İÇİNDEKİLER

Ülkü

Assist. Prof.

27 ŞUBAT DEVRİMİ SONRASINDA GEÇİCİ HÜKÜMETİN KURULUŞU VE YÖNETİM PROBLEMİ

Ensar

BESTEKÂR HÂFIZ POST’UN BİLİNMEYEN BİR MECMUASI

Hüseyin

AZERBAYCAN ATABEYLİĞİ’NİN KURULUŞU VE ATABEY İLDENİZ

Tahir

Assoc. Prof.

“AZAT KIRIM” GAZETESİNİN LATİN ALFABESİNE GEÇİŞİ VE YAZARLARI ÜZERİNE NOTLAR (1942-1944)

Tülay

MUSTAFA ÇOKAYOĞLU’NUN KALEMİNDEN ENVER PAŞA VE PAŞA’NIN ŞEHADETİ

Tuncay

Prof.

OSMANLI BASININDA CİHAD-I EKBER: İRAN ÖRNEĞİ

Mehmet

AŞKIN GÖLGESİNDE BİR ARAYIŞ ROMANI: ŞANZELİZE DÜĞÜN SALONU

Çağla

Res. Assist.

TRABLUSGARP SAVAŞI’NDAN LOZAN ANTLAŞMASI’NA ON İKİ ADA KONUSUNDA (GİZLİ) GÖRÜŞMELER

Hacer

BUDİST UYGUR METİNLERİNDE MANDAL KILMAK TÖRENİ ÜZERİNE

Abdulhakim

EBÜZZİYA TEVFİK’İN “MERHÛM NÂMIK KEMÂL BEY” ADLI ESERİ (İNCELEME-METİN)

Fikret

OSMANLI ELİT DİLİNİ MANZUM SÖZLÜKLE ÖĞRETMEK: LÜĠAT-İ ẒUREFĀ VE YÜKSEK OSMANLICA İLE HALK TÜRKÇESİ AYRIMINA DAİR VERDİĞİ BİLGİLER

Hakan

TÜRKİYE’DE SANAT VE SANATÇILARIN TEŞVİK VE ÖDÜLLENDİRİLMESİ: “CUMHURİYET HALK PARTİSİ SANAT MÜKÂFATI” YARIŞMASI

Selda

Sabahattin Eyüboğlu, Mavi ve Kara, İSTANBUL: İş Bankası Kültür Yayınları, 1999, 259 Sayfa, ISBN: 9789754581751

YAYIM İLKELERİ VE MAKALE YAZIM KURALLARI

TÜRKİYAT MECMUASI MAKALE VE HİZMET ÖDÜLÜ

Cemile

Res. Assist. Dr.

Charles Baudelaire, Fransa ölçeğinde yeni bir duyuş ve dünyayı algılayış biçimini yansıtması ve modernizm parametrelerini dönüştürmesi gibi yönlerden oldukça önemli bir konumda yer alır. Onun öncülüğünü üstlendiği modernist estetikte toplumsallık yerine sanatsal üretimin orijinalitesi, farklılığı üst bir konumda yer alır. Böylece geleneksel ve metafizik ile dolu olan rollerini dönüştüren sanatçı, kendi özel ve gizemli metafiziğini inşa etmiş olur. “Yeni” bu sanatçı için en önemli erektir. Sanatsal formları da bu doğrultuda dönüştürmek ve okuru ile mesafeli bir dil hâli yaratmak Baudelaire’in başını çektiği estetik düzlemde oldukça önemli bir bağlamı ifade etmektedir.Türkiye’de de benzer dönüşümler Tanzimat dönemi ile izlenmekle beraber asıl önemli hamleler, düşünsel ve şiirsel bir çizgide 1950’li yıllarda, İkinci Yeni şiir hareketinde gözlemlenmektedir. İkinci Yeni’de örtük bir biçimde de olsa otorite ile savaş, kutsala yönelik önemli tepkimeler yahut kabul edilen değerler sistemine yönelik “yeni ve farklı” bir dil aracılığıyla ifade edilen birden fazla çağrışımlı ve çok katmanlı metinler, bahsettiğimiz bu değişimin en net yansıması olarak karşımıza çıkar. Bu hareket içerisinde de bu kopuşun oldukça net gözlemlendiği isimlerden birisi ise şüphesiz Ece Ayhan’dır. Onun hem dil konusundaki atılımı ve şiir dilini bir anlatım ve aktarım aracı olarak değil, bir “durum” olarak kurgulaması hem de tüm öncül ve otoriteleri reddeden düşünceleri Türkiye’de modernist duyarlılığın en keskin örneklerinden biridir.Charles Baudelaire ile Ece Ayhan’ın birbirinden bağımsız coğrafyalarda ve zamanlarda ortak paydada buluşabilmesi ise yukarıda ana hatları ile ifade ettiğimiz modernist estetik ve duyarlılık ortaklığıyla doğrudan ilintilidir. Bu çalışma, ele aldığı izlekler yoluyla bu iki ismin arasındaki görünmez bağa ve bu bağ sonucundaki verilerin Türkiye ölçeğindeki birtakım yansımalarına yoğunlaşmayı hedeflemektedir.Bu bağlamda ele alınan ilk izlek otorite reddinin de kaynağını oluşturan yenilik ve kendilik bilincidir. Her iki şairde de öncülsüz olma güdüsü, var olan tüm değerlerin (dinî, siyasî vs.) yadsınması şeklinde bir sonucu ortaya koymuştur. Baudelaire’in tamamlanmamış romanı Fanfarlo’daki “babaya lanet” söylemi ile Ece Ayhan’ın “İnsanoğlu babasızdır” dizesi bu düşüncenin bir yansımasıdır. Baba, onlar için tüm otoriter yapılanmaları ifade eder. Her ikisi de bu anlamda düzenin karşısındadır.&nbsp;Her iki ismi aynı potada düşünmeye olanak sağlayan bir diğer önemli refleks ise biçimsel alandadır. Fragman estetiği, parçalı gerçeklik algısı ve şiirde bütünselliğin düzyazı ile dağıtılmasını sağlayan bu gerilimli hamle, her iki isim için de okurla aralarında bir mesafeye sebep olması dolayısıyla önemli görünmektedir. Baudelaire’in Paris Sıkıntısı’nın yayıncısına yazdığı mektupta, oluşturduğu metin parçalarının kendi başlarına da var olabileceklerine yönelik ifadeleri bu anlamda önemli bir değişimi imlemektedir. Aynı refleks Ece Ayhan’da da söz konusudur. Yort Savul şiirinde sorduğu üç sorudan birinin gerçeği ararken “parçalanmayı göze alma” ile ilgili olması oldukça dikkat çekicidir. Yine aynı şekilde her ikisi tarafından düzyazı formunda şiirlerin olumlanması ve kaleme alınması, genel şiir algısının yıkımına yönelik radikal bir adım olarak yorumlanmıştır. Bu ortaklıklar her ikisi için aynı zamanda güvenli bir estetik alan, daha az okura hitap eden bir dünya anlamına da gelmektedir. Şiirlerin kapalı olmasından duyulan haz, bir yandan da her üretimin bir tüketim bekleyeceği ve o olmazsa devam edemeyeceği gerçeğinin baş göstermesi; her iki isim için de yaşanan ikiliğin en net göstergesidir. Bununla beraber her ikisi için de okur ve beklenti bağlamında ortaklık arz eden özel bir gruptan da söz edilmelidir. Baudelaire’in modern hayatın kahramanlarından biri olarak kurguladığı “çocuk”, Ece Ayhan’da “tarihi düzünden okumaya ayaklanan” şekilde resmedilmiş ve geleceğe dair bir umut olarak imlenmiştir.Karşılaştırmalı olarak ele aldığımız bu iki isim için önemli ortaklıklardan birini de şehir karşısındaki tutumları oluşturur. Baudelaire’in tasarımı olan, yeni bir “görme”nin temsilcisi konumundaki flanör, modernleşen Paris’in parçalı görüntüleri eşliğinde yeni insanın çelişkilerini yansıtır. Aynı zamanda kentin ücra köşelerindeki kabul görmeyen tipolojiler de bu yeni çelişkili gerçekliğin yansımalarındandır. Ece Ayhan’da aynı kategorizasyon “hâl ve gidişi sıfır olanlar” şeklinde, İstanbul’da özellikle de Sirkeci ölçeğinde karşımıza çıkacaktır. Kente, onun tarihine, değişimine ilişkin çok detaylı bir dikkatin ve sevginin yanında; ona dair bu kin, modernizmin ikili bilinç refleksiyle doğru orantılı görünmektedir.Her iki ismin kötülüğün estetize edilmesi noktasında da benzer tepkimeleri söz konusudur. Kutsal değerlerin gökyüzünden yeryüzüne indirilmiş olması, modern birey için yeni kutsallar icat etmeyi gerekli kıldığı yorumu yapılabilir. Bu durumun meşru bir biçimde inşa edilmesi ise incelediğimiz bu iki isim ölçeğinde “kötülük” kanalıyla ortaya koyulduğundan bu refleks önemli görünmektedir. İyiye ve güzele alternatif olarak kötülük bilincinin öne çıkarılması, Baudelaire ve Ece Ayhan’ı birleştiren en önemli noktalardan birini oluşturur. Ece Ayhan’ın cennet ve cehennem kelimelerini deforme ederek oluşturduğu “cehennet” imgesi ya da “şiirimiz karadır abiler” yakarışı ile Baudelaire’in oluşturduğu bohem atmosferi, bu eğilimin doğal bir sonucu olarak estetiğin dönüştürülmesinde işlev görecektir.Sonuç olarak modernite, merkezi Batı’da olmasına rağmen çok uzaklara yayılmış çok boyutlu ve derin bir sürecin adıdır. Aralarında bir yüzyıl ve kilometreler olan Charles Baudelaire ve Ece Ayhan, sanatlarını bu çok boyutlu sürecin çelişkili, uçucu ve parçalı yönleri üzerine benzer reflekslerle inşa etmişlerdir. Zamanın getirdiği koşullara uyum sağlayıp ortaya çıkan yenilikler&nbsp;ve gelişmelerle bütünleşmek, aynı zamanda akışa katılmak yerine; bunlarla savaşmak ve yeniyi inşa ederken “var olanı” yıkmak hem Baudelaire hem de Ayhan için en temel paradigmalardan biri olarak karşımıza çıkmış, belirlediğimiz izlekler çerçevesinde özellikle Türk modernleşmesi ölçeğinde zengin yorumlara olanak sağlamıştır.

