dance / Let us shake the arches and porticoes, come hither.” The poet/old man appears in a pose redolent of dance in the painting. The following painting also takes a line from the ghazal and elaborates on one of its motifs. In the painting, a tall youth holds a bow and arrow. Facing him is a middle-aged man who bares his chest as the youth takes aim, echoing the line above the painting: “My heart, struck many a time, I held towards you.” Instead of the target on the left, the middle-aged man tears open his garment at the chest for the youth to take aim at. The next painting again depicts the poet, a youth, and in this case, a dervish wearing a tall, brown cap. In the poem, the poet is urged to expend his breath on gratification and pleasure. The inclusion of a dervish in this painting is perhaps a visual reminder to the poet. The final painting, smaller than the other six paintings, is the most straightforward painting of the manuscript—it represents two youths seated outside, and as a whole it encapsulates the literary universe of the ghazal. Such&nbsp;scenes are frequently found in illustrated non-narrative texts. Finally, meant to appear in the first section of the Divan (in the ode to Murad III), but placed haphazardly in the manuscript, is a representation of the arrival of the Safavid prince Haydar Mirza.&nbsp;This manuscript, taken within the corpus of illustrated divans urges us to look for possible options and paradigms for illustrating non-narrative texts. In dealing with a narrative text, the tendency has been to match the painting with a story, reading the “narrative painting” together with the text. When it comes to non-narrative texts, we can expect certain motifs, such as lovers in a landscape, indoor or outdoor gatherings, games of polo, hunting, etc. that may use a certain word or phrase from the text as a source of inspiration. In the context of lyric poetry, the different options we have of studying the book as a whole and studying how paintings may deviate from “expected forms of decoration” allow us to think further about illustrating a non-narrative text.

An Illustrated Divan of Baki at the Harvard Art Museums

Res. Assist.

Haldun Taner (1916-1986), first known as a theater writer in the world of literature, is also an important name in the history of Turkish storytelling. In his works, he deals with the comical conflicts, distortions, moral and social deprivations of caring for western life, which has been the subject of our stories and novels since the Tanzimat.The main disorders of Satire types in the author's stories; laziness, ignorance, crowd, hypocrisy, selfishness and rudeness. The stories of Haldun Taner reflect the characteristics of the society in which they live. The themes in his stories are often irregularities resulting from lack of education and training, people trying to fit into the life of the big city, ignorant, rude people and snobs. The author, who determines his characters according to their economic situation, compares rich people with the poor and treats the poor as pure and the rich as weak.&nbsp;The themes discussed in "Fasarya" are based on topics such as social injustice, poor manners, wealthy classes. Although the general structure of the story touches these issues, it is also suitable for different readings. One of the main factors for this is the fact that Fasarya is a story based on a protagonist.In the story, Fasarya's shortcomings and failures in business life, personal problems in friendship and male-female relations are handled in a tragicomic structure. As a result, the main factor constituting the dramatic structure in the story is the ordinary story person Fasarya and his conflict with other people.On the other hand, this conflict causes the story to be built largely on “opposites”.As a result of this, it is possible to say that conflict and opposition are effective both in content and structure in the narrative strategy of the story. Therefore, this article will focus on the issue of how these effects are reflected on “Fasarya”. The story of Haldun Taner is based on the events of Fasarya, whose real name is Kâzim. He lives as a outcast person in one of the suburbs of Istanbul in the 1950’s, in “Fasarya”. It can be said that the theme and content in the story are based on oppositions. These oppositions constitute the basic strategy of the story both in terms of content and method.Also, these oppositions appear in two ways. One of these is the effect of the narrator's point of view on the story. The other is the perspective of Fasarya, a story person. Therefore, it is possible to say that the story shows a dual structure. This dual structure is sometimes presented to the reader as contradictions and sometimes as partnerships in terms of the contextual content of the text. The expression of narrative opposition is not only the art of contrast. In here, there is also a narrative strategy that is the result of the narrator's position and perspective in the story. Therefore, the fact that the relationship between Fasarya and the narrator affects the holistic structure of the story. It is possible to observe this situation first in “Fasarya”s people. This “dual structure” is important for thematic concern, but it is one of the usual features of literature. Explaining these features will undoubtedly enable us “to read” Fasarya better.&nbsp;&nbsp;

Content and Method in Haldun Taner's Story of “Fasarya” in Terms of “Narrative Opposition”

Home economics appeared as an independent field of research in the nineteenth century and began to be included in the curriculum of girls’ schools in many countries through the second half of the century. As a scientific field, home economics defines systematic, modern and pedagogical standards for housework with a particular focus on household chores being part of the daily routine and aims to increase productivity and professionalism at home. Standardization, discipline, order, rationality, pragmatism, and hygiene appeared as the main principles of home economics. These principles defined the reform programs of many states, which were initiating a modernization process in the realms of political, economic and sociocultural areas in the nineteenth century. These principles are also among the main criteria of Norbert Elias’s definition of the civilizing process, which he defined by focusing on the change and transformation of the standards of correct and proper behavior in Europe from the thirteenth to the nineteenth centuries. Therefore, the rational and scientific approach to house related issues and the introduction of home economics as a course to the curriculum of girls’ schools appear closely related to the modernization and civilizing attempts of the states.&nbsp;In the pre-modern Ottoman world, home administration (ilm-i tedbîr-i menzil), which was considered as a subject of ethics and included as a chapter in ethics books, began to be taken as an independent field as home economics (idâre-i beytiye) in books and periodicals after the second half of the nineteenth century as well as being taught as a course in girls’ schools through the last quarter of the century. Ottoman authors examined the decoration and physical conditions of the house, house-cleaning, health issues, heating, dressing, raising of children, eating and food, table manners, etiquette and all kinds of issues that may be related to the house under the title of home economics. The target of writing on home economics was the disciplining and rationalization of the Ottoman house life with definite standards. This literature criticized the traditional Ottoman house life as being scattered, irregular, and haphazard and proposed a new model of house management based on scientific, rational and pedagogical data, dominated by discipline, order, and hygiene.The opening of new schools for girls at different levels from primary schools to teachers’ schools was an important development for the participation of Ottoman women in the formal education process. Furthermore, the discussions to define the object and content of girls’ curriculum reveals that Ottoman authorities considered the education of women within&nbsp;the perspective of the traditional role and status of Ottoman women as housewife, wife, and mothers despite Ottoman women beginning to benefit from the possibilities of formal education and public life. It seems that the number and the weight of courses related to home economics increased in the curriculum of girls’ schools of the time and attempts were made to fill the girls’ curriculum with those sciences regarded as necessary and useful to femininity, housewifery, and motherhood. The language used in the Ottoman textbooks of home economics shows that the traditional female discourse continued in many aspects. It seems that this literature on home economics aims to reorganize the living space of the family, which is the nucleus of the society according to the scientific, rational, technological and pedagogical standards and approaches of the age.With the introduction of the home economics courses to the curriculum of Ottoman girls’ schools in different levels and the definition of women’s status as home managers, domestic life became a public issue and also a political matter on which state and public authorities developed policies. Because these books are textbooks for girls’ schools and each textbook is published with the permission of the Ministry of Education, it can be said that the woman’s discourse emerging from these books not only represents the idea of authors but also the policy of Ottoman political authorities. However, the introduction of home economics to the curriculum of girls’ schools both in the Ottoman and western world was not a result of an agenda to question or improve women status, rather it seems like a consequence of a process initiated by the state authorities to modernize all segments of life. In this context, the involvement of the course in the curriculums seems primarily related to the modernization and civilization process in almost every realm of Ottoman life from the second half of the nineteenth century, and the Ottoman house which was an area that needed to be reorganized in line with modern standards to serve and contribute to this change and transformation process.

Teaching Scientific Home Economics in Late Ottoman Girls’ Schools: Curriculum and Textbooks

Yavuz

Products of folk cultures are the mirror of the folk and are a heritage transferred to the future. Prayers and curses are significant verbal expressions which enable cultural transfer. They are also the most used stereotypical epithets used by people in their daily lives, either consciously or unconsciously. Just as people acclaim and pray for the positive situations they face, so it is natural that they imprecate when they are faced with negative situations. Positive attitudes are always admired and praised in Turkish society. This admiration is reflected by the prayers in folk culture. However, for curses, this situation is perceived quite differently. Therefore, curses are avoided whenever possible. Acclamations and imprecations, which are stereotypical epithets, have come from the past to present. In this aspect, they have many things in common with proverbs and idioms. Acclamations and imprecations are stereotypical epithets which are transferred from generation to generation and the harmony with which they are said and learned by heart are the result of common values of a society. These notions are so embedded in daily life that prayers and curses which are said by people living in different regions and as a result of a specific incident have many things in common. In respect of lexical meaning, prayer, which means "to call, to ask, to beg for help" and curse, which means "to damn, to make a bad wish" are literally the demands from Allah in case of being hopeless in bad situations.&nbsp;Prayers and curses, the clearest examples of the fact that commitment to the religious values, wishes and desires can be carried out only through faith, are the stereotypical epithets that are used by people who commit themselves to Allah in relation to their own impotency. Prayers and curses which often refer to the following "Allah, holy book, prophet, thanksgiving, praise, good deed, sin, etc.", are the best examples of this commitment; in other words, to the people who have obstacles between them and cannot reach each other, 'may Allah unite you again!', to a person who is put in prison, 'may Allah rescue you!', to a person who does evil things, 'Allah damn you!', are said archetypally and it is obvious that many things are left to Allah. From all those things it is understood how impactful religion is in our society's worldview. In all these stereotypical epithets, the ones that start with Allah are most common. Turkish society generally avoids imprecations. This avoidance is also valid for vows too. To those who have a tendency to use imprecations and vows, they are told 'heaven forbid!', ' swear off!', ' do not persist!' and they are believed to tell many lies.&nbsp;When someone speaks of a vow, the first expression group that comes to mind is proverbs and idioms. Acclamations and imprecations are closely associated with proverbs. The most common features of these types of sayings are: shortness and depth in expression, dignity in expression and being unchangeable in form. None of them can be considered independent of verbal speech. We should also use them where appropriate in the speech.Another common feature of these sayings types is that their origins consist of word patterns dating back to time immemorial. While this situation anonymizes acclamations and&nbsp;imprecations, the fact that even the speakers do not know the meanings of some words becomes apparent. Swearings and “gülbenks” are the other cognate types grouped within acclamations and imprecations. Swearing may well be made up of rude and improper expressions but that doesn't prevent them from being rich in vocabulary and being used by people from every part, every cultural level and every age range of society. Moreover, it is very interesting that some of the words encountered in certain examples of swearing date back to Turks' pre-Islamic era. Another feature of swearing is that common and euphemized new words are used instead of words accepted as nasty or evil to produce new expressions. Many idioms which are said in Anatolia consist of such euphemized swearing. "Anasını bellemek" and " halt karıştırmak" are examples of this manner of swearing. Gülbenks are praying expressions which are said traditionally in Bektashi ceremonies or they are said by Bektashi dervishes while they are doing their daily chores.We can always use acclamations and imprecations in daily life. These expressions not only meet people's need to transfer emotions and notions but also state feelings such as liking something, anger, and love. These stereotype epithets, which are not universal, can be different in different societies and people create them according to their own culture. They can be kept in mind, used in the appropriate place and time and also transferred to the next generations. Use of these stereotype epithets which consist of acclamations and imprecations can be different in every region, every city even in every village in the same language speaking societies.90 acclamations and 220 imprecations are included in this study and we tried to sort these examples according to meaning and collocutor. The most significant feature of these expressions is that all of the acclamations are all demanded from or directed at Allah. Imprecations on the other hand are intensely based on the collocutor. In the grammatical context, we believe that Adıyaman's acclamations and imprecations will draw linguists' attention simply because they consist of many local dialect features. Since both acclamations and imprecations have examples concerning the whole society and are also used widely as idioms by everyone, they should be considered as universal sayings.

Prayers and Curses in Adiyaman Folk Culture (Acclamations and Imprecations)

Gökhan

Abdulkadir

Two Solfege Books in Professional Music Education in The Ottoman Period: Solfej and Talim-i Kirâat-i Musiki

Selda

Ah Şu Biz Kara Bıyıklı Türkler

Emre

Türkiye Türkçesi Söz Dizimi

Ruveyda

Bozkurt'un Ejderha ile Dansı

Dursun

Didem

Türk Yazı Dillerinin Sözlükbilimi I: Osmanlı TürkçesiTürkiye Türkçesi

Prof. Dr.

Cemile

Res. Assist. Dr.

Charles Baudelaire, Fransa ölçeğinde yeni bir duyuş ve dünyayı algılayış biçimini yansıtması ve modernizm parametrelerini dönüştürmesi gibi yönlerden oldukça önemli bir konumda yer alır. Onun öncülüğünü üstlendiği modernist estetikte toplumsallık yerine sanatsal üretimin orijinalitesi, farklılığı üst bir konumda yer alır. Böylece geleneksel ve metafizik ile dolu olan rollerini dönüştüren sanatçı, kendi özel ve gizemli metafiziğini inşa etmiş olur. “Yeni” bu sanatçı için en önemli erektir. Sanatsal formları da bu doğrultuda dönüştürmek ve okuru ile mesafeli bir dil hâli yaratmak Baudelaire’in başını çektiği estetik düzlemde oldukça önemli bir bağlamı ifade etmektedir.Türkiye’de de benzer dönüşümler Tanzimat dönemi ile izlenmekle beraber asıl önemli hamleler, düşünsel ve şiirsel bir çizgide 1950’li yıllarda, İkinci Yeni şiir hareketinde gözlemlenmektedir. İkinci Yeni’de örtük bir biçimde de olsa otorite ile savaş, kutsala yönelik önemli tepkimeler yahut kabul edilen değerler sistemine yönelik “yeni ve farklı” bir dil aracılığıyla ifade edilen birden fazla çağrışımlı ve çok katmanlı metinler, bahsettiğimiz bu değişimin en net yansıması olarak karşımıza çıkar. Bu hareket içerisinde de bu kopuşun oldukça net gözlemlendiği isimlerden birisi ise şüphesiz Ece Ayhan’dır. Onun hem dil konusundaki atılımı ve şiir dilini bir anlatım ve aktarım aracı olarak değil, bir “durum” olarak kurgulaması hem de tüm öncül ve otoriteleri reddeden düşünceleri Türkiye’de modernist duyarlılığın en keskin örneklerinden biridir.Charles Baudelaire ile Ece Ayhan’ın birbirinden bağımsız coğrafyalarda ve zamanlarda ortak paydada buluşabilmesi ise yukarıda ana hatları ile ifade ettiğimiz modernist estetik ve duyarlılık ortaklığıyla doğrudan ilintilidir. Bu çalışma, ele aldığı izlekler yoluyla bu iki ismin arasındaki görünmez bağa ve bu bağ sonucundaki verilerin Türkiye ölçeğindeki birtakım yansımalarına yoğunlaşmayı hedeflemektedir.Bu bağlamda ele alınan ilk izlek otorite reddinin de kaynağını oluşturan yenilik ve kendilik bilincidir. Her iki şairde de öncülsüz olma güdüsü, var olan tüm değerlerin (dinî, siyasî vs.) yadsınması şeklinde bir sonucu ortaya koymuştur. Baudelaire’in tamamlanmamış romanı Fanfarlo’daki “babaya lanet” söylemi ile Ece Ayhan’ın “İnsanoğlu babasızdır” dizesi bu düşüncenin bir yansımasıdır. Baba, onlar için tüm otoriter yapılanmaları ifade eder. Her ikisi de bu anlamda düzenin karşısındadır.&nbsp;Her iki ismi aynı potada düşünmeye olanak sağlayan bir diğer önemli refleks ise biçimsel alandadır. Fragman estetiği, parçalı gerçeklik algısı ve şiirde bütünselliğin düzyazı ile dağıtılmasını sağlayan bu gerilimli hamle, her iki isim için de okurla aralarında bir mesafeye sebep olması dolayısıyla önemli görünmektedir. Baudelaire’in Paris Sıkıntısı’nın yayıncısına yazdığı mektupta, oluşturduğu metin parçalarının kendi başlarına da var olabileceklerine yönelik ifadeleri bu anlamda önemli bir değişimi imlemektedir. Aynı refleks Ece Ayhan’da da söz konusudur. Yort Savul şiirinde sorduğu üç sorudan birinin gerçeği ararken “parçalanmayı göze alma” ile ilgili olması oldukça dikkat çekicidir. Yine aynı şekilde her ikisi tarafından düzyazı formunda şiirlerin olumlanması ve kaleme alınması, genel şiir algısının yıkımına yönelik radikal bir adım olarak yorumlanmıştır. Bu ortaklıklar her ikisi için aynı zamanda güvenli bir estetik alan, daha az okura hitap eden bir dünya anlamına da gelmektedir. Şiirlerin kapalı olmasından duyulan haz, bir yandan da her üretimin bir tüketim bekleyeceği ve o olmazsa devam edemeyeceği gerçeğinin baş göstermesi; her iki isim için de yaşanan ikiliğin en net göstergesidir. Bununla beraber her ikisi için de okur ve beklenti bağlamında ortaklık arz eden özel bir gruptan da söz edilmelidir. Baudelaire’in modern hayatın kahramanlarından biri olarak kurguladığı “çocuk”, Ece Ayhan’da “tarihi düzünden okumaya ayaklanan” şekilde resmedilmiş ve geleceğe dair bir umut olarak imlenmiştir.Karşılaştırmalı olarak ele aldığımız bu iki isim için önemli ortaklıklardan birini de şehir karşısındaki tutumları oluşturur. Baudelaire’in tasarımı olan, yeni bir “görme”nin temsilcisi konumundaki flanör, modernleşen Paris’in parçalı görüntüleri eşliğinde yeni insanın çelişkilerini yansıtır. Aynı zamanda kentin ücra köşelerindeki kabul görmeyen tipolojiler de bu yeni çelişkili gerçekliğin yansımalarındandır. Ece Ayhan’da aynı kategorizasyon “hâl ve gidişi sıfır olanlar” şeklinde, İstanbul’da özellikle de Sirkeci ölçeğinde karşımıza çıkacaktır. Kente, onun tarihine, değişimine ilişkin çok detaylı bir dikkatin ve sevginin yanında; ona dair bu kin, modernizmin ikili bilinç refleksiyle doğru orantılı görünmektedir.Her iki ismin kötülüğün estetize edilmesi noktasında da benzer tepkimeleri söz konusudur. Kutsal değerlerin gökyüzünden yeryüzüne indirilmiş olması, modern birey için yeni kutsallar icat etmeyi gerekli kıldığı yorumu yapılabilir. Bu durumun meşru bir biçimde inşa edilmesi ise incelediğimiz bu iki isim ölçeğinde “kötülük” kanalıyla ortaya koyulduğundan bu refleks önemli görünmektedir. İyiye ve güzele alternatif olarak kötülük bilincinin öne çıkarılması, Baudelaire ve Ece Ayhan’ı birleştiren en önemli noktalardan birini oluşturur. Ece Ayhan’ın cennet ve cehennem kelimelerini deforme ederek oluşturduğu “cehennet” imgesi ya da “şiirimiz karadır abiler” yakarışı ile Baudelaire’in oluşturduğu bohem atmosferi, bu eğilimin doğal bir sonucu olarak estetiğin dönüştürülmesinde işlev görecektir.Sonuç olarak modernite, merkezi Batı’da olmasına rağmen çok uzaklara yayılmış çok boyutlu ve derin bir sürecin adıdır. Aralarında bir yüzyıl ve kilometreler olan Charles Baudelaire ve Ece Ayhan, sanatlarını bu çok boyutlu sürecin çelişkili, uçucu ve parçalı yönleri üzerine benzer reflekslerle inşa etmişlerdir. Zamanın getirdiği koşullara uyum sağlayıp ortaya çıkan yenilikler&nbsp;ve gelişmelerle bütünleşmek, aynı zamanda akışa katılmak yerine; bunlarla savaşmak ve yeniyi inşa ederken “var olanı” yıkmak hem Baudelaire hem de Ayhan için en temel paradigmalardan biri olarak karşımıza çıkmış, belirlediğimiz izlekler çerçevesinde özellikle Türk modernleşmesi ölçeğinde zengin yorumlara olanak sağlamıştır.

Different Geographies, Similar Modernist Reflexes: Charles Baudelaire and Ece Ayhan

Emrah

Assist. Prof. Dr.

The short story “Rüyalar” [Dreams], authored by Ahmet Hamdi Tanpınar, was initially published in 1952 and later became a part of his 1955 collection, Yaz Yağmuru [Summer Rain]. The short story’s narrative centers around the intricate psychological tribulations entwining the protagonist, Cemil. A spectral presence named Selma haunts his dreams, and her identity gradually unfolds through the narrative’s denouement. Cemil, a writer, moves into a summer residence with his family in early April. He is writing a novel retelling of a calamity enfolding around an unnamed young woman’s demise and the subsequent suicide of his familiar acquaintance, Şakir Bey. However, as the plot progresses, the dreams insidiously infiltrate Cemil’s daily existence and cognitive faculties, impeding his literary pursuit. The story follows a chronological sequence of events, leading to a culminating juncture that serves as both the narrative apex and resolution. Elaborate insights into séances conducted by Cemil’s neighbors and conveyed through a friend encountered on a ferry eventually unveil the phantom’s identity. This revelation simultaneously signifies the culmination of Cemil’s transformative journey as he navigates the concluding stage of his metamorphosis.While inheriting certain gothic motifs and recurring themes from Tanpınar’s body of work, the narrative deviates from his signature style characterized by his poetics stylistics and modernist composition. Primarily focused on the finale, the story maintains a taut sense of suspense akin to Cemil’s own experience, revolving around the pivotal question of what happens next. This deviation eschews complex enplotment, favoring a linear narrative structure that progressively unfolds in chronological order. In this context, this article undertakes a narratological examination by delving into the structural framework of the narrative, thus distinguishing it from Tanpınar’s conventional literary works. This analysis employs Boris Tomasevski’s differentiation between fabula (i.e., raw material of a story) and syuzhet (i.e., the way a story is organized) and is supplemented by Aristotle’s Poetics and Paul Ricoeur’s&nbsp;conceptualization of mythos (i.e., enplotment) in Time and Narrative: Volume I. Through this approach, the analysis exposes the narrative’s reliance on a linear chronology enhanced by dream sequences interwoven into the story to inexorably guide readers toward an almost foreseeable yet resolute climax. These dream vignettes, intrinsic to Tanpınar’s modernist proclivity characterized by thematic ambiguity and formal intricacy, cultivate an aura of enigma that pervades the entire tale. Unveiling fresh explications with each iteration, these dream episodes generate a pervasive sense of ambiguity, profoundly influencing the progression of the narrative arc. Noteworthy for deferring the resolution of ambiguities seeded by dreams, the narrative’s foundational causal progression remains a harbinger of its overarching strategy: a gradual unraveling of the enigma.Despite adopting a narrative perspective in the third-person singular, the narrative lens consistently resides within the psyche of Cemil, the central protagonist. This literary technique, reminiscent of the narrative strategies evident in Franz Kafka’s seminal works, such as The Trial and The Metamorphosis, sustains Cemil’s internal turmoil as a potential source for a modernist narrative trajectory. This storytelling approach adeptly builds anticipation, reaching its crescendo at the narrative’s zenith. The protagonist’s quotidian existence occupies a marginal role in the story, with its occurrences carrying minimal significance within the larger framework of the plot. However, decisive moments and daily life scenes trigger the protagonist’s abrupt daydreams. This narrative approach is rooted in the third-person singular perspective, which, though ostensibly distant and impartial, is confined to Cemil’s vantage point. The narrative voice remains tethered to Cemil’s turbulent consciousness, progressively veering toward his surrender to dreams as the story unfolds—a complex dual engagement. The reader, distanced from the character by the narrator’s discourse, is subjected to the third person’s definitive (i.e., past tense) authority, which is counterbalanced by an inherent susceptibility. This authority, however, is vested in the intricate narrative established by the character undergoing crisis, interwoven with uncertainties (i.e., past perfect tense) through a modernist maneuver. The narrator’s conclusive tone accelerates toward the story’s denouement in the final paragraph, intricately bound to the protagonist’s deepening journey as he confronts his crisis.A remarkable synergy between the story’s overarching narrative (fabula) and its constructed progression (syuzhet) is evident. This harmonious interplay sustains an air of ambiguity surrounding the nature of Cemil’s crisis—whether it is rooted in psychological turmoil (internal) or if it manifests as a consequence of supernatural intervention (external)—a question that remains poised until the climactic final scene. This storytelling approach adeptly builds anticipation, reaching its crescendo at the narrative’s zenith. However, the story’s anagnorisis, which entails the presence of Cemil’s verbose yet profoundly mundane confidant in the finale, along with the abrupt manifestation of the sea-bound specter, ultimately curtails the burgeoning modernist elements intricately woven into the narrative’s fabric. Consequently, the reader’s interpretative compass aligns with perceiving “Rüyalar” as a narrative akin to Kafka’s stylistic inclinations.

Kafkaesque and Gothic: A Narratological Analysis of Ahmet Hamdi Tanpınar’s Short Story “Rüyalar”

To say that Russian Turks had been engaged in political activities until the first years of the 20th century is difficult. In this regard, the 1905 Revolution and the October 17 Manifesto were important developments that pushed to the political arena the Russian Turks who had been unable to make any attempt against the administration other than concerning their religious and national wishes. Undoubtedly, one of the greatest benefits of the revolution and what followed was the environment of limited freedom that was introduced into the field of the press. Although this situation caught the 1905 Revolution unprepared politically, the revival of Russian Turks in the field of the press was quite remarkable. In this sense, that generation who had educated themselves under the influence of the Jadid school of thought that had emerged in the 19th century needed to act in line with the requirements of modern times. They tried to direct their society in this direction and suddenly emerged with magazines and newspapers published in their native language. Having experienced a period of great freedom compared to their previous periods, the intellectuals organized successive local and large-scale meetings and took responsibility for determining which path to follow in Russia’s new political atmosphere. Periodicals were these leaders’ greatest tools in this regard.Russian Turks viewed the 1905 Revolution and the proclamation of constitutional rule as the solution for ridding themselves of their long-standing position as second-class citizens. In addition to their demands for freedom and equality with Russians in all areas, they demanded the ability to regulate their own national and religious life, which had been protecting them from the Russification and Christianization policy of the Tsarist administration for a long time. In order to meet these demands and represent their opposition to regime, they supported a constitutional administration and the opening of the Duma. This explains their disappointment when the First State Duma was prorogue. Using press organs, they expressed their disappointment that had emerged as a result of the past Tsarist policies to which they’d been exposed and in this way tried to direct their society politically through the press.The Russian Turks’ reactions toward the proroguing of the First Duma appear to be able to be followed through the press. In this sense, to say that the Idel-Ural press had a unique position would not be wrong, and this was related to the position the region had acquired in the modernization movements. This was due to the Idel-Ural region being at the center of Jadid&nbsp;school of thought, which had emerged with the idea of reform in the religious field in the first years of the 19th century and gradually entered all areas of life. The experience that was gained from this, the national bourgeois class that formed in the region, and the social developments that were supported by it, all in combination with the 1905 Revolution caused a great revival in the field of printing. Thus, the Idel-Ural geography became the center of media activities during the revolution in comparison to Turkestan, Crimea, and the Caucasus. At the same time, this geography turned into a lively area for Russian Turks after the 1905 Revolution. The physical proximity of the region to central Russia was also an important feature. Therefore, periodicals published in the Idel-Ural area not only remained local but were also turned into tools for defending the rights of Russian Turks in other regions.This study will attempt to reveal the thoughts of Russian Turks regarding the closing of the First State Duma through the Idel-Ural press. In this context, the study will investigate what the Duma meant to Russian Turks, what issues were emphasized in the publications, and the reasons why a constitutional government was seen as a means of solving problems. In order to achieve these goals, the study will benefit from publications that had been published in the Idel-Ural area after the 1905 Revolution and that discussed what happened during the period of the First Duma. In this context, the study has preferred publications that closely followed the political developments and frequently included which actors were influential in the political line of Russian Turks, such as the Muslim Alliance and the Kadet Party, examining such publications as Vakit, Yıldız, Kazan Muhbiri, Musulmanskii Mir, Ulfet, and Nur. In addition, this study will present how the ideological differences among Russian Turks all met the closure of the Duma by benefitting from the important periodical Tan Yıldızı, which followed a different political orientation.After the closure of the First Duma, harsh criticisms of the government and the tsar were seen to occur in periodicals. This shows that after the 1905 Revolution, the administration had made concessions from its oppressive administration. However, the short-term survival of the First Duma shows that Russia was still not ready for the transition to a constitutional order. The fact that the Second Duma was closed after a short time was also an indicator of this. Another issue was the confidence Russian Turks had in the constitutional government and their open statements in their periodicals. This was quite remarkable for a society that was burgeoning in the political arena. One important point that draws attention is that uniting on the grounds of a constitutional government had been possible, despite Russian Turks following different ideological lines. This feature signaled the need for freedom and equality in a society that had been oppressed for many years. Finally, the closure of the Duma damaged the trust Russian Turks had in the Second Duma and the government, but this did not cause them to demand the constitutional government disappear.