Farklı Coğrafyalar, Benzer Modernist Refleksler: Charles Baudelaire ve Ece Ayhan

Emrah

Assist. Prof. Dr.

The short story “Rüyalar” [Dreams], authored by Ahmet Hamdi Tanpınar, was initially published in 1952 and later became a part of his 1955 collection, Yaz Yağmuru [Summer Rain]. The short story’s narrative centers around the intricate psychological tribulations entwining the protagonist, Cemil. A spectral presence named Selma haunts his dreams, and her identity gradually unfolds through the narrative’s denouement. Cemil, a writer, moves into a summer residence with his family in early April. He is writing a novel retelling of a calamity enfolding around an unnamed young woman’s demise and the subsequent suicide of his familiar acquaintance, Şakir Bey. However, as the plot progresses, the dreams insidiously infiltrate Cemil’s daily existence and cognitive faculties, impeding his literary pursuit. The story follows a chronological sequence of events, leading to a culminating juncture that serves as both the narrative apex and resolution. Elaborate insights into séances conducted by Cemil’s neighbors and conveyed through a friend encountered on a ferry eventually unveil the phantom’s identity. This revelation simultaneously signifies the culmination of Cemil’s transformative journey as he navigates the concluding stage of his metamorphosis.While inheriting certain gothic motifs and recurring themes from Tanpınar’s body of work, the narrative deviates from his signature style characterized by his poetics stylistics and modernist composition. Primarily focused on the finale, the story maintains a taut sense of suspense akin to Cemil’s own experience, revolving around the pivotal question of what happens next. This deviation eschews complex enplotment, favoring a linear narrative structure that progressively unfolds in chronological order. In this context, this article undertakes a narratological examination by delving into the structural framework of the narrative, thus distinguishing it from Tanpınar’s conventional literary works. This analysis employs Boris Tomasevski’s differentiation between fabula (i.e., raw material of a story) and syuzhet (i.e., the way a story is organized) and is supplemented by Aristotle’s Poetics and Paul Ricoeur’s&nbsp;conceptualization of mythos (i.e., enplotment) in Time and Narrative: Volume I. Through this approach, the analysis exposes the narrative’s reliance on a linear chronology enhanced by dream sequences interwoven into the story to inexorably guide readers toward an almost foreseeable yet resolute climax. These dream vignettes, intrinsic to Tanpınar’s modernist proclivity characterized by thematic ambiguity and formal intricacy, cultivate an aura of enigma that pervades the entire tale. Unveiling fresh explications with each iteration, these dream episodes generate a pervasive sense of ambiguity, profoundly influencing the progression of the narrative arc. Noteworthy for deferring the resolution of ambiguities seeded by dreams, the narrative’s foundational causal progression remains a harbinger of its overarching strategy: a gradual unraveling of the enigma.Despite adopting a narrative perspective in the third-person singular, the narrative lens consistently resides within the psyche of Cemil, the central protagonist. This literary technique, reminiscent of the narrative strategies evident in Franz Kafka’s seminal works, such as The Trial and The Metamorphosis, sustains Cemil’s internal turmoil as a potential source for a modernist narrative trajectory. This storytelling approach adeptly builds anticipation, reaching its crescendo at the narrative’s zenith. The protagonist’s quotidian existence occupies a marginal role in the story, with its occurrences carrying minimal significance within the larger framework of the plot. However, decisive moments and daily life scenes trigger the protagonist’s abrupt daydreams. This narrative approach is rooted in the third-person singular perspective, which, though ostensibly distant and impartial, is confined to Cemil’s vantage point. The narrative voice remains tethered to Cemil’s turbulent consciousness, progressively veering toward his surrender to dreams as the story unfolds—a complex dual engagement. The reader, distanced from the character by the narrator’s discourse, is subjected to the third person’s definitive (i.e., past tense) authority, which is counterbalanced by an inherent susceptibility. This authority, however, is vested in the intricate narrative established by the character undergoing crisis, interwoven with uncertainties (i.e., past perfect tense) through a modernist maneuver. The narrator’s conclusive tone accelerates toward the story’s denouement in the final paragraph, intricately bound to the protagonist’s deepening journey as he confronts his crisis.A remarkable synergy between the story’s overarching narrative (fabula) and its constructed progression (syuzhet) is evident. This harmonious interplay sustains an air of ambiguity surrounding the nature of Cemil’s crisis—whether it is rooted in psychological turmoil (internal) or if it manifests as a consequence of supernatural intervention (external)—a question that remains poised until the climactic final scene. This storytelling approach adeptly builds anticipation, reaching its crescendo at the narrative’s zenith. However, the story’s anagnorisis, which entails the presence of Cemil’s verbose yet profoundly mundane confidant in the finale, along with the abrupt manifestation of the sea-bound specter, ultimately curtails the burgeoning modernist elements intricately woven into the narrative’s fabric. Consequently, the reader’s interpretative compass aligns with perceiving “Rüyalar” as a narrative akin to Kafka’s stylistic inclinations.

Kafkavari ve Gotik: Ahmet Hamdi Tanpınar’ın “Rüyalar” Hikâyesinin Anlatı Bilimi Yöntemiyle Bir İncelemesi

Emre

To say that Russian Turks had been engaged in political activities until the first years of the 20th century is difficult. In this regard, the 1905 Revolution and the October 17 Manifesto were important developments that pushed to the political arena the Russian Turks who had been unable to make any attempt against the administration other than concerning their religious and national wishes. Undoubtedly, one of the greatest benefits of the revolution and what followed was the environment of limited freedom that was introduced into the field of the press. Although this situation caught the 1905 Revolution unprepared politically, the revival of Russian Turks in the field of the press was quite remarkable. In this sense, that generation who had educated themselves under the influence of the Jadid school of thought that had emerged in the 19th century needed to act in line with the requirements of modern times. They tried to direct their society in this direction and suddenly emerged with magazines and newspapers published in their native language. Having experienced a period of great freedom compared to their previous periods, the intellectuals organized successive local and large-scale meetings and took responsibility for determining which path to follow in Russia’s new political atmosphere. Periodicals were these leaders’ greatest tools in this regard.Russian Turks viewed the 1905 Revolution and the proclamation of constitutional rule as the solution for ridding themselves of their long-standing position as second-class citizens. In addition to their demands for freedom and equality with Russians in all areas, they demanded the ability to regulate their own national and religious life, which had been protecting them from the Russification and Christianization policy of the Tsarist administration for a long time. In order to meet these demands and represent their opposition to regime, they supported a constitutional administration and the opening of the Duma. This explains their disappointment when the First State Duma was prorogue. Using press organs, they expressed their disappointment that had emerged as a result of the past Tsarist policies to which they’d been exposed and in this way tried to direct their society politically through the press.The Russian Turks’ reactions toward the proroguing of the First Duma appear to be able to be followed through the press. In this sense, to say that the Idel-Ural press had a unique position would not be wrong, and this was related to the position the region had acquired in the modernization movements. This was due to the Idel-Ural region being at the center of Jadid&nbsp;school of thought, which had emerged with the idea of reform in the religious field in the first years of the 19th century and gradually entered all areas of life. The experience that was gained from this, the national bourgeois class that formed in the region, and the social developments that were supported by it, all in combination with the 1905 Revolution caused a great revival in the field of printing. Thus, the Idel-Ural geography became the center of media activities during the revolution in comparison to Turkestan, Crimea, and the Caucasus. At the same time, this geography turned into a lively area for Russian Turks after the 1905 Revolution. The physical proximity of the region to central Russia was also an important feature. Therefore, periodicals published in the Idel-Ural area not only remained local but were also turned into tools for defending the rights of Russian Turks in other regions.This study will attempt to reveal the thoughts of Russian Turks regarding the closing of the First State Duma through the Idel-Ural press. In this context, the study will investigate what the Duma meant to Russian Turks, what issues were emphasized in the publications, and the reasons why a constitutional government was seen as a means of solving problems. In order to achieve these goals, the study will benefit from publications that had been published in the Idel-Ural area after the 1905 Revolution and that discussed what happened during the period of the First Duma. In this context, the study has preferred publications that closely followed the political developments and frequently included which actors were influential in the political line of Russian Turks, such as the Muslim Alliance and the Kadet Party, examining such publications as Vakit, Yıldız, Kazan Muhbiri, Musulmanskii Mir, Ulfet, and Nur. In addition, this study will present how the ideological differences among Russian Turks all met the closure of the Duma by benefitting from the important periodical Tan Yıldızı, which followed a different political orientation.After the closure of the First Duma, harsh criticisms of the government and the tsar were seen to occur in periodicals. This shows that after the 1905 Revolution, the administration had made concessions from its oppressive administration. However, the short-term survival of the First Duma shows that Russia was still not ready for the transition to a constitutional order. The fact that the Second Duma was closed after a short time was also an indicator of this. Another issue was the confidence Russian Turks had in the constitutional government and their open statements in their periodicals. This was quite remarkable for a society that was burgeoning in the political arena. One important point that draws attention is that uniting on the grounds of a constitutional government had been possible, despite Russian Turks following different ideological lines. This feature signaled the need for freedom and equality in a society that had been oppressed for many years. Finally, the closure of the Duma damaged the trust Russian Turks had in the Second Duma and the government, but this did not cause them to demand the constitutional government disappear.

Çarlık Rusyası’nda Birinci Duma’nın Kapatılışı ve İdil-Ural Türkleri (1906)

Erhan

Prof. Dr.

Thousands of studies have been conducted on the ancient Turkic runic inscriptions since they were first discovered. Some of these studies include readings and interpretations of newly found inscriptions, while others are new readings and interpretations of previous inscriptions. On one hand, these studies have made new contributions to the phonology, morphology, sentences, meaning, and lexicon of Old Turkic, providing new information about the life of Turks in the 7th and 8th centuries on the other.Old Turkic inscriptions with Turkic runic letters are found in various parts of Asian geography such as Mongolia, Tuva, Khakassia, Mountainous Altai region, Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan. Work on these inscriptions has continued uninterruptedly until today, starting when Vilhelm Thomsen deciphered the letters in 1893. While some of these studies have involved rereading and making sense of the problematic lines in previous inscriptions, others involve reading and interpretations regarding newly found inscriptions.New inscriptions are being discovered every day in Mongolia, which hosts the most famous ancient Turkic inscriptions. One of these inscriptions is the Gurvan Mandal inscriptions, which were discovered in 1987 within the borders of Bayankhongor Province. Sources state these inscriptions to consist of a total of six lines on two rocks, the first being called the Dund Mandal (i.e., Rock A) and the second one being called Adag Mandal (i.e., Rock B).New high-resolution photographs of the two rocks and their inscriptions have identified the rock behind Dund Mandal (Rock A) to also have a three-line inscription that is identical to the inscriptions on the front rock. Although the same text is found on both rocks that stand back to-back, they have different characters and carving systems. An extra l1 sign was found on the rock in front and differ from the one in back. This article reclassifies these three rocks, discusses the readings and interpretations of the two known rocks; and then reads and interprets the three lines on both the two known rocks and the newly discovered one.Not many studies have occurred on the Gurvan Mandal inscriptions, which consist of three rock inscriptions. One reason for this is that the inscriptions were found recently, and another reason is that the first two lines of the three lines on the Dund Mandal Front Rock (Rock A) contain letters that are difficult to read. The Dund Mandal Back Rock has exactly the same letters as the Dund Mandal Front Rock (Rock A). However, the letters were carved on to the&nbsp;rocks using different styles. Drawing anything meaningful from the letters in the first two lines of either rock is difficult. This is probably because they are both personal names. The third line on the Dund Mandal Front Rock (Rock A) and the Dund Mandal Back Rock has been completely reread and interpreted.The Adag Mandal (Rock B) inscription is located near the Dund Mandal Front Rock (A Rock) and the Dund Mandal Back Rock. The Adag Mandal (Rock B) inscription is the third at the Gurvan Mandal inscription complex and has a total of three lines. Adag Mandal (B Rock) consists of three lines with very distinctive letters and carved in a different place than those on the two back-to-back rocks at Dund Mandal. This inscription was engraved on the rock on the southeast slope of Adag Mandal Mountain, which also has petroglyphs and marks. Those who’we worked on the inscription also mentioned the marks in the inscription and were of the opinion that they might belong to the Karluk and Basmıl tribes. The firts line reads Ak at altun ederlig “The white horse is saddled with gold.” This sentence is exactly the same as the first part of the third line of the Yabogan inscription (A 84), one of Mountainous Altai region inscriptions. Since the line containing this sentence is dissimilar to the two lines below it in terms of font and letter size, one can argue different people to have written it. However, a similar subject is understood to be mentioned in all three lines.Due to the Gurvan Mandal inscription complex have been discovered recently, studies on it are scarce. Therefore, new studies and evaluations of the inscription will enable new readings and interpretations, especially for the word at the end of the third line of the threeline inscription on Adag Mandal (Rock B). The fact that the expression in the first line of Adag Mandal (Rock B) is the same as that in the third line of the Yabogan (A 84) inscription from the Mountainous Altai region, as well as the semantic similarity (i.e., similarity of what is described in the inscriptions), is very valuable for the vocabulary of the Old Turkic period.

Gurvan Mandal (Moğolistan) Yazıtları - Yeni Bir Okuma ve Anlamlandırma

Esengül

The endings, which Georg Lukács describes as “essential turning points on a precisely mapped path”, also mean the end of the fictional world, limited by the scope of the protagonist’s possible experiences. Narrative endings, which constitute one of the most significant thresholds of a fictional narrative, have been shaped according to different criteria in the history of literature. In parallel with the question of what an ideal fiction should be, ideal endings have also been one of the topics on which ideas have been produced. From myths, epics, fables, fairy tales and picaresque narratives to the rational and realistic novels of modernism, the phenomenon of “death” at the end of the fiction has been accorded great importance.This study focuses on the phenomenon of death as an apocalyptic theme in the prominent Turkish novels of the Tanzimat and Servet-i Fünûn periods, drawing on the views of Frank Kermode, whose work The Sense of an Ending established a link between fiction, time, and apocalyptic thought. Frank Kermode’s thesis that all mythical, literary, or religious fictions is related to the concept of apocalypse, a theological worldview, gains significance in this issue by stating that the giving of meaning to life and events is always made real through fiction. According to Kermode, the apocalyptic themes that sustain the entire structure of a fictional narrative are both long-lasting and constantly changing. Just as the stories or themes of the end of humanity allow people to think about their own death, to make sense of their place in the cycle of life and time, their relationship to beginning and end, and to live together with chaos by humanising the reality of death. Thus, in the art of the novel, the hero’s correlation with death makes the reader reflect on various issues.Analysing the exemplary novels from Taaşşuk-ı Tal’at ve Fitnat (1872) to Kırık Hayatlar (1901) within the framework of the concept of the apocalypse, the results show that there are similarities and differences in the perception of death at the end of the novels. In the first place, the apocalyptic effect of death is essential in both periods. A voice of “rebirth” rises from the endings of the Tanzimat novels, as both the victims and the guilty experience their own “micro-apocalypses” for the educational mission of the fiction. In these novels, which end with the physical death of the heroes, death is present as a phenomenon that closes a world with a tock sound, but it brings genesis with a new tick sound. In other words, in the Tanzimat&nbsp;novels written within the scope of the concept of chronos, which Kermode associates with the period of myths and epics, the tick-tock of time is more noticeable, and the beginning and ending in the fiction are more definite. Since the need for an ending requires the production of meaningful finals.&nbsp;On the other hand, in the novels of Servet-i Fünûn, even if there is no physical death, there is a psychological death for the heroes whose souls are opened to the reader. This situation is related to the changes in the novel, both with the transition of fiction from chronos to kairos and with the transformation of the “collective” hero into the “unique” hero. In this period, the apocalypses appear as deep wounds in the soul. In the works of Halid Ziya and Mehmed Rauf, the phenomenon of tragedy came to the fore with the acceptance of the self, and the novel took on the identity of a crisis narrative. In the works of this period, death is not an objective annihilation as a product of collective discourse, but a destruction of the soul.As it is seen, the relationship between death and the concept of apocalypse changes with the modernisation of literature. The common element in the novels of the Tanzimat and Servet-i Fünûn periods is that death or the disappointment after death takes place at the end to satisfy the reader’s need for absoluteness and completeness. This attitude changes in the unfinished / open-ended endings of the modernist novels in which the idea of apocalypse weakens. In the new process, the concept of death loses its meaning. The protagonists of the Tanzimat novels, who experience their own miniature-apocalypses by dying, and the apocalyptic protagonists of the Servet-i Fünûn novels, who are thrown out of the chronos cycle and remain in kairos, in a moment of eternal crisis, are replaced by the protagonists of the modernist novel, who question the existence and the meaninglessness of death and life as a matter of itself.