Prorogue of the First Duma in Tsarist Russia and the Turks of Idel-Ural (1906)

Erhan

Thousands of studies have been conducted on the ancient Turkic runic inscriptions since they were first discovered. Some of these studies include readings and interpretations of newly found inscriptions, while others are new readings and interpretations of previous inscriptions. On one hand, these studies have made new contributions to the phonology, morphology, sentences, meaning, and lexicon of Old Turkic, providing new information about the life of Turks in the 7th and 8th centuries on the other.Old Turkic inscriptions with Turkic runic letters are found in various parts of Asian geography such as Mongolia, Tuva, Khakassia, Mountainous Altai region, Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan. Work on these inscriptions has continued uninterruptedly until today, starting when Vilhelm Thomsen deciphered the letters in 1893. While some of these studies have involved rereading and making sense of the problematic lines in previous inscriptions, others involve reading and interpretations regarding newly found inscriptions.New inscriptions are being discovered every day in Mongolia, which hosts the most famous ancient Turkic inscriptions. One of these inscriptions is the Gurvan Mandal inscriptions, which were discovered in 1987 within the borders of Bayankhongor Province. Sources state these inscriptions to consist of a total of six lines on two rocks, the first being called the Dund Mandal (i.e., Rock A) and the second one being called Adag Mandal (i.e., Rock B).New high-resolution photographs of the two rocks and their inscriptions have identified the rock behind Dund Mandal (Rock A) to also have a three-line inscription that is identical to the inscriptions on the front rock. Although the same text is found on both rocks that stand back to-back, they have different characters and carving systems. An extra l1 sign was found on the rock in front and differ from the one in back. This article reclassifies these three rocks, discusses the readings and interpretations of the two known rocks; and then reads and interprets the three lines on both the two known rocks and the newly discovered one.Not many studies have occurred on the Gurvan Mandal inscriptions, which consist of three rock inscriptions. One reason for this is that the inscriptions were found recently, and another reason is that the first two lines of the three lines on the Dund Mandal Front Rock (Rock A) contain letters that are difficult to read. The Dund Mandal Back Rock has exactly the same letters as the Dund Mandal Front Rock (Rock A). However, the letters were carved on to the&nbsp;rocks using different styles. Drawing anything meaningful from the letters in the first two lines of either rock is difficult. This is probably because they are both personal names. The third line on the Dund Mandal Front Rock (Rock A) and the Dund Mandal Back Rock has been completely reread and interpreted.The Adag Mandal (Rock B) inscription is located near the Dund Mandal Front Rock (A Rock) and the Dund Mandal Back Rock. The Adag Mandal (Rock B) inscription is the third at the Gurvan Mandal inscription complex and has a total of three lines. Adag Mandal (B Rock) consists of three lines with very distinctive letters and carved in a different place than those on the two back-to-back rocks at Dund Mandal. This inscription was engraved on the rock on the southeast slope of Adag Mandal Mountain, which also has petroglyphs and marks. Those who’we worked on the inscription also mentioned the marks in the inscription and were of the opinion that they might belong to the Karluk and Basmıl tribes. The firts line reads Ak at altun ederlig “The white horse is saddled with gold.” This sentence is exactly the same as the first part of the third line of the Yabogan inscription (A 84), one of Mountainous Altai region inscriptions. Since the line containing this sentence is dissimilar to the two lines below it in terms of font and letter size, one can argue different people to have written it. However, a similar subject is understood to be mentioned in all three lines.Due to the Gurvan Mandal inscription complex have been discovered recently, studies on it are scarce. Therefore, new studies and evaluations of the inscription will enable new readings and interpretations, especially for the word at the end of the third line of the threeline inscription on Adag Mandal (Rock B). The fact that the expression in the first line of Adag Mandal (Rock B) is the same as that in the third line of the Yabogan (A 84) inscription from the Mountainous Altai region, as well as the semantic similarity (i.e., similarity of what is described in the inscriptions), is very valuable for the vocabulary of the Old Turkic period.

The Gurvan Mandal Inscriptions (Mongolia) - A New Reading and Interpretation

Esengül

The endings, which Georg Lukács describes as “essential turning points on a precisely mapped path”, also mean the end of the fictional world, limited by the scope of the protagonist’s possible experiences. Narrative endings, which constitute one of the most significant thresholds of a fictional narrative, have been shaped according to different criteria in the history of literature. In parallel with the question of what an ideal fiction should be, ideal endings have also been one of the topics on which ideas have been produced. From myths, epics, fables, fairy tales and picaresque narratives to the rational and realistic novels of modernism, the phenomenon of “death” at the end of the fiction has been accorded great importance.This study focuses on the phenomenon of death as an apocalyptic theme in the prominent Turkish novels of the Tanzimat and Servet-i Fünûn periods, drawing on the views of Frank Kermode, whose work The Sense of an Ending established a link between fiction, time, and apocalyptic thought. Frank Kermode’s thesis that all mythical, literary, or religious fictions is related to the concept of apocalypse, a theological worldview, gains significance in this issue by stating that the giving of meaning to life and events is always made real through fiction. According to Kermode, the apocalyptic themes that sustain the entire structure of a fictional narrative are both long-lasting and constantly changing. Just as the stories or themes of the end of humanity allow people to think about their own death, to make sense of their place in the cycle of life and time, their relationship to beginning and end, and to live together with chaos by humanising the reality of death. Thus, in the art of the novel, the hero’s correlation with death makes the reader reflect on various issues.Analysing the exemplary novels from Taaşşuk-ı Tal’at ve Fitnat (1872) to Kırık Hayatlar (1901) within the framework of the concept of the apocalypse, the results show that there are similarities and differences in the perception of death at the end of the novels. In the first place, the apocalyptic effect of death is essential in both periods. A voice of “rebirth” rises from the endings of the Tanzimat novels, as both the victims and the guilty experience their own “micro-apocalypses” for the educational mission of the fiction. In these novels, which end with the physical death of the heroes, death is present as a phenomenon that closes a world with a tock sound, but it brings genesis with a new tick sound. In other words, in the Tanzimat&nbsp;novels written within the scope of the concept of chronos, which Kermode associates with the period of myths and epics, the tick-tock of time is more noticeable, and the beginning and ending in the fiction are more definite. Since the need for an ending requires the production of meaningful finals.&nbsp;On the other hand, in the novels of Servet-i Fünûn, even if there is no physical death, there is a psychological death for the heroes whose souls are opened to the reader. This situation is related to the changes in the novel, both with the transition of fiction from chronos to kairos and with the transformation of the “collective” hero into the “unique” hero. In this period, the apocalypses appear as deep wounds in the soul. In the works of Halid Ziya and Mehmed Rauf, the phenomenon of tragedy came to the fore with the acceptance of the self, and the novel took on the identity of a crisis narrative. In the works of this period, death is not an objective annihilation as a product of collective discourse, but a destruction of the soul.As it is seen, the relationship between death and the concept of apocalypse changes with the modernisation of literature. The common element in the novels of the Tanzimat and Servet-i Fünûn periods is that death or the disappointment after death takes place at the end to satisfy the reader’s need for absoluteness and completeness. This attitude changes in the unfinished / open-ended endings of the modernist novels in which the idea of apocalypse weakens. In the new process, the concept of death loses its meaning. The protagonists of the Tanzimat novels, who experience their own miniature-apocalypses by dying, and the apocalyptic protagonists of the Servet-i Fünûn novels, who are thrown out of the chronos cycle and remain in kairos, in a moment of eternal crisis, are replaced by the protagonists of the modernist novel, who question the existence and the meaninglessness of death and life as a matter of itself.

Death as an Apocalyptic End in the Turkish Novel of Tanzimat and Servet-i Fünûn Periods

Eyüp

Assoc. Prof. Dr.

The geography of Georgia is characterized by steep mountains, deep, forested valleys, rivers that cut through these valleys, abundant rainfall, and consequently, frequent flooding. The impact of this natural structure was the main factor in armies facing serious difficulties during expeditions to the region. Yavuz Sultan Selim faced serious difficulties during his raid on Georgia in the spring of 1508, when he was a prince in Trabzon, and Vizier Halil Pasha, the vizier of the Georgian campaign, experienced similar problems. Beginning in the fifteenth century, Ottoman–Georgian relations were also strategically effective in pursuing a policy based on local feudal lords against Iran, rather than conquering the region directly.In the seventeenth century, frequent rivalries in the region, especially the four-front war that the Ottoman Empire faced after the 1683 Vienna defeat played a major role in the hostile attitude of the states in the region toward the Ottomans. The Ottoman struggle on four fronts and Russia’s plan to expand to the Black Sea by taking advantage of this situation also mobilized the Georgian principalities, which ceased their obedience and rebelled against the Ottomans. Archil, one of the Georgian kings, who attempted at least five times between 1663 and 1698 to sit on the throne of the Imereti, was at the forefront of these rebellions and subsequently sought support from Russia, where he sought refuge, to organize an expedition to the region. In particular, the murder of Simon, who had been appointed as the ruler of Açıkbaş/Imereti, and then Giorgi, who had been appointed in his place, by Guria and Mamya, the rulers of Dadiani, the raids of Abazas on Muslim merchant ships, the nonpayment of jizyas and the rebellious movements pushed the Ottoman Empire to take measures. In point of fact, after the Treaty of Karlowitz, an expedition was launched to prevent the increasing number of rebellious movements against the Ottoman Empire and to consolidate Ottoman authority in the region. There is no detailed information about this campaign, which is referred to as the Georgian and Abaza War in Ottoman archival documents and the Great Turkish War in Georgian sources. Accordingly, Vizier Köse Halil Pasha was appointed as a serdar for the Georgian campaign with the assignment of Erzurum Province. Under the command of Vizier Köse Halil Pasha, the expedition, which included the soldiers of Erzurum, Trabzon, Çıldır/Akhaltsikhe, and Kars provinces, the beys and soldiers of the sanjaks administered as dynasty estates (yurtluk-ocaklık), and 1,350 members of the central army, started in 1703 and ended the following year. Halil Pasha made the necessary preparations for the expedition by traveling from Istanbul to Trabzon, then to Erzurum by land, and then back to Trabzon. The other column of soldiers headed toward Akhaltsikhe via Çıldır. According to the plan of the two armies, the meeting point was determined as Baghdati.The cannons and ammunition for the campaign were supplied from the Tophane-i Amire in Istanbul and loaded onto 40 prepared ships. Some of the cannons and ammunition were shipped by sea via Trabzon and Gonio, while some were brought to Trabzon and then shipped by land to Akhaltsikhe via Erzurum.Vizier Halil Pasha arrived in Gonio from Trabzon, from where he traveled to Kobuleti via Batumi, and then southward via Ozurgeti to Guria. The army, arriving via Akhaltsikhe, reached Baghdati earlier than planned and, captured the Fortress of Kutaisi, from where it reached Shuamta to meet the main army coming from the Black Sea. Later, when the army reached Rokiti, it was informed that Sultan Ahmed III had ascended the throne. On the order to continue the expedition, the army decided to conquer the Castle of Shorapani. Moreover, it is possible to obtain detailed information about the cost of the expedition from the ledgers kept. While the amount spent for the 1703 expedition was 283 thousand kurush, this figure was realized as approximately 18 thousand kurush in 1704.In this study, the route of the expedition, the events that took place on the route of the expedition, when the expedition started and when it ended, whether the expedition reached its goal, whether the Ottoman army stayed in the region, what measures were taken in the region at the end of the expedition, whether the old order was restored in the region, the terms of the agreement reached, and the cost of the expedition to the Ottoman treasury are analyzed comparatively, and the information found in Ottoman and Georgian sources are also analyzed comparatively.

1703 and 1704 Georgia-Abkhaz Campaign and the Cost of the Campaign

Hacer

Mercury in Old Uyghur

İbrahim

In the Middle Ages, maritime trade routes were an important factor in the development of trade. Trade has always occurred between the West and the East, in which China and Europe’s trade with one another was maintained on the Silk Road and Spice Road even before Islam. With the emergence of Islam, traders from many Muslim nations, especially Arab nations, started to form the main group in this trade. During the dominance of Islam from the Mediterranean to China, taking advantage of the maritime trade made there allowed the Muslim traders to start having a profitable occupation. For this reason, they paved the way for developing trade between China and Europe to the westernmost part of the Mediterranean. As most medieval Arab authors agreed, an international maritime trade route existed that started from the Suez (known as al-Kulzum or Clysma) and Basrah in the West and ended in Canton in the East. The western routes were divided into two parts: the Basra Road that started from al-Kulzum on the borders of Egypt from the south and stretched along the Red Sea, and the other road in the north that ended at Bansrah, Siraf and Hormoz along the gulf. Later, the ships coming from these two directions would join together and go to China along the coasts of India and Thailand, also known as Indo-China. This route was the most important maritime trade route connecting China and Arab countries in the Middle Ages. For this reason, many merchants on this route made great contributions to the economic revival of the period by trading with the largest ships.Sea trade had started from China and continued westward through India to the Arabian Peninsula. It has been known to international traders since Antiquity and experienced its most productive period during the Abbasid dynasty in the Middle Ages. The success was so great that the maritime trade route, which started in two branches from al-Kulzum (Suez) and Basrah and went to China, was one of the most active commercial routes of the Middle Ages. However, the Zanj Revolt against the Abbasids in Basrah in 255 AH/869 CE dealt a great blow to Persian maritime trade. Despite the Zanj Revolt, transportation in the Persian Gulf, which was another important branch of the route under study here, made great progress during the Abbasid dynasty in the 8th and 10th centuries. This route was mostly maritime trade that was carried along the Tigris River through Baghdad, brought to Basrah and then stopped over at Siraf and Hormoz. The goods brought to Baghdad were sometimes transported by land, so much so that the Baghdad-Basrah road was one of the most important pillars of trade between land and sea. The goods used in maritime transport across the Persian Gulf were brought from Anatolia and Mosul then taken to the shore through Baghdad. Trade was carried from Mosul and Diyar Rabi to Baghdad, Wasit, Kashkar, Sawad, Basrah, al- Abelah, and Ahwaz where the ports and ships established along the Tigris River were located.Another important starting point for the maritime trade that was maintained between China and the Red Sea in the West wasknown as al-Kulzum Sea in the Middle Ages. The Yemen, Arabian, Berber, and Abyssinian peninsulas were in the east, the Yathrip (Medina) and Tihame mountains were in the north, and the Indian Ocean was in the south. As the sources report, goods from Egypt and Syria were first loaded onto ships from al-Kulzum. The ships continued their journey northward through the strait where Yemen and Abyssinia converge, advancing along the Red Sea. Then after stopping by Aden and Socotra Island, they would come to Oman. Traders from al-Kulzum (Suez) and from Bahr al-Kulzum (the Red Sea) covered the area from here to Yemen and across the Tigris River, traveling through the Arabian land up to Abadan past the Persian Sea and then along the coast to Mahruban Port, They would also go as far as Bender Siraf. Traders would go behind Kirman and pass Hormoz, Dabil, the Sind coast, and Multan, which is considered as the end of the Islamic countries, after which they would go to China along the Indian and Tibetan coasts. For this reason, al-Kulzum was an important maritime trade center and was considered the port of Egypt and Damascus. Al-Kulzum was such an important maritime trade center that a significant part of the goods to be loaded from Egypt and Damascus to the Hejaz and Yemen were loaded onto ships there.