Tanzimat ve Servet-i Fünûn Dönemi Türk Romanında Kıyametvari Bir Son Olarak Ölüm

Eyüp

Assoc. Prof. Dr.

The geography of Georgia is characterized by steep mountains, deep, forested valleys, rivers that cut through these valleys, abundant rainfall, and consequently, frequent flooding. The impact of this natural structure was the main factor in armies facing serious difficulties during expeditions to the region. Yavuz Sultan Selim faced serious difficulties during his raid on Georgia in the spring of 1508, when he was a prince in Trabzon, and Vizier Halil Pasha, the vizier of the Georgian campaign, experienced similar problems. Beginning in the fifteenth century, Ottoman–Georgian relations were also strategically effective in pursuing a policy based on local feudal lords against Iran, rather than conquering the region directly.In the seventeenth century, frequent rivalries in the region, especially the four-front war that the Ottoman Empire faced after the 1683 Vienna defeat played a major role in the hostile attitude of the states in the region toward the Ottomans. The Ottoman struggle on four fronts and Russia’s plan to expand to the Black Sea by taking advantage of this situation also mobilized the Georgian principalities, which ceased their obedience and rebelled against the Ottomans. Archil, one of the Georgian kings, who attempted at least five times between 1663 and 1698 to sit on the throne of the Imereti, was at the forefront of these rebellions and subsequently sought support from Russia, where he sought refuge, to organize an expedition to the region. In particular, the murder of Simon, who had been appointed as the ruler of Açıkbaş/Imereti, and then Giorgi, who had been appointed in his place, by Guria and Mamya, the rulers of Dadiani, the raids of Abazas on Muslim merchant ships, the nonpayment of jizyas and the rebellious movements pushed the Ottoman Empire to take measures. In point of fact, after the Treaty of Karlowitz, an expedition was launched to prevent the increasing number of rebellious movements against the Ottoman Empire and to consolidate Ottoman authority in the region. There is no detailed information about this campaign, which is referred to as the Georgian and Abaza War in Ottoman archival documents and the Great Turkish War in Georgian sources. Accordingly, Vizier Köse Halil Pasha was appointed as a serdar for the Georgian campaign with the assignment of Erzurum Province. Under the command of Vizier Köse Halil Pasha, the expedition, which included the soldiers of Erzurum, Trabzon, Çıldır/Akhaltsikhe, and Kars provinces, the beys and soldiers of the sanjaks administered as dynasty estates (yurtluk-ocaklık), and 1,350 members of the central army, started in 1703 and ended the following year. Halil Pasha made the necessary preparations for the expedition by traveling from Istanbul to Trabzon, then to Erzurum by land, and then back to Trabzon. The other column of soldiers headed toward Akhaltsikhe via Çıldır. According to the plan of the two armies, the meeting point was determined as Baghdati.The cannons and ammunition for the campaign were supplied from the Tophane-i Amire in Istanbul and loaded onto 40 prepared ships. Some of the cannons and ammunition were shipped by sea via Trabzon and Gonio, while some were brought to Trabzon and then shipped by land to Akhaltsikhe via Erzurum.Vizier Halil Pasha arrived in Gonio from Trabzon, from where he traveled to Kobuleti via Batumi, and then southward via Ozurgeti to Guria. The army, arriving via Akhaltsikhe, reached Baghdati earlier than planned and, captured the Fortress of Kutaisi, from where it reached Shuamta to meet the main army coming from the Black Sea. Later, when the army reached Rokiti, it was informed that Sultan Ahmed III had ascended the throne. On the order to continue the expedition, the army decided to conquer the Castle of Shorapani. Moreover, it is possible to obtain detailed information about the cost of the expedition from the ledgers kept. While the amount spent for the 1703 expedition was 283 thousand kurush, this figure was realized as approximately 18 thousand kurush in 1704.In this study, the route of the expedition, the events that took place on the route of the expedition, when the expedition started and when it ended, whether the expedition reached its goal, whether the Ottoman army stayed in the region, what measures were taken in the region at the end of the expedition, whether the old order was restored in the region, the terms of the agreement reached, and the cost of the expedition to the Ottoman treasury are analyzed comparatively, and the information found in Ottoman and Georgian sources are also analyzed comparatively.

1703-1704 Gürcistan-Abaza Seferi ve Seferin Maliyeti

Eski Uygurcada Cıva

İbrahim

In the Middle Ages, maritime trade routes were an important factor in the development of trade. Trade has always occurred between the West and the East, in which China and Europe’s trade with one another was maintained on the Silk Road and Spice Road even before Islam. With the emergence of Islam, traders from many Muslim nations, especially Arab nations, started to form the main group in this trade. During the dominance of Islam from the Mediterranean to China, taking advantage of the maritime trade made there allowed the Muslim traders to start having a profitable occupation. For this reason, they paved the way for developing trade between China and Europe to the westernmost part of the Mediterranean. As most medieval Arab authors agreed, an international maritime trade route existed that started from the Suez (known as al-Kulzum or Clysma) and Basrah in the West and ended in Canton in the East. The western routes were divided into two parts: the Basra Road that started from al-Kulzum on the borders of Egypt from the south and stretched along the Red Sea, and the other road in the north that ended at Bansrah, Siraf and Hormoz along the gulf. Later, the ships coming from these two directions would join together and go to China along the coasts of India and Thailand, also known as Indo-China. This route was the most important maritime trade route connecting China and Arab countries in the Middle Ages. For this reason, many merchants on this route made great contributions to the economic revival of the period by trading with the largest ships.Sea trade had started from China and continued westward through India to the Arabian Peninsula. It has been known to international traders since Antiquity and experienced its most productive period during the Abbasid dynasty in the Middle Ages. The success was so great that the maritime trade route, which started in two branches from al-Kulzum (Suez) and Basrah and went to China, was one of the most active commercial routes of the Middle Ages. However, the Zanj Revolt against the Abbasids in Basrah in 255 AH/869 CE dealt a great blow to Persian maritime trade. Despite the Zanj Revolt, transportation in the Persian Gulf, which was another important branch of the route under study here, made great progress during the Abbasid dynasty in the 8th and 10th centuries. This route was mostly maritime trade that was carried along the Tigris River through Baghdad, brought to Basrah and then stopped over at Siraf and Hormoz. The goods brought to Baghdad were sometimes transported by land, so much so that the Baghdad-Basrah road was one of the most important pillars of trade between land and sea. The goods used in maritime transport across the Persian Gulf were brought from Anatolia and Mosul then taken to the shore through Baghdad. Trade was carried from Mosul and Diyar Rabi to Baghdad, Wasit, Kashkar, Sawad, Basrah, al- Abelah, and Ahwaz where the ports and ships established along the Tigris River were located.Another important starting point for the maritime trade that was maintained between China and the Red Sea in the West wasknown as al-Kulzum Sea in the Middle Ages. The Yemen, Arabian, Berber, and Abyssinian peninsulas were in the east, the Yathrip (Medina) and Tihame mountains were in the north, and the Indian Ocean was in the south. As the sources report, goods from Egypt and Syria were first loaded onto ships from al-Kulzum. The ships continued their journey northward through the strait where Yemen and Abyssinia converge, advancing along the Red Sea. Then after stopping by Aden and Socotra Island, they would come to Oman. Traders from al-Kulzum (Suez) and from Bahr al-Kulzum (the Red Sea) covered the area from here to Yemen and across the Tigris River, traveling through the Arabian land up to Abadan past the Persian Sea and then along the coast to Mahruban Port, They would also go as far as Bender Siraf. Traders would go behind Kirman and pass Hormoz, Dabil, the Sind coast, and Multan, which is considered as the end of the Islamic countries, after which they would go to China along the Indian and Tibetan coasts. For this reason, al-Kulzum was an important maritime trade center and was considered the port of Egypt and Damascus. Al-Kulzum was such an important maritime trade center that a significant part of the goods to be loaded from Egypt and Damascus to the Hejaz and Yemen were loaded onto ships there.

Orta Çağ’da Müslüman Tüccarların Çin ile Yaptıkları Deniz Ticaretinde Kullandıkları Güzergâhlar

İsa

Interjections are effective tools for expressing instantaneous emotions, feelings, pain, surprise, sadness, complaints, states of uncertainty or indecision, or many other common feelings and emotions. They are also effective at conveying personal attitudes and stances and can provide important clues in terms of research on the origin and evolution of human language. Unlike lexical elements, interjections do not directly contain absolute meaningful content or semantic components. In this respect, although interjections cannot be absolutely placed along any of the axes in the linguistic cline of meaning and function, even if differentiations are observed in terms of various subcategories or types, one can still argue that interjections have a paralinguistic or language-supportive metafunction because of how they carry an auxiliary quality that makes grammatical structures more effective in conveying what the speaker feels or thinks or any other emotional or spiritual state to the receiver. While interjections positioned at the secondary level in Turkish such as yazık ‘pity’ is directly related to a coded and defined lexical item and partially contains some semantic content, interjections such as ahh or öff are in contrast far removed from having any direct semantic or lexical content. Depending on the context, this latter type of interjection is focused on expressing a feeling of physical pain, a sigh, boredom, anger, or some other emotion or emotional value, usually involuntarily, as well as on creating these values in the receiver in most cases. Therefore, some interjections may be shaped by the secondary functioning of certain lexical elements, and situations for using an interjection may also arise as a result of elements belonging to other lexical classes that were previously encoded in the language (i.e., temporary context-based interjections). Such interjections can be considered secondary interjections. Meanwhile, interjections that are shaped independently of existing lexical elements and that are formed involuntarily in most cases and unable to be evaluated in a different category can be considered primary interjections. Secondary interjections have a pragmatic function and a motive for conveying personal feelings, emotions, or attitudes to the listener rather than some original semantic or syntactic content. Interjections such as these can start and end a discourse on their own.In line with the presented information, the present study will touch upon the general and inclusive features of the category of interjections, as these have been neglected both in Turkish grammar as well as in linguistic studies conducted at a university level. Among the primary interjections that can be defined as paralinguistic, the interjection is shaped by the dental-palatal snapping sound and represented by different spellings such as , &lt;çıh&gt; or &lt;çık&gt;. It is defined in the Güncel Türkçe Sözlük [Up-to-Date Turkish Dictionary] (GTS, 2023) as “a word used in the sense of ‘no’ or ‘no way’” and will be analyzed here in depth. Because this interjection is mostly realized in the moment in spoken language, the examples will be based more on personal observations and experiences, and the given examples will be designed accordingly. Meanwhile, utilizing a corpus as a data source will be practically impossible as only a limited number of spoken texts are found in Turkish, which is far from comprehensive. These are also mostly based on written texts. Even if speech-based corpora such as the Spoken Turkish Corpus (std.metu.edu.tr) had been developed, these corpora being mostly based on recordings of controlled radio or television programs would therefore rarely contain an interjection such as . Because this interjection is more likely to occur in closed, bilateral conversations or dialogue involving emotions, moods, personal attitudes, and posturing, it is unlikely to appear in any recorded conversation or dialogue. Therefore, the data sources constituting the basis of the study are quite limited. For all these reasons, the data universe of the study will involve examples of usage that can be witnessed through personal observation or that are mostly idealized.The study’s findings reveal that the interjection is not only used in the sense of “no” and has a negation function, but also has positive and neutral functions. This interjection covers a wide range of functions such as surprise, anger, calling out to someone, and impatience. Although the paralinguistic interjection contains universal codes, it is only fully understood when the recipient has well-established cultural background knowledge and codes and can analyze and interpret the relevant codes cognitively. The body movements, gestures, and mimics that occur in conjunction with this interjection also carry cultural codes and local traces that have been passed down from generation to generation. Therefore, the full transmission of this interjection between the speaker and the listener and the full understanding of its contextual functions depend on shared cultural codes and background knowledge. Thus, the power of discourse to convey emotion and thought will become even more effective with these paralinguistic and extra-linguistic tools involving the interjection and the body movements, gestures, and facial expressions that accompany its use.

Ayrı Bir Dil Kategorisi Olarak Ünlemler ve Türkçede Dil Dışı Türleri: <cık> Örneği

Their vocabulary learning strategies. As for the teaching of Turkish as a foreign language, although academic discussions and studies on the field have occurred in recent years, the absence of a printed or web-based learner’s dictionary is a significant shortcoming.A dictionary consists of micro and macro structures that make up the mega structure. According to the literature, sections such as content, guide, abbreviations located at the front of the dictionary and sections such as index, symbols and useful information located at the back of the dictionary constitute the macro structure. Information such as spelling, pronunciation, inflectional forms, word type, definition, grammatical categories, stereotypes, examples, usage, intermediates, collocations and etymology constitute the microstructure. Headword is related to macro structure in terms of providing dictionary users access to information and also relates to the microstructure in terms of providing detailed information about words.The headword in the learner’s dictionary includes four basic pieces of information: spelling (i.e., a reference to sound in terms of its formal features), level code that reveals the frequency of use of the word and also is suitable according to the Common European Framework of Reference for Languages (CEFR), pronunciation that represents speech, and grammatical information that includes the structure of the word. Spelling is seen as a problem-free issue for Turkish learner dictionaries. However, Turkish dictionaries clearly should be based on the writing principles of the Turkish Language Association so that users do not experience confusion in this regard. The level code should be marked from A1 to C2 in accordance with CEFR and displayed in the learner’s dictionary as such. For pronunciation, the dictionary must go beyond the knowledge of front or back pronunciation of a sound, which is presented for native speakers, and include information about pronunciation as prepared according to the International Phonetic Alphabet at the beginning of the headword. In the grammar section, information should be given about the types of words and their inflections, as well as the valency and case categories. The design differs depending on whether the headword is a noun or a verb. Noun-type words present the conjugation forms, while verb-type words use the valency and case category subfields. Sub-fields should be created according to the noun and verb types, and the valency category should present the sub-fields of transitive, intransitive, passive, reflexive, comitative and causative while the case category should provide the sub-domains of accusative, dative, locative, ablative, and instrumental cases.The second part of the microstructure involves the semantics of the headword, in which the interpretation of the lexicographers stands out compared to the first part. The three key&nbsp;components of the semantics section are the definition, usage tags, and reference.Sense indicators are related to polysemy and are used at the discretion of the lexicographers. The sense indicator is the part that a user can prepare before reading the definition. The second component of meaning is the definition of meaning and provides users with semantic information at the beginning of the headword. The style of the definition may differ depending on the dictionary type. The third component is visual and is preferred for clearer definitions of concepts in learner dictionaries. The fourth component of the definition, the example, is data that serves as evidence to explain meaning. The example may not be mandatory for every item but gives users an advantage regarding frequently used words.As another component of the microstructure, usage tags are closed to interpretation by lexicographers, especially in certain cases, and perform a similar function to that of sense indicators. Learner dictionaries have three types of usage tags: the subject tag, the qualifier tag, and the usage tag. The subject tag marks the field of specialization to which the headword belongs or with which it is associated. Because having dictionary makers mark social science subjects is easier than having them mark fields such as computers, medicine, and chemistry, support for special field experts is required for items that need such a subject tag. Examples can be given for subject tags such as astronomy, computer, biology, botany, grammar, linguistics, chemistry, architecture, cinema, history, and medicine.When given before the definition of a word, the second usage tag (i.e., the qualifier) provides information to the learner about the usage of the word. The qualifier label may include such labels as sarcastic, slang, insulting, colloquial, metaphorical, or joking. Although these tags do not seem to be open to interpretation, the metaphor tag stands out as a subject with which dictionary creators have difficulties from time to time.The third usage tag (i.e., style) provides information about the situational context in which a word can be used. Considering that language is not just a standard variant, the style tag gives users awareness of the situational context regarding the use of the word. Examples of tags in this section would be obscene, vulgar, formal, informal, and offensive.The third component of the microstructure is called reference and has the function of directing the user from one item to other dictionary entries. A learner dictionary can have four different types of references: synonyms, antonyms, related words, and thematic classification (taxonomy). These references allow the user to learn more about the word.Subheadwords are one of the difficult topics in dictionary preparation. This section includes formulaic expressions and words shown below the headword. This subject falls under the initiative of the dictionary creators and should be explained with the identification strategies found in the learner’s dictionary. Depending on the headword, these strategies may be based on the frequency and semantic relevance of the subheadword. Subheadwords can include spelling, user tag, description, and sample information. This information can be organized in accordance with the headword strategies.