The Routes Muslim Merchants Used for Maritime Trade with China in the Middle Ages

İsa

Interjections are effective tools for expressing instantaneous emotions, feelings, pain, surprise, sadness, complaints, states of uncertainty or indecision, or many other common feelings and emotions. They are also effective at conveying personal attitudes and stances and can provide important clues in terms of research on the origin and evolution of human language. Unlike lexical elements, interjections do not directly contain absolute meaningful content or semantic components. In this respect, although interjections cannot be absolutely placed along any of the axes in the linguistic cline of meaning and function, even if differentiations are observed in terms of various subcategories or types, one can still argue that interjections have a paralinguistic or language-supportive metafunction because of how they carry an auxiliary quality that makes grammatical structures more effective in conveying what the speaker feels or thinks or any other emotional or spiritual state to the receiver. While interjections positioned at the secondary level in Turkish such as yazık ‘pity’ is directly related to a coded and defined lexical item and partially contains some semantic content, interjections such as ahh or öff are in contrast far removed from having any direct semantic or lexical content. Depending on the context, this latter type of interjection is focused on expressing a feeling of physical pain, a sigh, boredom, anger, or some other emotion or emotional value, usually involuntarily, as well as on creating these values in the receiver in most cases. Therefore, some interjections may be shaped by the secondary functioning of certain lexical elements, and situations for using an interjection may also arise as a result of elements belonging to other lexical classes that were previously encoded in the language (i.e., temporary context-based interjections). Such interjections can be considered secondary interjections. Meanwhile, interjections that are shaped independently of existing lexical elements and that are formed involuntarily in most cases and unable to be evaluated in a different category can be considered primary interjections. Secondary interjections have a pragmatic function and a motive for conveying personal feelings, emotions, or attitudes to the listener rather than some original semantic or syntactic content. Interjections such as these can start and end a discourse on their own.In line with the presented information, the present study will touch upon the general and inclusive features of the category of interjections, as these have been neglected both in Turkish grammar as well as in linguistic studies conducted at a university level. Among the primary interjections that can be defined as paralinguistic, the interjection is shaped by the dental-palatal snapping sound and represented by different spellings such as , &lt;çıh&gt; or &lt;çık&gt;. It is defined in the Güncel Türkçe Sözlük [Up-to-Date Turkish Dictionary] (GTS, 2023) as “a word used in the sense of ‘no’ or ‘no way’” and will be analyzed here in depth. Because this interjection is mostly realized in the moment in spoken language, the examples will be based more on personal observations and experiences, and the given examples will be designed accordingly. Meanwhile, utilizing a corpus as a data source will be practically impossible as only a limited number of spoken texts are found in Turkish, which is far from comprehensive. These are also mostly based on written texts. Even if speech-based corpora such as the Spoken Turkish Corpus (std.metu.edu.tr) had been developed, these corpora being mostly based on recordings of controlled radio or television programs would therefore rarely contain an interjection such as . Because this interjection is more likely to occur in closed, bilateral conversations or dialogue involving emotions, moods, personal attitudes, and posturing, it is unlikely to appear in any recorded conversation or dialogue. Therefore, the data sources constituting the basis of the study are quite limited. For all these reasons, the data universe of the study will involve examples of usage that can be witnessed through personal observation or that are mostly idealized.The study’s findings reveal that the interjection is not only used in the sense of “no” and has a negation function, but also has positive and neutral functions. This interjection covers a wide range of functions such as surprise, anger, calling out to someone, and impatience. Although the paralinguistic interjection contains universal codes, it is only fully understood when the recipient has well-established cultural background knowledge and codes and can analyze and interpret the relevant codes cognitively. The body movements, gestures, and mimics that occur in conjunction with this interjection also carry cultural codes and local traces that have been passed down from generation to generation. Therefore, the full transmission of this interjection between the speaker and the listener and the full understanding of its contextual functions depend on shared cultural codes and background knowledge. Thus, the power of discourse to convey emotion and thought will become even more effective with these paralinguistic and extra-linguistic tools involving the interjection and the body movements, gestures, and facial expressions that accompany its use.

Interjections as a Divergent Linguistic Category and Paralinguistic Interjections in Turkish: The Case of <cık>

Their vocabulary learning strategies. As for the teaching of Turkish as a foreign language, although academic discussions and studies on the field have occurred in recent years, the absence of a printed or web-based learner’s dictionary is a significant shortcoming.A dictionary consists of micro and macro structures that make up the mega structure. According to the literature, sections such as content, guide, abbreviations located at the front of the dictionary and sections such as index, symbols and useful information located at the back of the dictionary constitute the macro structure. Information such as spelling, pronunciation, inflectional forms, word type, definition, grammatical categories, stereotypes, examples, usage, intermediates, collocations and etymology constitute the microstructure. Headword is related to macro structure in terms of providing dictionary users access to information and also relates to the microstructure in terms of providing detailed information about words.The headword in the learner’s dictionary includes four basic pieces of information: spelling (i.e., a reference to sound in terms of its formal features), level code that reveals the frequency of use of the word and also is suitable according to the Common European Framework of Reference for Languages (CEFR), pronunciation that represents speech, and grammatical information that includes the structure of the word. Spelling is seen as a problem-free issue for Turkish learner dictionaries. However, Turkish dictionaries clearly should be based on the writing principles of the Turkish Language Association so that users do not experience confusion in this regard. The level code should be marked from A1 to C2 in accordance with CEFR and displayed in the learner’s dictionary as such. For pronunciation, the dictionary must go beyond the knowledge of front or back pronunciation of a sound, which is presented for native speakers, and include information about pronunciation as prepared according to the International Phonetic Alphabet at the beginning of the headword. In the grammar section, information should be given about the types of words and their inflections, as well as the valency and case categories. The design differs depending on whether the headword is a noun or a verb. Noun-type words present the conjugation forms, while verb-type words use the valency and case category subfields. Sub-fields should be created according to the noun and verb types, and the valency category should present the sub-fields of transitive, intransitive, passive, reflexive, comitative and causative while the case category should provide the sub-domains of accusative, dative, locative, ablative, and instrumental cases.The second part of the microstructure involves the semantics of the headword, in which the interpretation of the lexicographers stands out compared to the first part. The three key&nbsp;components of the semantics section are the definition, usage tags, and reference.Sense indicators are related to polysemy and are used at the discretion of the lexicographers. The sense indicator is the part that a user can prepare before reading the definition. The second component of meaning is the definition of meaning and provides users with semantic information at the beginning of the headword. The style of the definition may differ depending on the dictionary type. The third component is visual and is preferred for clearer definitions of concepts in learner dictionaries. The fourth component of the definition, the example, is data that serves as evidence to explain meaning. The example may not be mandatory for every item but gives users an advantage regarding frequently used words.As another component of the microstructure, usage tags are closed to interpretation by lexicographers, especially in certain cases, and perform a similar function to that of sense indicators. Learner dictionaries have three types of usage tags: the subject tag, the qualifier tag, and the usage tag. The subject tag marks the field of specialization to which the headword belongs or with which it is associated. Because having dictionary makers mark social science subjects is easier than having them mark fields such as computers, medicine, and chemistry, support for special field experts is required for items that need such a subject tag. Examples can be given for subject tags such as astronomy, computer, biology, botany, grammar, linguistics, chemistry, architecture, cinema, history, and medicine.When given before the definition of a word, the second usage tag (i.e., the qualifier) provides information to the learner about the usage of the word. The qualifier label may include such labels as sarcastic, slang, insulting, colloquial, metaphorical, or joking. Although these tags do not seem to be open to interpretation, the metaphor tag stands out as a subject with which dictionary creators have difficulties from time to time.The third usage tag (i.e., style) provides information about the situational context in which a word can be used. Considering that language is not just a standard variant, the style tag gives users awareness of the situational context regarding the use of the word. Examples of tags in this section would be obscene, vulgar, formal, informal, and offensive.The third component of the microstructure is called reference and has the function of directing the user from one item to other dictionary entries. A learner dictionary can have four different types of references: synonyms, antonyms, related words, and thematic classification (taxonomy). These references allow the user to learn more about the word.Subheadwords are one of the difficult topics in dictionary preparation. This section includes formulaic expressions and words shown below the headword. This subject falls under the initiative of the dictionary creators and should be explained with the identification strategies found in the learner’s dictionary. Depending on the headword, these strategies may be based on the frequency and semantic relevance of the subheadword. Subheadwords can include spelling, user tag, description, and sample information. This information can be organized in accordance with the headword strategies.

Preparing an Entry For The Turkish Learner's Dictionary

This study presents a sociological analysis of music bands playing Ottoman art music (fasıl music) known as incesaz in Direklerarası, an entertainment hub associated with Ramadan festivities in late Ottoman Istanbul. İncesaz, which was previously performed by distinguished musicians on high-status instruments such as tanbur and ney for intimate audiences, became accessible to a wider audience in the late nineteenth century through the performances of professional ensembles in commercial music venues. Despite being a type of urban music that was not monopolized by the Court or an aristocratic circle and being open to the influence of lower classes and non-elite music cultures, the Ottoman music tradition had always maintained a distinction between the standards of art music, which appealed to the elite (havas), and those of popular/military music, which generally appealed to the common people (avam), as reflected in the traditional distinction between incesaz and kabasaz.&nbsp;In late Ottoman society, the elites were increasingly orientated toward the West, resulting in the dwindling of the high prestige of incesaz in the Court and among the upper classes. Incesaz compensated for this loss in prestige it suffered in comparison to Western music by broadening its socioeconomic base through commercialized music activities that appealed to larger crowds. These aspects of incesaz coexisted and were intertwined in the Direklerarası music scene, which did not separate venues for serious and popular music until the 1910s. For example, Fevziye Kıraathanesi, which hosted the most distinguished incesaz musicians of the period and functioned as a conservatory for Istanbul, as Ahmet Rasim put it, was not only frequented by a group of high-level musicians and men of letters but was also a place of entertainment, where crowds coming to Direklerarası for Ramadan festivities spent time for a relatively low fee. Incesaz ensembles also performed popular pieces during interludes in musical comedies, theater plays, and Karagöz shows, and occasionally accompanied less prestigious popular musicians such as kanto singers and dancers. The interaction of incesaz music with various taste cultures, musical styles, and taste publics resulted in significant changes in the social backgrounds of its performers, the composition of its instruments, the&nbsp;scope and quality of its repertoire, and the expectations of its audience. This study claims that Direklerarası played a crucial role in this transformation.The scene is a primary conceptual framework used in music sociology to emphasize the context that space creates for musical activities. Direklerarası can be viewed as a local music scene in a narrow street where theaters, coffeehouses, teahouses, music shops, and other music-related venues congregate, and various music cultures and styles interact closely with one another thanks to the social network and local economy offered by the space. In this study, this non-homogeneous taste structure of Direklerarası was analyzed using Gans’ notions of taste cultures and publics. Popular and intellectual oriented taste publics coexisted in incesaz programs in the Direklerarası scene. The competing demands of taste publics interacted to reshape the norms and values of the relevant taste cultures, enabling transitions in the repertoires and the groups of musicians belonging to different cultures. In Ottoman society, incesaz was semiologically linked to high culture, whereas kabasaz was associated with low culture. However, the actual incesaz performances in Direklerarası served as a melting pot of cultural forms that moved around the hierarchies of taste, because these musicians needed to satisfy the needs of a wide range of listeners. Focusing on the period from the 1870s to the 1910s, this study analyzes the taste structure of incesaz ensembles in the Direklerarası music scene in terms of the interactions among venues, performers, music, and audience. The data used for this article were gathered from periodicals, advertisements, posters, memoirs, and biographical sources as part of a research project and analyzed from the perspective of music sociology.After 1909, the founding of music societies and schools in the same district can be seen as a step taken toward clarifying the boundaries between serious and popular music, which were intertwined in Direklerarası. A comparative study revealed that the members of these schools and societies, mainly government officials of overwhelmingly Turkish and Muslim origin, differed significantly from those of professional incesaz ensembles, which were primarily composed of professional entertainment musicians, mostly of non-Muslim and Gypsy origin. In addition, the former group’s concert programs were more meticulously organized than the latter’s, and they favored a more classical repertoire. However, during the early Republican period, when Turkish classical music received little official support or patronage from powerful groups and consequently had to appeal to a wider audience, the two art worlds continued to interact and intertwine in the mediums and institutions they had to share.

Direklerarası Music Scene and İncesaz Ensembles: Musicians, Repertoire, Audience and Taste Structure

Pınar

Known as one of the favorite pashas of Sultan Abdulhamid II, Müşir Mustafa Zeki Pasha, graduated from Mekteb-i Harbiye in 1872 with the rank of captain. Zeki Pasha, who had the opportunity to be the aide-de-camp to Müşir Süleyman Pasha during the Ottoman-Russo War in 1877-1878, caught Sultan Abdulhamid II’s attention with his good impression during his duty. Therefore, Sultan Abdulhamid soon appointed him as one of his aides. Zeki Pasha, successful in utilizing these opportunities, soon gained Sultan Abdulhamid’s trust, and was promoted to the rank of Mirliva in 1883 and appointed to the ministry of Mekatib-i Umumiye-i Askerîye. Promoted to the rank of Ferik (lieutenant general) in 1884, he sustained this duty until 1891. After Saib Pasha, the Müşir of Tophane, died in 1891, he was appointed to Tophane-i Âmire Müşiriyeti and promoted to the rank of “Müşir,” the highest rank in the Ottoman military system. As of this date, Müşir Zeki Pasha, who was also the Sultan’s aide-de-camp, continued his duties at Müşiriyet of Tophane, one of the most significant military institutions of the Ottoman Empire, and the Ministry of Military Academies.Because he was one of Sultan Abdulhamid’s favorite pashas, he held these offices for many years. His fate changed in July 1908, which was similar to that of Sultan Abdulhamid II. Incidents in Rumelia resulted in Abdulhamid’s declaration of Kanun-i Esasi and the reopening of the Parliament, which he closed indefinitely after the Ottoman-Russo War. However, although Sultan Abdulhamid declared the Kanun-i Esasi, the Union and Progress supporters and the people’s reactions did not subside. People developed a feelings of hatred and revenge against the administrators who occupied the Ottoman Empire’s most important and strategic positions for many years because of their closeness to the Sultan. Moreover, despite the increasing among the public, Sultan Abdulhamid’s flexibility in removing the statesmen close to the palace caused the reaction to increase. With the growth of events, Sultan Abdulhamid II dismissed the pashas holding other important positions after Seraskier Rıza and Grand Vizier Ferit Pashas. Therefore, Müşir Zeki Pasha, appointed as the Minister of Mekatib-i Umumiye-i Askerîye in 1883 and Müşir of Tophane in 1891, was dismissed from both positions on July 30, 1908. Thus, Zeki Pasha’s twenty-five year ministry position in military academies and seven-year Müşir position in of Tophane-i Âmire ended. These developments, resulted in the dismissal of Zeki Pasha from his Müşir position and the abolition of Tophane-i Âmire Müşiriyeti, changing the fate of Tophane-i Âmire (Müşiriyeti) established in 1832. Therefore, Tophane-i Âmire lost its identity as an independent institution, and Müşir Zeki Pasha went down in history as the last Müşir of Tophane-i Âmire.The dismissal of other pashas, known as those close to Sultan Abdulhamid II, including Müşir Zeki Pasha, was not sufficient to suppress public reaction. Now, people ensured that these pashas, who enjoyed great wealth during their tenure, were arrested before they could escape. Thus, after his dismissal from his duties, Müşir Zeki Pasha was arrested together with other statesmen of the Abdulhamid era on August 5, 1908, and taken to the Ministry of National Police and then to the Ministry of War.The Tanin newspaper, the mouthpiece of the Union and Progress Party during Zeki Pasha’s imprisonment in the Ministry of War, virtually declared war on him as the former Müşir of Tophane, known for passing on the state-owned foundation real estate. The series of articles on the subject discovered the foundation estate Zeki Pasha passed on to himself and his wives and forced him to return it voluntarily. After a fifteen-day detention, Zeki Pasha was released after returning the foundation real estate owned by him and his spouses and donated a large amount of money. After a few months, Zeki Pasha, who had been kept under house arrest in Büyükada together with other pashas, was tried in Divan-ı Harb-i Örfi, established after the March 31 events and the arrival of the Operational Army in Istanbul. According to the decision made at Divan-ı Harp, all of Zeki Pasha's ranks, medals and marks were to be withdrawn, he was to be banned from retirement rights, all of his assets were to be confiscated, and he was to be exiled to Rhodes Castle indefinitely. Zeki Efendi, whose military ranks were taken, was sent to Rhodes Castle the day after the decisions of the Divan-ı Harb-i Örfi were approved by the Meclis-i Vükela on May 26, 1909. He stayed in Rhodes Castle until 1911 and returned to Istanbul in 1911 because of the Balkan Wars. He took advantage of the general amnesty of political criminals in 1913 and stayed abroad for a while. Zeki Efendi, once one of the favorite pashas of Abdulhamid II; who was in the Ministry of Tophane-i Âmire and Military Academies, one of the most important military institutions of the Ottoman Empire, passed away in his mansion in Büyükada in 1914.