Türkçe Öğrenici Sözlüğü İçin Bir Maddeyi Hazırlamak

Onur

This study presents a sociological analysis of music bands playing Ottoman art music (fasıl music) known as incesaz in Direklerarası, an entertainment hub associated with Ramadan festivities in late Ottoman Istanbul. İncesaz, which was previously performed by distinguished musicians on high-status instruments such as tanbur and ney for intimate audiences, became accessible to a wider audience in the late nineteenth century through the performances of professional ensembles in commercial music venues. Despite being a type of urban music that was not monopolized by the Court or an aristocratic circle and being open to the influence of lower classes and non-elite music cultures, the Ottoman music tradition had always maintained a distinction between the standards of art music, which appealed to the elite (havas), and those of popular/military music, which generally appealed to the common people (avam), as reflected in the traditional distinction between incesaz and kabasaz.&nbsp;In late Ottoman society, the elites were increasingly orientated toward the West, resulting in the dwindling of the high prestige of incesaz in the Court and among the upper classes. Incesaz compensated for this loss in prestige it suffered in comparison to Western music by broadening its socioeconomic base through commercialized music activities that appealed to larger crowds. These aspects of incesaz coexisted and were intertwined in the Direklerarası music scene, which did not separate venues for serious and popular music until the 1910s. For example, Fevziye Kıraathanesi, which hosted the most distinguished incesaz musicians of the period and functioned as a conservatory for Istanbul, as Ahmet Rasim put it, was not only frequented by a group of high-level musicians and men of letters but was also a place of entertainment, where crowds coming to Direklerarası for Ramadan festivities spent time for a relatively low fee. Incesaz ensembles also performed popular pieces during interludes in musical comedies, theater plays, and Karagöz shows, and occasionally accompanied less prestigious popular musicians such as kanto singers and dancers. The interaction of incesaz music with various taste cultures, musical styles, and taste publics resulted in significant changes in the social backgrounds of its performers, the composition of its instruments, the&nbsp;scope and quality of its repertoire, and the expectations of its audience. This study claims that Direklerarası played a crucial role in this transformation.The scene is a primary conceptual framework used in music sociology to emphasize the context that space creates for musical activities. Direklerarası can be viewed as a local music scene in a narrow street where theaters, coffeehouses, teahouses, music shops, and other music-related venues congregate, and various music cultures and styles interact closely with one another thanks to the social network and local economy offered by the space. In this study, this non-homogeneous taste structure of Direklerarası was analyzed using Gans’ notions of taste cultures and publics. Popular and intellectual oriented taste publics coexisted in incesaz programs in the Direklerarası scene. The competing demands of taste publics interacted to reshape the norms and values of the relevant taste cultures, enabling transitions in the repertoires and the groups of musicians belonging to different cultures. In Ottoman society, incesaz was semiologically linked to high culture, whereas kabasaz was associated with low culture. However, the actual incesaz performances in Direklerarası served as a melting pot of cultural forms that moved around the hierarchies of taste, because these musicians needed to satisfy the needs of a wide range of listeners. Focusing on the period from the 1870s to the 1910s, this study analyzes the taste structure of incesaz ensembles in the Direklerarası music scene in terms of the interactions among venues, performers, music, and audience. The data used for this article were gathered from periodicals, advertisements, posters, memoirs, and biographical sources as part of a research project and analyzed from the perspective of music sociology.After 1909, the founding of music societies and schools in the same district can be seen as a step taken toward clarifying the boundaries between serious and popular music, which were intertwined in Direklerarası. A comparative study revealed that the members of these schools and societies, mainly government officials of overwhelmingly Turkish and Muslim origin, differed significantly from those of professional incesaz ensembles, which were primarily composed of professional entertainment musicians, mostly of non-Muslim and Gypsy origin. In addition, the former group’s concert programs were more meticulously organized than the latter’s, and they favored a more classical repertoire. However, during the early Republican period, when Turkish classical music received little official support or patronage from powerful groups and consequently had to appeal to a wider audience, the two art worlds continued to interact and intertwine in the mediums and institutions they had to share.

Direklerarası Müzik Sahnesi ve İncesaz Takımları: Müzisyenler, Repertuar, Dinleyiciler ve Beğeni Yapısı

Pınar

Known as one of the favorite pashas of Sultan Abdulhamid II, Müşir Mustafa Zeki Pasha, graduated from Mekteb-i Harbiye in 1872 with the rank of captain. Zeki Pasha, who had the opportunity to be the aide-de-camp to Müşir Süleyman Pasha during the Ottoman-Russo War in 1877-1878, caught Sultan Abdulhamid II’s attention with his good impression during his duty. Therefore, Sultan Abdulhamid soon appointed him as one of his aides. Zeki Pasha, successful in utilizing these opportunities, soon gained Sultan Abdulhamid’s trust, and was promoted to the rank of Mirliva in 1883 and appointed to the ministry of Mekatib-i Umumiye-i Askerîye. Promoted to the rank of Ferik (lieutenant general) in 1884, he sustained this duty until 1891. After Saib Pasha, the Müşir of Tophane, died in 1891, he was appointed to Tophane-i Âmire Müşiriyeti and promoted to the rank of “Müşir,” the highest rank in the Ottoman military system. As of this date, Müşir Zeki Pasha, who was also the Sultan’s aide-de-camp, continued his duties at Müşiriyet of Tophane, one of the most significant military institutions of the Ottoman Empire, and the Ministry of Military Academies.Because he was one of Sultan Abdulhamid’s favorite pashas, he held these offices for many years. His fate changed in July 1908, which was similar to that of Sultan Abdulhamid II. Incidents in Rumelia resulted in Abdulhamid’s declaration of Kanun-i Esasi and the reopening of the Parliament, which he closed indefinitely after the Ottoman-Russo War. However, although Sultan Abdulhamid declared the Kanun-i Esasi, the Union and Progress supporters and the people’s reactions did not subside. People developed a feelings of hatred and revenge against the administrators who occupied the Ottoman Empire’s most important and strategic positions for many years because of their closeness to the Sultan. Moreover, despite the increasing among the public, Sultan Abdulhamid’s flexibility in removing the statesmen close to the palace caused the reaction to increase. With the growth of events, Sultan Abdulhamid II dismissed the pashas holding other important positions after Seraskier Rıza and Grand Vizier Ferit Pashas. Therefore, Müşir Zeki Pasha, appointed as the Minister of Mekatib-i Umumiye-i Askerîye in 1883 and Müşir of Tophane in 1891, was dismissed from both positions on July 30, 1908. Thus, Zeki Pasha’s twenty-five year ministry position in military academies and seven-year Müşir position in of Tophane-i Âmire ended. These developments, resulted in the dismissal of Zeki Pasha from his Müşir position and the abolition of Tophane-i Âmire Müşiriyeti, changing the fate of Tophane-i Âmire (Müşiriyeti) established in 1832. Therefore, Tophane-i Âmire lost its identity as an independent institution, and Müşir Zeki Pasha went down in history as the last Müşir of Tophane-i Âmire.The dismissal of other pashas, known as those close to Sultan Abdulhamid II, including Müşir Zeki Pasha, was not sufficient to suppress public reaction. Now, people ensured that these pashas, who enjoyed great wealth during their tenure, were arrested before they could escape. Thus, after his dismissal from his duties, Müşir Zeki Pasha was arrested together with other statesmen of the Abdulhamid era on August 5, 1908, and taken to the Ministry of National Police and then to the Ministry of War.The Tanin newspaper, the mouthpiece of the Union and Progress Party during Zeki Pasha’s imprisonment in the Ministry of War, virtually declared war on him as the former Müşir of Tophane, known for passing on the state-owned foundation real estate. The series of articles on the subject discovered the foundation estate Zeki Pasha passed on to himself and his wives and forced him to return it voluntarily. After a fifteen-day detention, Zeki Pasha was released after returning the foundation real estate owned by him and his spouses and donated a large amount of money. After a few months, Zeki Pasha, who had been kept under house arrest in Büyükada together with other pashas, was tried in Divan-ı Harb-i Örfi, established after the March 31 events and the arrival of the Operational Army in Istanbul. According to the decision made at Divan-ı Harp, all of Zeki Pasha's ranks, medals and marks were to be withdrawn, he was to be banned from retirement rights, all of his assets were to be confiscated, and he was to be exiled to Rhodes Castle indefinitely. Zeki Efendi, whose military ranks were taken, was sent to Rhodes Castle the day after the decisions of the Divan-ı Harb-i Örfi were approved by the Meclis-i Vükela on May 26, 1909. He stayed in Rhodes Castle until 1911 and returned to Istanbul in 1911 because of the Balkan Wars. He took advantage of the general amnesty of political criminals in 1913 and stayed abroad for a while. Zeki Efendi, once one of the favorite pashas of Abdulhamid II; who was in the Ministry of Tophane-i Âmire and Military Academies, one of the most important military institutions of the Ottoman Empire, passed away in his mansion in Büyükada in 1914.

Müşirlikten Sürgüne Bir Hayat: Mustafa Zeki Paşa (1908-1914)

Semiha

Gift giving culture varies according to social and economic structure. In terms of culture, gift giving is seen to be a tradition as old as the history of humanity and to have survived to the present day. Gift can be said to sometimes be a means of communication and sometimes a means of diplomatic initiative. Wedding gifts not only have economic, cultural, and ceremonial dimensions -at the same time-, they have some legal consequences could the marriage union end, whether in the event of divorce or death. This study, looks at wedding gifts as given to the ride or groom. However, a brief evaluation will be made about the understanding of marriage in the discussed period. In founding years of the Ottoman Empire, marriage are seen to have mostly been made for political purposes. And many states in the world at that time can be said to have been warmly attracted to such marriages in order to find allies for themselves. Especially in Europe, political marriages are seen to have been arranged between the princes and princesses of Spain, England, France, and Germany too.The notebook discussed in this study is an important source about the practice of wedding gift giving in Ottoman Empire. The book was issued on Dhu al-Hijjah 29,969 (August 9, 1562 CE). This book, -contains information about the wedding gifts Selim II prepared and gave to his daughters, Sokullu Mehmed Pasha’s wife Ismihan Hanim Sultan, Piyale Pasha’s wife Gevherhan Hanim Sultan, and Huseyin Pasha’s wife Shah sultan. From the history of curriculum book, Sultan Selim II’s daughters can be deduced to have been married during the time of Kanuni redundant. This information is a good source of data to see what the understanding regarding wedding gifts during the Kanuni period was and to follow the wedding gift fashions of period.When examining the commodities that make up these wedding gifts within the scope of the study, commodities such as precious books, real estate, jewelry, household appliances, breed horses, silk and wool fabrics are seen to have been given”. When appraising these gifts, this can be divided into two parts. The first involves the items that had been prepared for setting up the house where the bride and groom would live. The second involves being able to evaluate gifts presented to relatives or intermediaries for marriage during the wedding preparations.The quantity, type, and amount of money spent on a wedding gift can be understood from the records in the book. Looking at the brides wedding gifts, these are seen consist of clothes and fabrics, rings, earrings, utensils for use in the kitchen, and cleaning tools Because the order in original of the notebook was adhered to, no classifications were made on this subject of usage type. However, if one were to make classifications, these would be tools and equipment to be used at home, jewelry and money, and clothes. Of course, these classification, have overlap, fabrics can be considered as a commodity used in quilts, pillows, and upholstery found at home, as well as, a commodity used in the clothes prepared for the bride. Fabrics are very important with regard to wedding gifts. Investing in types and quantities of fabrics constitutes an important data source for determining the textile prices of the period. Importance is also had in presenting the amounts and types of fabrics that were purchased for brides. These data allow one to learn about which kinds of fabrics were used in 1562. Some records, state values, which is an important element, as well as how many pieces made up a prepared wedding gift. These amounts allow one to find the amount of gifts that were prepared for each bride. Therefore, one can make an approximate inventory regarding the wedding gifts that were given to the brides of the period.When looking in the records at the tools and equipment, one can reach a lot of information about the food, table culture, and presentation of the period. Household items made of copper, silver, and brass are found. When examining the contents of the wedding gifts, many copper vessels are found. This is an indication that the utensils used for cooking in particular generally involved vessels made of copper. Meanwhile, the items made of silver and brass mostly involved trays, pitchers, and candlesticks. Containers were seen to have been gifted not only for cooking, but also for presentation. Therefore, those who want to do research on table and food culture in the Ottoman Empire can obtain very good data from these records.As a result, wedding gifts for a bride and groom are a tradition that has remain unchanged for centuries and continues into the present in different societies according to their own methods and conditions. Wedding gifts are an element that show the dignity of not only the bride and groom but also their family. To ev aluate wedding gifts as only a culture or tradition would be wrong. Wedding gifts have had significant costs, and thus also have an economic dimension. Wedding gifts also provide information about the condition and legal status of the woman in the marriage union, as well as the man. Based on the notebook that has been discussed within the framework of the study, what wedding gifts had been prepared and given to the three Hanim Sultans during the reign of Suleiman the Magnificent in accordance with the will of Sultan Selim II has been revealed regarding the clothing, money, and copper utensils Sultan Selim II gave to his daughters and grooms. The study also shows another issue was that the grooms and groomsmen were given money as gifts.

Sultan II. Selim’in Kızları İsmihan Sultan, Gevherhan Sultan ve Şah Sultan’a Verilen Çeyizler

Seval

In 1937, Halide Edib wrote her second detective novel, Kızıl Hançerler (The Red Daggers), following Yolpalas Cinayeti (Yolpalas Murder), which was first serialized in the Yedigün magazine and later published as a book. Kızıl Hançerler, Edib’s last work, was serialized in the Hayat magazine between January 23 and February 20, 1964. Edib’s lifelong interest in the detective genre began as a teenager by reading Sherlock Holmes stories, which continued throughout her life, and she followed American detective novels closely. Kızıl Hançerler, which was published by Şevket Rado after Edib’s death, has not been regarded as part of her works. This work tells the story of a young man who is interested in American gangster stories and his journey to become a gangster.Almost thirty years have elapsed between these two hardboiled novels, and during this period, Edib moves from writing about a young girl who is known from the beginning and pushed by circumstances to commit murder, to writing about a gangster who turns out to be a murderer, and a psychopathic murderer at that. In this article, I will try to explain the reasons for Edib’s transition from writing about a girl who kills due to external circumstances, even to protect herself, to writing about a psychopathic killer, by examining the changing and unchanging elements in her work. In doing so, I will argue that her view of crime as a writer in 1930s Turkey, who writes from the outside looking in, and in 1960s Turkey, who writes from the inside looking out, are effective in creating these two types of protagonists. Further, I will argue that this transition affects her relationship with liberalism.Halide Edib was living abroad during the years when Yolpalas Cinayeti was published. Before Yolpalas Cinayeti was published in Yedigün, one of the leading magazines of the period, with illustrations by Münif Fehim, the author wrote a series of articles about criminals and women’s prisons in England. After she died in 1964, the illustrations, made under the signature of Mihriban, accompany the Kızıl Hançerler serial published in Hayat magazine, which was not only one of the leading magazines of the period but also one of the most popular. America and Americanism play a dominant role in this work by a writer who looks from the inside out, and precisely because they play such an important role, the author turns the narrative of an innocent man propelled into crime by society in Yolpalas Cinayeti into the story of a psychopath who has been destabilized by the books he reads. Thus, she uses two different forms of the hardboiled genre. Both hardboiled novels emphasize the importance of society’s role in crime, but both evolve from the obvious crime featured in the first novel to the crime that has to hide itself in the second. In this evolution, it is clear that Edib, who talked about a liberalism that was closer to socialism in the late 1930s, embraced nationalist and conservative liberalism in the 1960s.In Edib’s hardboiled novels, Yolpalas Cinayeti and Kızıl Hançerler the definition of crime is an important issue in the individual’s relationship with society and the law. In both works, it is the life of the society that drives the individuals, who are revealed as criminals, to commit murders. Both of them are pushed into crime because they are unable to abide by society’s rules. The inability of society to assimilate and absorb them has disrupted the harmony between individuals in society that brings together different elements. The tardiness of society’s realization of the deterioration of this harmony puts it in an untenable position vis-à-vis the individual. Therefore, in both novels, criminals are incarcerated in asylums instead of prisons. The asylum will tame not only their bodies but also their souls. In many of her works, Halide Edib emphasizes spiritual values in society, the solidarity of neighborhood life, and the traditionalism of this life. However, regarding crime, the supremacy of the law, which constitutes the essence of liberalism based on individual freedom, can only be possible in this way. Since the law is supreme, it not only punishes the individual but also undertakes the task of taming the individual. It decides the extent of this taming by considering material and moral aspects. In parts of the fiction of Yolpalas Cinayeti and Kızıl Hançerler, multiple characters appear on stage and speak. In the first case, witnesses take the stand in a court scene and contribute to police reports; in the second case, news reports are made through the eyes of a journalist, with exaggerations mixed into these news and police reports. Different characters are accompanied by different narrative genres, turning the crime narrative into a polyphonic community narrative. Thus, with its thriller detective narrative that replaces the classical detective narrative, the plot leaves its importance to the stage and, in the case of Halide Edib, turns written and verbal communication between the members of society into a stage. In this way, the justice that will punish the criminal listens to individuals and does not close its ears to their voices.

Suç, Hukuk ve Liberalizm: Halide Edib’in Polisiye Eserlerinde Fert ve Cemiyet Hürriyeti