A Life from Müşirlik (Marshalship) to Exile: Mustafa Zeki Pasha (1908-1914)

Semiha

Gift giving culture varies according to social and economic structure. In terms of culture, gift giving is seen to be a tradition as old as the history of humanity and to have survived to the present day. Gift can be said to sometimes be a means of communication and sometimes a means of diplomatic initiative. Wedding gifts not only have economic, cultural, and ceremonial dimensions -at the same time-, they have some legal consequences could the marriage union end, whether in the event of divorce or death. This study, looks at wedding gifts as given to the ride or groom. However, a brief evaluation will be made about the understanding of marriage in the discussed period. In founding years of the Ottoman Empire, marriage are seen to have mostly been made for political purposes. And many states in the world at that time can be said to have been warmly attracted to such marriages in order to find allies for themselves. Especially in Europe, political marriages are seen to have been arranged between the princes and princesses of Spain, England, France, and Germany too.The notebook discussed in this study is an important source about the practice of wedding gift giving in Ottoman Empire. The book was issued on Dhu al-Hijjah 29,969 (August 9, 1562 CE). This book, -contains information about the wedding gifts Selim II prepared and gave to his daughters, Sokullu Mehmed Pasha’s wife Ismihan Hanim Sultan, Piyale Pasha’s wife Gevherhan Hanim Sultan, and Huseyin Pasha’s wife Shah sultan. From the history of curriculum book, Sultan Selim II’s daughters can be deduced to have been married during the time of Kanuni redundant. This information is a good source of data to see what the understanding regarding wedding gifts during the Kanuni period was and to follow the wedding gift fashions of period.When examining the commodities that make up these wedding gifts within the scope of the study, commodities such as precious books, real estate, jewelry, household appliances, breed horses, silk and wool fabrics are seen to have been given”. When appraising these gifts, this can be divided into two parts. The first involves the items that had been prepared for setting up the house where the bride and groom would live. The second involves being able to evaluate gifts presented to relatives or intermediaries for marriage during the wedding preparations.The quantity, type, and amount of money spent on a wedding gift can be understood from the records in the book. Looking at the brides wedding gifts, these are seen consist of clothes and fabrics, rings, earrings, utensils for use in the kitchen, and cleaning tools Because the order in original of the notebook was adhered to, no classifications were made on this subject of usage type. However, if one were to make classifications, these would be tools and equipment to be used at home, jewelry and money, and clothes. Of course, these classification, have overlap, fabrics can be considered as a commodity used in quilts, pillows, and upholstery found at home, as well as, a commodity used in the clothes prepared for the bride. Fabrics are very important with regard to wedding gifts. Investing in types and quantities of fabrics constitutes an important data source for determining the textile prices of the period. Importance is also had in presenting the amounts and types of fabrics that were purchased for brides. These data allow one to learn about which kinds of fabrics were used in 1562. Some records, state values, which is an important element, as well as how many pieces made up a prepared wedding gift. These amounts allow one to find the amount of gifts that were prepared for each bride. Therefore, one can make an approximate inventory regarding the wedding gifts that were given to the brides of the period.When looking in the records at the tools and equipment, one can reach a lot of information about the food, table culture, and presentation of the period. Household items made of copper, silver, and brass are found. When examining the contents of the wedding gifts, many copper vessels are found. This is an indication that the utensils used for cooking in particular generally involved vessels made of copper. Meanwhile, the items made of silver and brass mostly involved trays, pitchers, and candlesticks. Containers were seen to have been gifted not only for cooking, but also for presentation. Therefore, those who want to do research on table and food culture in the Ottoman Empire can obtain very good data from these records.As a result, wedding gifts for a bride and groom are a tradition that has remain unchanged for centuries and continues into the present in different societies according to their own methods and conditions. Wedding gifts are an element that show the dignity of not only the bride and groom but also their family. To ev aluate wedding gifts as only a culture or tradition would be wrong. Wedding gifts have had significant costs, and thus also have an economic dimension. Wedding gifts also provide information about the condition and legal status of the woman in the marriage union, as well as the man. Based on the notebook that has been discussed within the framework of the study, what wedding gifts had been prepared and given to the three Hanim Sultans during the reign of Suleiman the Magnificent in accordance with the will of Sultan Selim II has been revealed regarding the clothing, money, and copper utensils Sultan Selim II gave to his daughters and grooms. The study also shows another issue was that the grooms and groomsmen were given money as gifts.

Sultan Selim II’s Wedding Gifts to His Daughters Ismihan sultan, Geverhan Sultan, and Shah Sultan

Seval

In 1937, Halide Edib wrote her second detective novel, Kızıl Hançerler (The Red Daggers), following Yolpalas Cinayeti (Yolpalas Murder), which was first serialized in the Yedigün magazine and later published as a book. Kızıl Hançerler, Edib’s last work, was serialized in the Hayat magazine between January 23 and February 20, 1964. Edib’s lifelong interest in the detective genre began as a teenager by reading Sherlock Holmes stories, which continued throughout her life, and she followed American detective novels closely. Kızıl Hançerler, which was published by Şevket Rado after Edib’s death, has not been regarded as part of her works. This work tells the story of a young man who is interested in American gangster stories and his journey to become a gangster.Almost thirty years have elapsed between these two hardboiled novels, and during this period, Edib moves from writing about a young girl who is known from the beginning and pushed by circumstances to commit murder, to writing about a gangster who turns out to be a murderer, and a psychopathic murderer at that. In this article, I will try to explain the reasons for Edib’s transition from writing about a girl who kills due to external circumstances, even to protect herself, to writing about a psychopathic killer, by examining the changing and unchanging elements in her work. In doing so, I will argue that her view of crime as a writer in 1930s Turkey, who writes from the outside looking in, and in 1960s Turkey, who writes from the inside looking out, are effective in creating these two types of protagonists. Further, I will argue that this transition affects her relationship with liberalism.Halide Edib was living abroad during the years when Yolpalas Cinayeti was published. Before Yolpalas Cinayeti was published in Yedigün, one of the leading magazines of the period, with illustrations by Münif Fehim, the author wrote a series of articles about criminals and women’s prisons in England. After she died in 1964, the illustrations, made under the signature of Mihriban, accompany the Kızıl Hançerler serial published in Hayat magazine, which was not only one of the leading magazines of the period but also one of the most popular. America and Americanism play a dominant role in this work by a writer who looks from the inside out, and precisely because they play such an important role, the author turns the narrative of an innocent man propelled into crime by society in Yolpalas Cinayeti into the story of a psychopath who has been destabilized by the books he reads. Thus, she uses two different forms of the hardboiled genre. Both hardboiled novels emphasize the importance of society’s role in crime, but both evolve from the obvious crime featured in the first novel to the crime that has to hide itself in the second. In this evolution, it is clear that Edib, who talked about a liberalism that was closer to socialism in the late 1930s, embraced nationalist and conservative liberalism in the 1960s.In Edib’s hardboiled novels, Yolpalas Cinayeti and Kızıl Hançerler the definition of crime is an important issue in the individual’s relationship with society and the law. In both works, it is the life of the society that drives the individuals, who are revealed as criminals, to commit murders. Both of them are pushed into crime because they are unable to abide by society’s rules. The inability of society to assimilate and absorb them has disrupted the harmony between individuals in society that brings together different elements. The tardiness of society’s realization of the deterioration of this harmony puts it in an untenable position vis-à-vis the individual. Therefore, in both novels, criminals are incarcerated in asylums instead of prisons. The asylum will tame not only their bodies but also their souls. In many of her works, Halide Edib emphasizes spiritual values in society, the solidarity of neighborhood life, and the traditionalism of this life. However, regarding crime, the supremacy of the law, which constitutes the essence of liberalism based on individual freedom, can only be possible in this way. Since the law is supreme, it not only punishes the individual but also undertakes the task of taming the individual. It decides the extent of this taming by considering material and moral aspects. In parts of the fiction of Yolpalas Cinayeti and Kızıl Hançerler, multiple characters appear on stage and speak. In the first case, witnesses take the stand in a court scene and contribute to police reports; in the second case, news reports are made through the eyes of a journalist, with exaggerations mixed into these news and police reports. Different characters are accompanied by different narrative genres, turning the crime narrative into a polyphonic community narrative. Thus, with its thriller detective narrative that replaces the classical detective narrative, the plot leaves its importance to the stage and, in the case of Halide Edib, turns written and verbal communication between the members of society into a stage. In this way, the justice that will punish the criminal listens to individuals and does not close its ears to their voices.

Crime, Law and Liberalism: Freedom of the Individual and Society in Halide Edib’s Crime Fictions

Şefaattin

Shah Ismail, the founding figure of the Safavid State, remains one of the most enigmatic historical personas in the Turkish-Islamic world. His tumultuous reign, spanning twenty-three years from 1501 to 1524, is the crux of ongoing historical debates, primarily owing to his intricate political and sectarian activities. Shah Ismail's enduring legacy is palpable in the collective consciousness of Turks in Turkey, Azerbaijan, and Iran, manifesting in folk poetry, minstrels' verses, political controversies, and varying interpretations by historians.Despite Shah Ismail's prominence as a subject of numerous academic inquiries, narratives, and novels, surprisingly, the circumstances surrounding his death have largely evaded scholarly scrutiny. Even in works that make reference to him, details regarding the site of his demise are often glossed over without critical examination of other sources. Therefore, this article endeavors to delve into the final days of Shah Ismail's life, exploring the date and cause of his death, his burial, the chronograms that have sought to immortalize this event, and his multifaceted character and generosity. This examination centers on the foundational sources of Safavid history. The inception of this article involved the meticulous identification of Safavid sources that mention Shah Ismail's death, along with the notation of pertinent locations. Subsequently, a series of journeys retracing his steps along the Ardabil-Tabriz route, where he spent his last days, marked the commencement of the writing process. The focal point was the precise determination of the place of his passing.The state founded by Shah Ismail and the dynasty to which he belonged derived their name, Safavids, from Safi-ad-Din, the sect's original founder. Upon capturing Tabriz, Shah Ismail issued coins and khutbahs in his name, but the paramount significance lay in establishing the state based on the Twelve Imam sect. According to the sect's creed, any government or ruler not descending from Ahl al-Bayt was deemed an oppressor and usurper. Safavid historians thus endeavored to affirm Shah Ismail's seyyid lineage, anchoring his legitimacy in the lineage of the Ahl al-Bayt through Musa Kazim, the seventh imam of Shia.The Safavid State was chiefly characterized by the Kizilbash tribes, who constituted its military backbone. Among these, the Shamites, Ustajites, Qajars, Tekelites, Afshars, and Zulkadites held pivotal roles and made indelible marks on history. Notably, the succession of Haydar, Ali, and Ismail to leadership within the sect following Sheikh Junayd illustrated that it was the tribal chiefs, rather than the sheikhs, who exerted real leadership. This becomes particularly evident when considering that Ismail was a mere thirteen years old at the time of the Safavid State's establishment.Shah Ismail's dominance extended across nearly the entire Iranian realm until the pivotal Battle of Chaldiran in 1514. On March 11, 1524, following his final winter sojourn in Nakhchivan, he embarked on a journey to Sheki, driven by hunting pursuits and the resolution of pressing political matters. Upon his return, he traversed Moghan to Göktepe and spent some time at the base of Savalan Mountain. After a brief stay in Ardabil, Shah Ismail embarked on his routeto Tabriz, the seat of his rule. However, his health deteriorated, leading him to establish a camp in Sayın Pass. Tragically, Shah Ismail, who had spent a considerable portion of his time indulging in alcoholic beverages, succumbed on May 23, 1524, in Mankutay near Sayın Gediği, his internal organs ravaged by the effects of intense alcoholism. Following the completion of the requisite funeral procedures under the vigilant supervision of Allame Amir Jamaluddin Muhammad Esterabadi, the funeral prayer was conducted with the participation of scholars, virtuous individuals, seyyids, prominent statesmen, and notables. Shah Ismail's remains were then transported to Ardabil by thirty specialized forces and sword-wielding disciples, interred in Sheikh Safi-ad-Din's mausoleum, where his ancestors rested.Safavid historians strived to depict Shah Ismail as a leader who treated his followers with compassion and justice. However, their own accounts reveal instances of large-scale massacres, especially during the conquest of various Iranian territories, notably Tabriz. Shah Ismail was a formidable presence both on the battlefield, displaying mastery with sword and shield, and in discourse, showcasing his eloquence. He possessed a notable talent for poetry, with a particular affinity for Turkish verse under the pseudonym Hatayî. His disinterest in amassing wealth, gold, or silver was complemented by his generous personality. Often, his treasury stood empty, and his devotion to hunting was unwavering. He restricted his hunting endeavors to lions, rewarding those who reported lion sightings with horses, and, for tiger sightings, a horse without a saddle.

Death of Shah Ismail, The Founder of The Safavid State

Şerif

In this article, I will primarily present new findings on Halide Edib’s writing experience and intellectual biography in light of the documents and letters I have obtained from different archives as a result of long research. I will then attempt to conduct a discussion in terms of literary sociology around such topics as social capital, cultural capital, literary production, the dynamics of the publishing market, and the functions of literary awards. Most of the documents and letters used in the study were discovered in the archives of Halide Edib’s London-based publisher, George Allen &amp; Unwin Ltd., now stored at the University of Reading Special Collections. Other documents and letters were obtained from the State Archives of the Republic of Türkiye (BCA), the Archives of the Presidency of the Republic of Türkiye (TCCA), the Diplomatic Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Türkiye (TDA), the National Archives of France, and Halide Edib’s personal archive preserved at Istanbul University Faculty of Letters. The documents in the records of George Allen &amp; Unwin Ltd. contain important data about Halide Edib’s journey as a writer, the translation of her works into different languages, the interest she attracted in several countries, the sales rates of her books, and the attempts to adapt The Clown and His Daughter into a movie by US-based producers. Additionally, we learn through reader’s reports why George Allen &amp; Unwin refused to publish the translations of the novels Döner Ayna and Âkile Hanım Sokağı. These findings resultantly allow conclusions to be drawn about the world literary ecosystem. Documents in other archives provide findings regarding Halide Edib’s social network, her participation in the World Congress of Faiths in London in 1936, the image of Halide Edib as produced by the Orientalist imagination in the European public, and the voting preference of M. Fuad Köprülü, jury member for the Republican People’s Party’s Novel Award (CHP Roman Mükâfatı).Some of the prominent details about the new findings regarding Halide Edib’s writing experience as obtained through this research are as follows: The records of George Allen &amp; Unwin Ltd. contain reader’s reports on four works by Halide Edib. Sir Wyndham Henry Deedes, the reader of Sonsuz Panayır, expresses his generally positive opinion about the novel. However, he does make an interesting comment as well: “I am led to wonder that Halide Hanim should care to have this life exposed to a European public, for it can be in no sense typical of the life of the majority, even of middle-class people in Turkey.” However, I could find no information about why the novel had not later been translated and published in English. Meanwhile, the reader’s reports for both Âkile Hanım Sokağı and Döner Ayna were negative. The reader’s reports by Malcolm E. Barnes criticized both works for having poor English. Barnes also stated these novels to have low potential, as they were not of interest to the British public and therefore should not be published. This information ultimately reveals that George Allen &amp; Unwin refused to publish two of Halide Edib’s novels with the belief that they would not achieve high sales rates. As for Masks or Souls?, Edward Lewis stated in his reader’s report that Halide Edib, whom he had never heard of before, was a good writer, and Masks or Souls? was a philosophically powerful text that has no chance whatsoever of reaching the theatre: “It is good ‘book’ material, but not good ‘theatre’ material.” We learn from letters in the George Allen &amp; Unwin archives, however, that Halide Edib had covered the printing costs for Masks or Souls? entirely by herself, paying George Allen &amp; Unwin Ltd. approximately 220 pounds to publish it.According to Halide Edib’s letters, Warner Bros. had started working to adapt the novel into a movie as a result of the efforts of Lennart Westlinder, who had translated The Clown and His Daughter into Swedish. However, an official from the Warner Bros. London office then wrote to George Allen &amp; Unwin with the following statement: “In view of the fact that the locale is Turkish, [we] fear that a production of the subject would be impossibly expensive.” Although the attempt to adapt it into a movie had failed, other correspondence reveals The Clown and His Daughter to have been received with considerable interest, especially in Sweden and the Netherlands. In fact, Swedish and Dutch readers appear to have been more interested in The Clown and His Daughter than British readers. According to George Allen &amp; Unwin records, Masks or Souls? also did not sell well in Britain, only selling approximately 140 copies between 1954-1959.

Crossing Borders: New Findings on Halide Edib’s Writing Experience and a Literary-Sociological Analysis

Şeyma

The term modernization depicts the emergence of individualism and nation states with industrialization and capitalism; It includes a series of social changes and transformation, which resulted in the supremacy of rights, freedom, and, accordingly, the secular legal system. In addition, modernization is a term that is mentioned with westernization and, thus, in fact, demonstrates a mental transformation experienced in the axis of western culture. As Selçuk Esenbel argues, in “Japan, Turkey and the World of Islam,” although the terms westernization and modernization pertain to certain structural changes, they are insufficient for reflecting the psychological and mental states of societies defined as “non-western” in this process of change. This inadequacy in explanation also renders examining the causes of sociological and psychological tension created by traditional and western elements in Japanese and Turkish societies difficult. Japanese and Turkish societies, which underwent the modernization process under the influence of the west and were described as non-western environments, were exposed to mental confusion and dilemma between traditional and western elements in environments in which the west was idealized. In this sense, the suicide of Lieutenant Shinji in Japanese writer Yukoi Mishima’s story “Patriotism,” and that of Captain Şeref in Turkish writer Nihal Atsız’s novel Ruh Adam reveal the idealized values adopted in both societies. In these works, values, such as honor and sacrifice, a nation is idealized, and the disciplined stance of soldiers together with the warrior spirit is identified with the traditional national identity. However, these values transform into tension-inducing elements for the modernizing and westernizing Japanese and Turkish societies. The reason is that changing political and social structures in both works are identified with modernization and westernization and perceived as a threat to the traditional social structure. For this reason, seeking an answer to the question of the definition of modernization for both societies and under which conditions the death of the characters occurred is necessary. In this respect, the suicides of both characters, which occurred in the context of idealized values, can also shed light on the modernization experience of the two societies. Another aspect of this study, which emphasizes the modernization and westernization experience of the societies through the characters, is the ideas of the writers about westernization that occurs due to modernization. Mishima and Atsız, by pointing out that their societies are in danger of losing their cultural identity due to modernization and westernization, are of the opinion that their culture and civilization should be preserved. Accordingly, the characters they constructed denote a cultural and psychological tension experienced by the society to which they belong. In this context, the reaction of both characters to westernization sheds light on the modernization and westernization experiences of two dissimilar societies. The aspect that unites Yukio Mishima and Nihal Atsız is that they bear a nationalist attitude and criticize the destruction of their cultural identities due to westernization and reflect this idea in their works. Both authors associate the experiences of their societies with westernization and modernization with a crisis that leads to the death of Lieutenant Shinji and Captain Şeref. In this respect, the thoughts and evaluations of the two writers on tradition and western culture are also important in terms of recognizing the social and psychological tension that feeds the idea of the westernization crisis reflected in their works.These texts are remarkable, because the writers experience westernization as a crisis, which is also reflected by the characters they fictionalized. In this regard, a relationship exists between the authors and their literary products. This study analyzes this relationship in the context of the relationship between the author and the literary works by applying the positivist analysis method. This relationship indicates that anti-westernization corresponds to a similar historical and social process in the context of modernization experience.This study introduced the term modernization and the problems related to its use from the view of non-western countries. It then provided general information on the modernization process of Japan and Turkey to understand the conflict experienced by the two countries. It also discussed changes due to westernization in both societies. In the following section, the study compares the attitudes of Mishima and Atsız toward westernization in the context of the cultural crisis created by these changes. The last section focuses on the westernization crisis in “Patriotism” and Ruh Adam through the characters as a projection of the views of the authors on westernization. Thus, the relationship between the literary works of the two authors and their lives is compared in the context of westernization.

Westernization Crisis in Yukio Mishima’s “Patriotism” and H. Nihal Atsız’s Ruh Adam

Uğur

Subsequent to the fall of the Eastern Uyghur Khaganate in Mongolia, which is commonly referred to as the Steppe Uyghur Khaganate, in 840, the Uyghur population residing in this area migrated to the Ganzhou and Turfan regions. Those who migrated to the Ganzhou region established the Ganzhou Uyghur Khaganate, which the Tanguts subsequently abolished circa 1035. Alternatively, the Uyghurs who migrated to the Turfan region established the Western Uyghur Khaganate, which is commonly known as the Qocho Uyghur Khaganate. This second group, which was later referred to as Turfan Uyghurs, was founded on the great trade route network known as the Silk Road in the Tarim Basin in which many ethnic structures and cultural traditions exist and various languages are spoken. The Uyghurs in this region changed their lifestyles and took a step toward the settled life due to this natural outcome. Nonreligious texts mainly document the linguistic data related to the settled life in Old Uyghur literature. In addition, the Old Uyghur religious texts on Buddhist themes occasionally mention Buddhist pilgrimage centers, important cities, religious buildings and, mystically divine palaces. The major focus of this article is the edition of seven previously unpublished Old Uygur fragments that pertain to Buddhism and discuss subjects such as the city, palace, and army. The fragments featured in this work are currently held in the Berlin Turfan Collection, which can be identified through corresponding archival numbers U 2077 (o. F.), U 2301 (T I D), U 2316 (T I D 505; T I D), U 5465 (T I D 622), U 2418 (T II 530), U 2332 (T I D 526; T I D), and U 4868 (T I D 643; T I D). Fragments in the article have been transcribed, transliterated, and translated into Turkish with explanations and a glossary/index.The first fragment included bears archive number U 2077. The phrase inner palace (Old Uyghur: ič saray) in the fragment suggests that this text identifies the cult of Maitreya. The archive number of the second fragment in the study is U 2301 with an older classification mark T I D. This undefined fragment refers to China (OU: ulug tavgač elintä) and its ruler (OU: tavgač han) and thousand-man army (OU: mıŋlıg alpagut). The third fragment has archive number U 2316 with older classification marks T I D 505 and T I D. The text mentions the city of Śrāvastī (OU: šrav(a)st känt). The fourth fragment bears archive number U 5465 and an old class mark T I D 622. An interesting aspect of this fragment in terms of vocabulary is from birds of prey (OU: talım k(a)ra kuš), this world (OU: čambudv(i)p), and city gate (OU: balık kapıgı) to speak. The archive number of the fifth fragment is U 2418, and its old classification mark is T II 530. The lexis of this fragment refers to Mount Sumeru (OU: sumer tag), sūtra jewel (OU: sudur ärdini), and magic power (OU: küü käliglig küči küsüni). The sixth fragment has archive number U 2332 and two old classification marks, namely, T I D 526 and T I D. This fragment features a lord (OU: bäg) and a crown prince (OU: taitse). The seventh and last fragment bears archive number U 4868 and two old class marks, namely, T I D 643 and T I D.The findings can be succinctly outlined as follows. The total number of lines of fragments included in the paper is 96. When the dictionary part of the study is examined, 160 entries can be found. Out of these entries, 34 (21.25%) are verbs and 126 (78.75%) are nouns. Considering the entire vocabulary of the text, the study identified 18 (11.25%) borrowed words out of which five (27.77%) are quoted from Sanskrit without identifying an intermediate language. Two (11.11%) words are directly quoted from Sogdian in the text. Moreover, two of the quoted words in this paper (11.11%) have a Sanskrit origin quoted from Tocharian. Moreover, the study observed that three borrowed words (16.66%) as Sanskrit words quoted from Sogdian. Two words (11.11%) were directly quoted from Chinese. In the text, the study documented one (5.55%) word of Greek origin quoted from Sogdian into Uyghur. Lastly, we noted that three (16.66%) entries in the vocabulary are words of Sanskrit origin quoted from Tocharian or Sogdian.

City, Palace, and Army: Various Fragments of Buddhist Uyghur Literature

Yunus Emre

When making a historical evaluation of the genre in the post-1950 period of modern Turkish literature, one sees that the works of the literati who produced output other than original medium were unfortunately either ignored or not given their due in terms of literary art with an experimental pattern, regardless of the literary genre. This may be the reason why that, in addition to the poems of many names who have come to the fore with their novels and stories and that can be considered important, the stories, novels, and plays of those who became prominent with their poetry are not taken seriously. This approach is a situation that emerged after the Ikinci Yeni [The Second Renewal] and the 1950s’ generation of storytellers. After these generations, a general pattern emerged as if the story writer should not write poetry, and the poet should not turn to stories or novels. This must be due to the fact that the representatives of these two movements that have important effects on the next generations were only storytellers or only poets who did not write in other fields of literature. Although some classifications are found such as poet, story writer, and essayist, literature in fact requires writing in every field in which the pen gains merit, and Sezai Karakoç wrote works in genres such as poetry, plays, essays, and stories, just as previous generations had also produced works in different fields. From another point of view, when one considers Sezai Karakoç’s Diriliş [revival] thesis, it presents a unity; Karakoç has left a complete corpus like a mosque bringing together different yields on Islamic art and has revealed each piece he left as different manifestations of the same sensitivity. Of course, some works may be more in focus and others on the periphery, but the main thing is the sparkle of that art in each of them. When one thinks about the works of Sezai Karakoç, the place where the light hits the most is known to be in his poems’ but his stories, plays, opinions, and essays on fiction are also rare works that cannot be distinguished from one another in this context. Neither can one distinguish his poetry from stories, nor his stories from other genres.Sezai Karakoç cared about being fed from local sources in his views on stories. He thought that authors should have this sensitivity. He also thought that literature that does not feed on local sources is a pale literature. For this reason, he adopted an understanding that would reflect the traditional accumulation of Turkish literature, folkloric elements, belief forms, and customs of&nbsp;society without judgment and not with the eyes of an Orientalist. He thought that many names writing stories in Turkish literature had been unable to present an insider’s view of society. His sensitivity is most clearly observed in the articles titled “Romanla Hikâyenin Arası Açılıyor” and “Kasaba Edebiyatı.” This sensitivity did not remain just at the theoretical level; he also put it into practice in his stories. Many poets in Turkish literature have also written stories. As a poet, Sezai Karakoç may well be claimed to have also tried stories. However, considering that Sezai Karakoç is the pioneer of an idea movement that he had conceptualized as a revival, his stories can be thought to have a different aspect from other poets who’d written stories. This is because Sezai Karakoç, rather than being a poet who wrote with the idea of writing a story, can be said to have presented an example of the idea of revival in the art of the story. The idea of revival has different alternative ideas, from law, education, and economy to art and literature. Sezai Karakoç endeavored to reveal how stories should be from the perspective of revival in the art of literature.Sezai Karakoç’s stories must not be considered as a poet’s story experiment but as an example in the history of Turkish storytelling. Karakoç added a new aesthetic sensibility to the formal innovations carried from poetry to story and associated the weight of words’ meaning with traditional codes in his stories, just like in his poems. Thus, by associating the art of story with his poetic views, he wanted to offer examples to those who wanted to write stories around the idea of revival. In this context, the article tries to place Sezai Karakoç’s storytelling within this framework while also trying to place Sezai Karakoç’s views on fiction and the attitude of the artist in the emergence of works of art. Considering that Karakoç’s views were a result of his revival thesis, the article will try to show how Sezai Karakoç’s stories are the complement of the idea of revival.

Reflections on Sezai Karakoç’s Opinions About the Genre of Story in His Works

Zehra

This article focuses on Armeno-Turkish proverbs. Proverbs are believed to reflect the societies in which they are produced and perpetuated, and Ottoman-era proverbs are assumed to also reflect the cultural interactions in Ottoman society in linguistic terms. Therefore, this article limits its scope to proverbs written in the Armenian alphabet. People from different linguistic and cultural backgrounds in Ottoman society facilitated communications using the Turkish language. Armenians in particular preferred Turkish in their daily lives. They not only frequently used Turkish proverbs but also compiled Turkish-Armenian dictionaries.&nbsp;This article examines three books containing Armeno-Turkish proverbs that have yet been analyzed in any other study. After identifying the proverbs and idioms in these three books, the article investigates whether they had been previously published as Armeno-Turkish proverbs. Additionally, the article determines if the same or similar proverbs can be found in commonly used Turkish proverb dictionaries.The first book examined in the article is Kıssadan Hisse [Moral of the Story]. Kıssadan Hisse does not function as a complete dictionary but rather includes proverbs alongside moral and religious topics. It has a total of 40 proverbs. What makes this book significant is that it provides the meanings of the proverbs along with the proverbs themselves. After presenting the proverb, the author also conveys its meaning through verses and a small number of quatrains. Recording proverbs with their meanings was uncommon in the pre-Republic era, making this book a rare examples. Furthermore, the brief introduction Dadıryan wrote about the proverbs before conveying them is valuable. He mentions that, while the proverbs are commonly used, their true meanings are often unknown.Some of the proverbs found in Kıssadan Hisse are still widely used in the Turkish language today. However, some proverbs in this book such as “Hastalar başında ölüler yatar” [The dying are laid at the head of the ill], “Ahz u ita mihenk taşıdır” [Keeping one’s word is the touchstone], and “Ölüm kaş ile kirpik arasındadır” [Death is between the eyebrow and eyelash] should be noted as absent in commonly used dictionaries. Additionally, some proverbs in this book have slightly different meanings from their modern interpretations. For instance, the proverb “Baskısız yongayı yel götürür” [A swing with no weight is carried away by the wind] is interpreted differently in the book. While the contemporary meaning emphasizes that young people not under strict guidance can go astray, Kıssadan Hisse emphasizes that leaving individuals to themselves leads to laziness. Apart from a few examples like this, most of the proverbs align with their modern interpretations.The second book examined in the article is Hazır Cevap [Readied Answers]. In Hazır Cevap, proverbs and idioms are presented under the headings of darb-ı mesel [strinking proverbs] and durub-ı emsal [similar idioms]. The book, written in Turkish with Armenian letters, includes a total of 30 proverbs and idioms. However, not all expressions presented as darb-ı mesel or durub-ı emsal can be classified strictly as proverbs or idioms. For example, the saying “Temiz lisan kişinin şanu şerefi olduğu gibi, fena söhbet dahi söyleyenin badi-i mezelleti olacağı aşikârdır” [Just as clean language shows one’s honor and glory, bad conversation clearly shows the speaker’s disgrace] is neither a proverb nor idiom. Nevertheless, these expressions are understood to have been colloquial phrases known and used at that time. Moreover, some expressions presented as darb-ı mesel in this book, such as “Kulak kalbin yoludur” [The ear is the path to the heart] and “İtaat etmek bilmeyene emr etmek lazım değildir” [Orders need not be given to one who does not understand obedience] should be noted to have been absent in the dictionaries examined herein.The third book this article examined is 50 Aradzabadum [Collection of 50 Proverbs]. This book contains 48 proverbs and their stories. The book states that the stories accompanying these proverbs were taken from La Fontaine, Ezop, Khigar, Krilov, and Nasreddin Hodja. Of these 48 proverbs, 42 are also written in Turkish using Armenian letters. The book does not specify which proverb belongs to which source. Only two of the proverbs with stories in this book are attributed to Nasreddin Hodja in Turkish sources. Additionally, some of the phrases presented here such as “Ya doğra, ya bas, ya çanakdan elini kes” [Either chop, squeeze, or cut your hand from the jug], “Sen kekligi endir yüze / Deveyi endirem düze” [You can’t lead quail to the front / I can’t lead camel straight], and “Göç yolının bekmezi, kimine yarar kimine yaramaz” [What is unexpected on the migration path, benefit some and not others] should also be noted as absent from Turkish dictionaries. In conclusion, Armeno-Turkish proverbs and idioms reflect the cultural interactions in Ottoman society. Armenians who used Turkish for common communication frequently used Turkish proverbs and at times even made changes to them.

Armeno-Turkish Proverbs and Idioms in Three Books

Asuman

On the name “Äšir” in the Tonyukuk Inscription

Dilara

More Than a Translation in the Şakâ'ik Corpus

Evaluation of İsenbike Togan’s work entitled “History and Interpretation”

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Türkiyat Mecmuası - Journal of Turkology is the publication of Istanbul University Research Institute of Turkology, which was founded in 1924 by Ord. Prof. Dr. Mehmed Fuad Köprülü on the instructions of President Mustafa Kemal Atatürk.

Türkiyat Mecmuası, one of the first academic journals of the Republic of Turkey in the field of social sciences, has been continuing its publication life since 1925. Türkiyat Mecmuası, which publishes academic studies on Turkish Language, Turkish Literature, Turkish History, Turkish Art and Turkology in general, is an open access, refereed, national and international scientific journal. It is published twice a year in June and December. It is published in Turkish, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tatar and Gagauz Turkish, French, Russian, German and English. 

The journal targets national and international audiences, has both national and international members in the editorial board, and aims to enhance international author contributions.

Türkiyat Mecmuası- Journal of Turkology aims to contribute to the dissemination of scientific knowledge and to contribute to the scientific community in the field of Turkology by publishing high quality articles in accordance with international publication standards.

There are no article processing charges or submission fees for any submitted or accepted articles. All expenses of the journal are covered by the Istanbul University..

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@METRIC_ISSUES

@METRIC_ARTICLES

@METRIC_OPENACCESS

Journal of Turkology

@INFO_TAB_ABOUT

Editor in Chief

Co Editor in Chief

Section Editor

Editorial Management Board Member

Editorial Assistant

Language Editor

Editorial Board Member

Advisory Board Member

@INFO_TAB_BOARDS

Journal of Turkology - Türkiyat Mecmuası is the publication of Istanbul University Research Institute of Turkology. It is an open access, scholarly, peer-reviewed journal that l was founded in 1925. Publication languages of the journal are Türkiye Turkish, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan Turkish, Tatar Turkish, French, Russian, German, English. The journal targets national and international audiences, has both national and international members in the editorial board, and aims to enhance international author contributionsThe journal publishes studies in the fields of Turkish Language, Turkish Literature, Turkish History, Turkish Art and Turkish Culture in general. It aims to contribute to the dissemination of scientific knowledge through publication of high-quality articles in accordance with the international publishing standards. By improving visibility and accessibility of qualified information the journal aspires to contribute to scientific community in the field of turkology.

Aim & Scope

<ul><li>SCOPUS</li><li>TÜBİTAK-ULAKBİM TR Index</li><li>DOAJ</li><li>MLA International Bibliography</li><li>EBSCO (Academic Search Complete)</li><li>SOBIAD</li></ul>

Indexing and Abstracting

The journal is committed to upholding the highest standards of publication ethics and pays regard to Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing published by the <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, the <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, the <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a>, and the <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> on <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a> Submitted articles should be appropriate to the purpose and scope of the journal. Original, fully or partially unpublished articles that are not in the process of evaluation in another journal, with high academic research and impact value, based mainly on primary sources, and whose content and submission have been approved by each author are accepted for evaluation.Articles derived from dissertations/thesis and related to the author's thesis topic are not accepted for evaluation.Articles derived from or extended from proceedings, or orally presented articles-even if they have not been published- are not accepted for evaluation.Changing the name of an author (omission, addition or order) in papers submitted to the Journal requires written permission of all declared authors..Plagiarism, duplication, false authorship/ denied authorship, research/data fabrication, article slicing, sliced publication, copyright infringement and concealment of conflict of interest are considered unethical behavior. All articles that do not comply with accepted ethical standards are removed from publication. This includes articles containing possible irregularities or non-compliances detected after publication.Editorial Review, Plagiarism Scanning and Double Blinded Peer ReviewArticles are evaluated by the editor in terms of originality, methodology, subject matter and format in accordance with the scope of the journal. Pre-checked articles are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. Authors are informed if plagiarism/self-plagiarism is detected. If necessary, editors may subject the article to plagiarism check at various stages of the evaluation or production process. Articles in which plagiarism or self-plagiarism is detected will not be published. The similarity rate should be less than 15%.The editor-in-chief ensures that articles undergo fair double-blinded peer review and the article is submitted to at least two referees from Turkey and/or abroad. If the referees deem necessary, the Editor-in-Chief approves the publication of the article after the requested changes are made by the authors.Authors who have an article in the process cannot submit an article again before the completion of the process. The Editor-in-Chief, Editorial Management Board or Editorial Board may decide to have the articles returned or revised if deemed necessary at any stage of the evaluation process. The researcher has a period of at least 4 issues / 2 years after the publication of his article to submit a new article.

Policies

The journal is an open access journal and all content is freely available without charge to the user or his/her institution. Except for commercial purposes, users are allowed to read, download, copy, print, search, or link to the full texts of the articles in this journal without asking prior permission from the publisher or the author. This is in accordance with the <a href="https://www.budapestopenaccessinitiative.org/read" target="_blank">BOAI</a> definition of open access.The open access articles in the journal are licensed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.en" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) license.

All expenses of the journal are covered by the Istanbul University. Processing and publication are free of charge with the journal. There is no article processing charges or submission fees for any submitted or accepted articles.

Authors publishing with the journal retain the copyright to their work licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/" target="_blank">https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/</a> ) and grant the Publisher non-exclusive commercial right to publish the work. CC BY-NC 4.0 license permits unrestricted, non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

Editor should consider publishing correction if minor errors that do not effect the results, interpretations and conclusions of the published paper are detected. Editor should consider retraction if major errors and/or misconduction that invalidate results and conclusions are detected.Editor should consider issuing an expression of concern if there is evidence of research or publication misconduct by the authors; there is evidence that the findings are not reliable and institutions of the authors do not investigate the case or the possible investigation seems to be unfair or nonconclusive. The guidelines of <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/flowcharts/complete-set-english" target="_blank">COPE</a> and <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/" target="_blank">ICJME</a> are taken into consideration regarding correction, retractions or expression of concern.

To guarantee that all papers published in the journal are maintained and permanently accessible, articles are stored in Dergipark which serves as a  national archival web site and at the same time permits LOCKSS to  collect, preserve, and serve the content.Additionally, authors are encouraged to self-archive the final PDF version of their articles in open electronic archives with  that conform to standards of Open Archives Initiative (<a href="https://www.openarchives.org/" target="_blank">https://www.openarchives.org/</a>). Authors should provide a link from the deposited version to the URL of IUPress journal website.

Journal of Turkology - Türkiyat Mecmuası is committed to upholding the highest standards of publication ethics and pays regard to Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing published by the <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, the <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, to access the <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a>, and the <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> on <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a>All parties involved in the publishing process (Editors, Reviewers, Authors and Publishers) are expected to agree on the following ethical principles.All submissions must be original, unpublished (including as full text in conference proceedings), and not under the review of any other publication synchronously. Each manuscript is reviewed by one of the editors and at least two referees under double-blind peer review process. Plagiarism, duplication, fraud authorship/denied authorship, research/data fabrication, salami slicing/salami publication, breaching of copyrights, prevailing conflict of interest are unnethical behaviors.All manuscripts not in accordance with the accepted ethical standards will be removed from the publication. This also contains any possible malpractice discovered after the publication. In accordance with the code of conduct we will report any cases of suspected plagiarism or duplicate publishing.

Ethics

Journal of Turkology - Türkiyat Mecmuası adheres to the highest standards in research ethics and follows the principles of international research ethics as defined below. The authors are responsible for the compliance of the manuscripts with the ethical rules.<ul><li>Principles of integrity, quality and transparency should be sustained in designing the research, reviewing the design and conducting the research.</li><li>The research team and participants should be fully informed about the aim, methods, possible uses and requirements of the research and risks of participation in research.</li><li>The confidentiality of the information provided by the research participants and the confidentiality of the respondents should be ensured. The research should be designed to protect the autonomy and dignity of the participants.</li><li>Research participants should participate in the research voluntarily, not under any coercion.</li><li>Any possible harm to participants must be avoided. The research should be planned in such a way that the participants are not at risk.</li><li>The independence of research must be clear; and any conflict of interest or must be disclosed.</li><li>In experimental studies with human subjects, written informed consent of the participants who decide to participate in the research must be obtained. In the case of children and those under wardship or with confirmed insanity, legal custodian’s assent must be obtained.</li><li>If the study is to be carried out in any institution or organization, approval must be obtained from this institution or organization.</li><li>In studies with human subject, it must be noted in the method’s section of the manuscript that the informed consent of the participants and ethics committee approval from the institution where the study has been conducted have been obtained.</li></ul>

It is authors’ responsibility to ensure that the article is in accordance with scientific and ethical standards and rules. And authors must ensure that submitted work is original. They must certify that the manuscript has not previously been published elsewhere or is not currently being considered for publication elsewhere, in any language. Applicable copyright laws and conventions must be followed. Copyright material (e.g. tables, figures or extensive quotations) must be reproduced only with appropriate permission and acknowledgement. Any work or words of other authors, contributors, or sources must be appropriately credited and referenced.All the authors of a submitted manuscript must have direct scientific and academic contribution to the manuscript. The author(s) of the original research articles is defined as a person who is significantly involved in “conceptualization and design of the study”, “collecting the data”, “analyzing the data”, “writing the manuscript”, “reviewing the manuscript with a critical perspective” and “planning/conducting the study of the manuscript and/or revising it”. Fund raising, data collection or supervision of the research group are not sufficient roles to be accepted as an author. The author(s) must meet all these criteria described above. The order of names in the author list of an article must be a co-decision and it must be indicated in the <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/B48C35DD6FCA4C2FB91F51863B30BBDB" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form.</a> The individuals who do not meet the authorship criteria but contributed to the study must take place in the acknowledgement section. Individuals providing technical support, assisting writing, providing a general support, providing material or financial support are examples to be indicated in acknowledgement section.All authors must disclose all issues concerning financial relationship, conflict of interest, and competing interest that may potentially influence the results of the research or scientific judgment.When an author discovers a significant error or inaccuracy in his/her own published paper, it is the author’s obligation to promptly cooperate with the Editor to provide retractions or corrections of mistakes.

Editor-in-Chief evaluates manuscripts for their scientific content without regard to ethnic origin, gender,  citizenship, religious belief or political philosophy of the authors. He/She provides a fair double-blind peer review of the submitted articles for publication and ensures that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential before publishing.Editor-in-Chief is responsible for the contents and overall quality of the publication. He/She must publish errata pages or make corrections when needed.Editor-in-Chief does not allow any conflicts of interest between the authors, editors and reviewers. Only he has the full authority to assign a reviewer and is responsible for final decision for publication of the manuscripts in the Journal.Reviewers must have no conflict of interest with respect to the research, the authors and/or the research funders. Their judgments must be objective.Reviewers must ensure that all the information related to submitted manuscripts is kept as confidential and must report to the editor if they are aware of copyright infringement and plagiarism on the author’s side.A reviewer who feels unqualified to review the topic of a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the editor and excuse himself from the review process.The editor informs the reviewers that the manuscripts are confidential information and that this is a privileged interaction. The reviewers and editorial board cannot discuss the manuscripts with other persons. The anonymity of the referees must be ensured. In particular situations, the editor may share the review of one reviewer with other reviewers to clarify a particular point.

Only those manuscripts approved by its every individual author and that were not published before in or sent to another journal, are accepted for evaluation. Submitted manuscripts that pass preliminary control are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After plagiarism check, the eligible ones are evaluated by editor-in-chief for their originality, methodology, the importance of the subject covered and compliance with the journal scope.The editor hands over the papers matching the formal rules to at least two national/international referees for double-blind peer review evaluation and gives green light for publication upon modification by the authors in accordance with the referees’ claims.

Peer Review

Articles that have not been previously published or are not currently under review for publication in another journal and are approved by each author are accepted for consideration. Submitted articles that pass the preliminary check are scanned for plagiarism using iThenticate software. After the plagiarism check, eligible articles are evaluated by the editor-in-chief in terms of originality, methodology, importance of the topic covered and compatibility with the scope of the journal.Articles deemed appropriate by the editor-in-chief in terms of the journal's publication policy are sent to at least two national/international external referees for evaluation in accordance with the double blind review system. The decision to publish is made by the editor-in-chief after the edits made by the authors as a result of the referees' evaluations and the referee process.The editor-in-chief does not allow any conflict of interest between authors, editors and referees. He/she has full authority to appoint referees and is responsible for making the final decision on the articles to be published in the journal.Reviewers' evaluations should be objective. During the review process, reviewers are expected to consider the following points.-Does the article contribute to the field?-Does the abstract clearly and accurately describe the content of the article?-Is the structure of the article and the research method defined in a coherent and comprehensible manner?-Are the interpretations and conclusions substantiated by the findings?-Are adequate references given to other studies in the field?- Is the quality of language and expression adequate??Reviewers should ensure that all information about submitted articles remains confidential until the article is published and should report to the editor if they notice any copyright infringement or plagiarism on the part of the author.If the referee does not feel qualified to review the article or is unlikely to be able to provide timely feedback, he/she should inform the editor and ask him/her not to involve him/her in the review process.During the review process, the editor should make it clear to reviewers that articles submitted for review are the private property of the authors and that this is a privileged communication. Reviewers and editorial board members may not discuss articles with other individuals.

Turkish, Azerbaijani, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tatar and Gagauz Turkish, French, Russian, German and English are the languages of publication.All correspondence regarding the submitted articles will be made with the responsible author. All responsibility of the studies sent to our journal for publication within the rules belongs to the author / authors.Article submission should be made online via <a href="https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/login" target="_blank">http://dergipark.gov.tr/login</a>, which is accessed from <a href="https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/iuturkiyat" target="_blank">Turkiyat Mecmuası &#34; Home Page</a>.  Articles should be submitted in three files, such as:1. Article Full Text File**Microsoft Word 2003 and above versions must be used. Articles should be prepared using the <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/3A7375C83BF8460FA0A2CD1B28424784" target="_blank">Article Template</a>. The text of the article should not include the identity information of the author(s) due to the double-blinded peer review process. (Important note: The main headings in the article template only show how the content of the article should be formed. Authors are not obliged to use these headings.2. <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/55C06B2F278A4FD58BB9B194F1895032" target="_blank">Cover Page*</a> *The cover page should include the type of article, article title (article language / English) title and institutional affiliation of the author or authors, current address and telephone numbers, ORCID information and e-mail addresses.*The financial support, conflict of interest and acknowledgment sections should be stated separately in both the language of the article and in English.3. <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/B48C35DD6FCA4C2FB91F51863B30BBDB" target="_blank">Copyright Agreement Form*</a>*Must be signed by all authors with a wet signature. (See. Final Checklist)<ul><li>The article should consist of at least 5000 words excluding abstracts, footnotes and bibliography.</li><li>Turkish articles should include two abstracts (Turkish-English) and an extended abstract in English. </li></ul>English articles should include two abstracts, one in English and one in Turkish. There should be no extended abstract.For articles written in other languages, there should be three abstracts (in the language of the article -English-Turkish) and an extended abstract in English. The title of the article should be given in the order of the number of abstracts and the language of the article. For a sample article, <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/F985C0668F824D99BF77B994BF747B8C" target="_blank">see</a>. ABSTRACT: It should include the purpose, method and scope of the study; it should be between 200-250 words. There should be at most 5 keywords representing the content of the study under the abstract.EXTENDED ABSTRACT: The extended abstract should include the purpose, method, scope and results of the study; it should be between 800-1000 words. TABLES, FIGURES, ILLUSTRATIONS AND GRAPHS: Figures, pictures, tables and graphs in the text should be numbered as 1, 2, 3. Photographs, plans, maps, etc. used in the text should be attached to the documents to be submitted with the extension &#34;.jpg / .tiff&#34;. Care should be taken to ensure that such documents have a resolution suitable for the printing technique (at least 300 dpi) and a size that does not exceed the page area, and if there is more than one, they should be numbered and titled (Picture 1; Map 1; Table, Figure 1, etc.). Images can be cited in the text, but if they are cited in the text with parentheses as (Annex 1), the images should be added as an appendix at the end of the article. The source of the cited images should be indicated both under the image and in the bibliography. **References should be prepared in accordance with the <a href="https://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide/citation-guide-1.html" target="_blank">Chicago Style of Manual</a> adopted by the journal. **Nevai Font should be used in transcribed texts. ** The researcher has a period of at least 4 issues / 2 years after the publication of his article to submit a new article..

Author Guidelines

Research Article: As research articles, manuscripts presenting original scientific results on topics appropriate to the scope of the journal are considered. Research articles consist of abstract, keywords, introduction, method, findings, discussion, conclusions, references, tables, graphs and figures. Review: Manuscripts prepared by experts who have a great depth of knowledge in the field and whose expertise is reflected in the international literature in terms of publications and impact are evaluated. The review article should consist of title, abstract and keywords, main text sections and referencesTranslation: These are translated articles. Translations of articles written by experts in the field with a high impact value are evaluated.Book Review: Brief or detailed reviews of books published in the last 5 years are evaluated. Book reviews are a type of writing that evaluates issues such as the book's formal and substantive features, the way it deals with the subject(s), its suitability for the purpose for which it was written and its success in realizing this, what is needed to eliminate its deficiencies and shortcomings and make it better. Book reviews should be written according to the book review template. Brief reviews written in a language other than the language in which the book was published are given priority. (For example, a book review written in Kazakh about a book published in Turkish.)Points to consider for book reviews- The introduction should have an &#34;independent original title&#34; specific to the book. - Bibliographic information for the book must be provided in its entirety.- 5 keywords in Turkish and English should be included.

Reference Style and FormatJournal of Turkology – Türkiyat Mecmuası complies with Chicago Style of Manual 16th Edition for referencing and quoting.Authors who would send proposals to the journal are kindly invited to follow the examples given below when writing the footnotes and compiling the bibliography. These examples are borrowed from the Chicago Style of Manual (<a href="http://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide/citation-guide-1.html" target="_blank">http://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide/citation-guide-1.html</a>). A few more examples have also been added. Further information and numerous examples about the “notes and bibliography” system are available at the 14th and 15th chapters of the Chicago Manual of Style (16th edition).Examples:FF first footnote, NF next/short footnotes, B bibliographyBook, one, two or three authorsFor four or more authors, each of them is cited in the bibliography, only the first author’s name is cited in footnotes and “et al.” is added next to it, which stands for “and the others”.FF  Clauson, Gerard, An Etymological Dictionary of Pre-Thirteenth Century, (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1972), 55. NF Clauson, An Etymological Dictionary of Pre-Thirteenth Century, 55.B  Gerard Clauson. An Etymological Dictionary of Pre-Thirteenth Century. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1972.FF   A. Nazarov Bakhtiyar, Denis Sinor, Essays on Uzbeks History, Culture and Language,  Research Institute for Inner Asian Studies, (Bloomington: Indiana University, 1993), 55.NF   Bakhtiyar ve Sinor, Essays on Uzbeks History, Culture and Language, 55.B     Bakhtiyar,  A. Nazarov ve Denis Sinor. Essays on Uzbeks History, Culture and Language. Bloomington: Indiana University, 1993.FF  E.R. Tenişev, A.M. Şçerbak, D.M. Nasilov, V.M Nadelyayev, Drevnetyurkskiy Slovar, XXXVIII, (Leningrad:  Izdatel’stvo&lt;&lt;Nauka&gt;&gt;Leningradskoe Otdelenir, 1969), 60.NF Tenişev, Şçerbak, Nasilov, Nadelyayev, Drevnetyurkskiy Slovar, 25.B Tenişev, E.R., A.M. Şçerbak, D.M. Nasilov, V.M Nadelyayev, Drevnetyurkskiy Slovar. XXXVIII. Leningrad:  Izdatel’stvo&lt;&lt;Nauka&gt;&gt;Leningradskoe Otdelenir, 1969.BOOK, if there is an editor/translator in addition to the authorIf there is an editor, then one should cite it as “ed.” instead of “trans.” in footnotes; as for the bibliography “Edited by” instead of “Translated by”.FF  Peter B. Golden, An Introduction to the History of the Turkic Peoples, trans. Osman Karatay, (America: Harrassowitz Verlag, 1992), 36. NF Golden, An Introduction to the History of the Turkic Peoples, 36.B Golden, Peter B. An Introduction to the History of the Turkic Peoples. Translated by Osman Karatay. America: Harrassowitz Verlag, 1992.BOOK, voliminousFF  Robert Dankoff, James Kelley, Mahmûd al-Kashgarî, Compendium of the Turkic Dialects-Dîwân Lugât at-Turk, (Harvard: University Printing Office, 1985), 4: 100. NF Robert Dankoff, James Kelley, Mahmûd al-Kashgarî, Compendium of the Turkic Dialects-Dîwân Lugât at-Turk, 1: 90.B Dankoff, Robert, James Kelley, Mahmûd al-Kashgarî, Compendium of the Turkic Dialects-Dîwân Lugât at-Turk. 4 cilt. Harvard: University Printing Office, 1985.A chapter/section in a bookFF Beatrice Forbes Manz, “Timur”, The Rise and Rule of Tamerlane, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 90-120. NF Manz, “Timur”, 90-120.B Manz, Beatrice Forbes.  “Timur”, The Rise and Rule of Tamerlane içinde, 90-120. Cambridge: Cambridge University, 1989.Preface, presentment, introduction and similar parts in a bookFF Maria Eva Subtelny, Timurids in Transition, Preface to the book titled Turko-Persian Politics and Acculturation in Medieval Iran (Boston: Brill, Leiden ,2007), 5.NF Subtelny, önsöz, 5.B Subtelny, Maria Eva. Timurids in Transition, Preface to the book titled Turko-Persian Politics and Acculturation in Medieval Iran, 5. Boston: Brill, Leiden, 2007.BOOK, electronically publishedIf the book is published in multiple formats, the one that is used is cited. URL is given for the online books that are cited. The access date can be added on prefence. If the page number is missing, either the title of chapter or another number can be added.FF Peter Golden, An Introduction to the History of the Turkic Peoples (America: Harrassowitz Verlag, 1992), Accessed September 18, 2019.<a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/281319978_An_Introduction_to_the_History_of_the_Turkic_Peoples" target="_blank">https://www.researchgate.net/publication/281319978_An_Introduction_to_the_History_of_the_Turkic_Peoples</a>NF Golden, An Introduction to the History of the Turkic Peoples, 206.B Golden, Peter. An Introduction to the History of the Turkic Peoples. America: Harrassowitz Verlag, 1992. Accessed September 18, 2019.   <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/281319978_An_Introduction_to_the_History_of_the_Turkic_Peoples" target="_blank">https://www.researchgate.net/publication/281319978_An_Introduction_to_the_History_of_the_Turkic_Peoples</a>Journal article, copyrightFF John E. Woods, “The Rise of Tīmūrid Historiography”, Journal of Near Eastern Studies, 46/2 (1987), 81-108.NF Woods, “The Rise of Tīmūrid Historiography”, 81-108.B  Woods, John E. “The Rise of Tīmūrid Historiography”,  Journal of Near Eastern Studies, 46/2 (1987), 81-108.Journal article, translationFF  Michiko Kakutani. ”Friendship Takes a Path That Diverges”, by Zadie Smith, Review of Swing Time, New York Times, (2016), 69-90.NF Kakutani, ”Friendship Takes a Path That Diverges”, 69-90.B  Kakutani, Michiko, ”Friendship Takes a Path That Diverges”, by Zadie Smith, Review of Swing Time. New York Times. 2016: 69-90.Journal article, electronicDOI (Digital Object Identifier) number should be cited if it was specified. If not, and if also the publisher or the research area requires it, the access date is cited.FF  Shao-Hsun Keng, Chun-Hung Lin, and Peter F. Orazem, “Expanding College Access in Taiwan, 1978–2014: Effects on Graduate Quality and Income Inequality”, Journal of Human Capital 11, no. 1 (2017): 1–34. https://doi.org/10.1086/690235.NF Keng, Lin, Orazem, “Expanding College Access in Taiwan, 1978–2014: Effects on Graduate Quality and Income Inequality”, 1–34.B Keng, Shao-Hsun, Chun-Hung Lin, and Peter F. Orazem, “Expanding College Access in Taiwan, 1978–2014: Effects on Graduate Quality and Income Inequality”, Journal of Human Capital 11, no. 1 (2017): 1–34. https://doi.org/10.1086/690235.Newspaper article, publishedFF Rebecca Mead, “The Prophet of Dystopia”, New Yorker, April 17, 2017, 2.NF Mead, “The Prophet of Dystopia”, 2.B Mead, Rebecca, “The Prophet of Dystopia”, New Yorker, April 17, 2017.Newspaper article/report, electronicNewspaper articles or reports do not usually take place in bibliographies. Otherwise, the above citation forms are used. If the author of an article or report is not specified, then the citation should begin with the title of article/report.FF “Snap Makes a Bet on the Cultural Supremacy of the Camera.” New York Times, March 8, 2017. https://www.nytimes.com/2017/03/08/technology/snap-makes-a-bet-on-the-cultural-supremacy-of-the-camera.html.NF “Snap Makes a Bet on the Cultural Supremacy of the Camera.”B “Snap Makes a Bet on the Cultural Supremacy of the Camera.” New York Times, March 8, 2017. https://www.nytimes.com/2017/03/08/technology/snap-makes-a-bet-on-the-cultural-supremacy-of-the-camera.html.Book ReviewFF Michiko Kakutani, “Friendship Takes a Path That Diverges.”, Review of Swing Time, by Zadie Smith, New York Times, 7 (2016), 67.NF Kakutani, “Friendship Takes a Path That Diverges.”, 67.B   Kakutani, Michiko. 2016. “Friendship Takes a Path That Diverges.” Review of Swing Time, by Zadie Smith. New York Times, November 7, 2016.ThesisFF Cynthia Lillian Rutz, “King Lear and Its Folktale Analogues” .(PhD diss. University of Chicago. 2013), 90.NF Rutz, “King Lear and Its Folktale Analogues”, 90.B  Rutz, Cynthia Lillian. 2013. “King Lear and Its Folktale Analogues.” PhD diss., University of Chicago.Encyclopedia entryFF Ahmet Temir, “Mongol (or Turko-Mongol) Khanate”, Encyclopedia of Turks, v. 8, (Ankara: Yeni Türkiye Publications, 2002), 416-432. NF Temir, Mongol (or Turko-Mongol) Khanate”, 416-432. B Temir, Ahmet. “Mongol (or Turko-Mongol) Khanate”. Encyclopedia of Turks. 8: 416-432. Ankara: Yeni Türkiye Publications, 2002.Unpublished anouncementFF Erdal İnönü and Harun Doğan, “Some Discoveries that are Named After Turkish Scientists” (The anouncement that was presented in the II. National Symposium of History of Science and Philosophy Work Group, Assos, 18-20th June 2004).NF İnönü and Doğan, “Some Discoveries.”B İnönü, Erdal and Harun Doğan. “Some Discoveries that are Named After Turkish Scientists”. The anouncement that was presented in the II. National Symposium of History of Science and Philosophy Work Group, Assos, 18-20th June 2004.ManuscriptFF Feyzi, Muhadarat-ı Feyzi, İstanbul, İstanbul University The Library of Rare Collection, T6833, 48a.NF Feyzi, Muhadarat-ı Feyzi, T6833, 51b.B Feyzi, Muhadarat-ı Feyzi, İstanbul, İstanbul University The Library of Rare Collection, T6833, 1a-70b.FF Salih b. Nasrullah, Ghayat al-itqan fi tabdir badan al-insan, İstanbul, Süleymaniye Library, Ayasofya 3682, 26a.NF Salih b. Nasrullah, Ghayat al-itqan, Ayasofya 3682, 23b.B Salih b. Nasrullah, Ghayat al-itqan fi tabdir badan al-insan, Istanbul, Süleymaniye Library, Ayasofya 3682, 1a-311a, Copy date 10 Rebiülevvel 1135 (19th December 1722).Archive documentFF The Ottoman Archives of the Prime Ministry (OAPM), Cevdet Askeriye (C.AS.) 71/3352, 9 Şevval 1211 (April 07, 1797).NF OAPM, C.AS. 71/3352.B The Ottoman Archives of the Prime Ministry (OAPM). Cevdet Askeriye (C. AS) 71/3352, 9 Şevval 1211 (April 07, 1920).FF Topkapı Palace Museum Archives (TPMA), E. 3202-2=597-2-7.NF TPMA, E. 3202-2=597-2-7.B Topkapı Palace Museum Archives (TPMA). E. 3202-2=597-2-7.WebsiteFF Yale University. n.d. “About Yale: Yale Facts.” Accessed May 1, 2017. https://www.yale.edu/about-yale/yale-facts.NF “About Yale: Yale Facts.”B Yale University. n.d. “About Yale: Yale Facts.” Accessed May 1, 2017. <a href="https://www.yale.edu/about-yale/yale-facts">https://www.yale.edu/about-yale/yale-facts</a>.E-mail or text messageUsually they are only cited in footnotes. There is no requirement for giving any bibliographical reference.Footnote: Robert Dankoff, E-mail message to the author, 16.10.2015.

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Editor(s)	Mustafa Balcı
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