Şefaattin

Shah Ismail, the founding figure of the Safavid State, remains one of the most enigmatic historical personas in the Turkish-Islamic world. His tumultuous reign, spanning twenty-three years from 1501 to 1524, is the crux of ongoing historical debates, primarily owing to his intricate political and sectarian activities. Shah Ismail's enduring legacy is palpable in the collective consciousness of Turks in Turkey, Azerbaijan, and Iran, manifesting in folk poetry, minstrels' verses, political controversies, and varying interpretations by historians.Despite Shah Ismail's prominence as a subject of numerous academic inquiries, narratives, and novels, surprisingly, the circumstances surrounding his death have largely evaded scholarly scrutiny. Even in works that make reference to him, details regarding the site of his demise are often glossed over without critical examination of other sources. Therefore, this article endeavors to delve into the final days of Shah Ismail's life, exploring the date and cause of his death, his burial, the chronograms that have sought to immortalize this event, and his multifaceted character and generosity. This examination centers on the foundational sources of Safavid history. The inception of this article involved the meticulous identification of Safavid sources that mention Shah Ismail's death, along with the notation of pertinent locations. Subsequently, a series of journeys retracing his steps along the Ardabil-Tabriz route, where he spent his last days, marked the commencement of the writing process. The focal point was the precise determination of the place of his passing.The state founded by Shah Ismail and the dynasty to which he belonged derived their name, Safavids, from Safi-ad-Din, the sect's original founder. Upon capturing Tabriz, Shah Ismail issued coins and khutbahs in his name, but the paramount significance lay in establishing the state based on the Twelve Imam sect. According to the sect's creed, any government or ruler not descending from Ahl al-Bayt was deemed an oppressor and usurper. Safavid historians thus endeavored to affirm Shah Ismail's seyyid lineage, anchoring his legitimacy in the lineage of the Ahl al-Bayt through Musa Kazim, the seventh imam of Shia.The Safavid State was chiefly characterized by the Kizilbash tribes, who constituted its military backbone. Among these, the Shamites, Ustajites, Qajars, Tekelites, Afshars, and Zulkadites held pivotal roles and made indelible marks on history. Notably, the succession of Haydar, Ali, and Ismail to leadership within the sect following Sheikh Junayd illustrated that it was the tribal chiefs, rather than the sheikhs, who exerted real leadership. This becomes particularly evident when considering that Ismail was a mere thirteen years old at the time of the Safavid State's establishment.Shah Ismail's dominance extended across nearly the entire Iranian realm until the pivotal Battle of Chaldiran in 1514. On March 11, 1524, following his final winter sojourn in Nakhchivan, he embarked on a journey to Sheki, driven by hunting pursuits and the resolution of pressing political matters. Upon his return, he traversed Moghan to Göktepe and spent some time at the base of Savalan Mountain. After a brief stay in Ardabil, Shah Ismail embarked on his routeto Tabriz, the seat of his rule. However, his health deteriorated, leading him to establish a camp in Sayın Pass. Tragically, Shah Ismail, who had spent a considerable portion of his time indulging in alcoholic beverages, succumbed on May 23, 1524, in Mankutay near Sayın Gediği, his internal organs ravaged by the effects of intense alcoholism. Following the completion of the requisite funeral procedures under the vigilant supervision of Allame Amir Jamaluddin Muhammad Esterabadi, the funeral prayer was conducted with the participation of scholars, virtuous individuals, seyyids, prominent statesmen, and notables. Shah Ismail's remains were then transported to Ardabil by thirty specialized forces and sword-wielding disciples, interred in Sheikh Safi-ad-Din's mausoleum, where his ancestors rested.Safavid historians strived to depict Shah Ismail as a leader who treated his followers with compassion and justice. However, their own accounts reveal instances of large-scale massacres, especially during the conquest of various Iranian territories, notably Tabriz. Shah Ismail was a formidable presence both on the battlefield, displaying mastery with sword and shield, and in discourse, showcasing his eloquence. He possessed a notable talent for poetry, with a particular affinity for Turkish verse under the pseudonym Hatayî. His disinterest in amassing wealth, gold, or silver was complemented by his generous personality. Often, his treasury stood empty, and his devotion to hunting was unwavering. He restricted his hunting endeavors to lions, rewarding those who reported lion sightings with horses, and, for tiger sightings, a horse without a saddle.

Safevî Devleti’nin Kurucusu Şah İsmail’in Ölümü

Şerif

In this article, I will primarily present new findings on Halide Edib’s writing experience and intellectual biography in light of the documents and letters I have obtained from different archives as a result of long research. I will then attempt to conduct a discussion in terms of literary sociology around such topics as social capital, cultural capital, literary production, the dynamics of the publishing market, and the functions of literary awards. Most of the documents and letters used in the study were discovered in the archives of Halide Edib’s London-based publisher, George Allen &amp; Unwin Ltd., now stored at the University of Reading Special Collections. Other documents and letters were obtained from the State Archives of the Republic of Türkiye (BCA), the Archives of the Presidency of the Republic of Türkiye (TCCA), the Diplomatic Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Türkiye (TDA), the National Archives of France, and Halide Edib’s personal archive preserved at Istanbul University Faculty of Letters. The documents in the records of George Allen &amp; Unwin Ltd. contain important data about Halide Edib’s journey as a writer, the translation of her works into different languages, the interest she attracted in several countries, the sales rates of her books, and the attempts to adapt The Clown and His Daughter into a movie by US-based producers. Additionally, we learn through reader’s reports why George Allen &amp; Unwin refused to publish the translations of the novels Döner Ayna and Âkile Hanım Sokağı. These findings resultantly allow conclusions to be drawn about the world literary ecosystem. Documents in other archives provide findings regarding Halide Edib’s social network, her participation in the World Congress of Faiths in London in 1936, the image of Halide Edib as produced by the Orientalist imagination in the European public, and the voting preference of M. Fuad Köprülü, jury member for the Republican People’s Party’s Novel Award (CHP Roman Mükâfatı).Some of the prominent details about the new findings regarding Halide Edib’s writing experience as obtained through this research are as follows: The records of George Allen &amp; Unwin Ltd. contain reader’s reports on four works by Halide Edib. Sir Wyndham Henry Deedes, the reader of Sonsuz Panayır, expresses his generally positive opinion about the novel. However, he does make an interesting comment as well: “I am led to wonder that Halide Hanim should care to have this life exposed to a European public, for it can be in no sense typical of the life of the majority, even of middle-class people in Turkey.” However, I could find no information about why the novel had not later been translated and published in English. Meanwhile, the reader’s reports for both Âkile Hanım Sokağı and Döner Ayna were negative. The reader’s reports by Malcolm E. Barnes criticized both works for having poor English. Barnes also stated these novels to have low potential, as they were not of interest to the British public and therefore should not be published. This information ultimately reveals that George Allen &amp; Unwin refused to publish two of Halide Edib’s novels with the belief that they would not achieve high sales rates. As for Masks or Souls?, Edward Lewis stated in his reader’s report that Halide Edib, whom he had never heard of before, was a good writer, and Masks or Souls? was a philosophically powerful text that has no chance whatsoever of reaching the theatre: “It is good ‘book’ material, but not good ‘theatre’ material.” We learn from letters in the George Allen &amp; Unwin archives, however, that Halide Edib had covered the printing costs for Masks or Souls? entirely by herself, paying George Allen &amp; Unwin Ltd. approximately 220 pounds to publish it.According to Halide Edib’s letters, Warner Bros. had started working to adapt the novel into a movie as a result of the efforts of Lennart Westlinder, who had translated The Clown and His Daughter into Swedish. However, an official from the Warner Bros. London office then wrote to George Allen &amp; Unwin with the following statement: “In view of the fact that the locale is Turkish, [we] fear that a production of the subject would be impossibly expensive.” Although the attempt to adapt it into a movie had failed, other correspondence reveals The Clown and His Daughter to have been received with considerable interest, especially in Sweden and the Netherlands. In fact, Swedish and Dutch readers appear to have been more interested in The Clown and His Daughter than British readers. According to George Allen &amp; Unwin records, Masks or Souls? also did not sell well in Britain, only selling approximately 140 copies between 1954-1959.

Dünyaya Yol Almak: Halide Edib’in Yazarlık Tecrübesine Dair Yeni Bulgular ve Edebiyat Sosyolojisi Perspektifinden Bir İnceleme

Şeyma

The term modernization depicts the emergence of individualism and nation states with industrialization and capitalism; It includes a series of social changes and transformation, which resulted in the supremacy of rights, freedom, and, accordingly, the secular legal system. In addition, modernization is a term that is mentioned with westernization and, thus, in fact, demonstrates a mental transformation experienced in the axis of western culture. As Selçuk Esenbel argues, in “Japan, Turkey and the World of Islam,” although the terms westernization and modernization pertain to certain structural changes, they are insufficient for reflecting the psychological and mental states of societies defined as “non-western” in this process of change. This inadequacy in explanation also renders examining the causes of sociological and psychological tension created by traditional and western elements in Japanese and Turkish societies difficult. Japanese and Turkish societies, which underwent the modernization process under the influence of the west and were described as non-western environments, were exposed to mental confusion and dilemma between traditional and western elements in environments in which the west was idealized. In this sense, the suicide of Lieutenant Shinji in Japanese writer Yukoi Mishima’s story “Patriotism,” and that of Captain Şeref in Turkish writer Nihal Atsız’s novel Ruh Adam reveal the idealized values adopted in both societies. In these works, values, such as honor and sacrifice, a nation is idealized, and the disciplined stance of soldiers together with the warrior spirit is identified with the traditional national identity. However, these values transform into tension-inducing elements for the modernizing and westernizing Japanese and Turkish societies. The reason is that changing political and social structures in both works are identified with modernization and westernization and perceived as a threat to the traditional social structure. For this reason, seeking an answer to the question of the definition of modernization for both societies and under which conditions the death of the characters occurred is necessary. In this respect, the suicides of both characters, which occurred in the context of idealized values, can also shed light on the modernization experience of the two societies. Another aspect of this study, which emphasizes the modernization and westernization experience of the societies through the characters, is the ideas of the writers about westernization that occurs due to modernization. Mishima and Atsız, by pointing out that their societies are in danger of losing their cultural identity due to modernization and westernization, are of the opinion that their culture and civilization should be preserved. Accordingly, the characters they constructed denote a cultural and psychological tension experienced by the society to which they belong. In this context, the reaction of both characters to westernization sheds light on the modernization and westernization experiences of two dissimilar societies. The aspect that unites Yukio Mishima and Nihal Atsız is that they bear a nationalist attitude and criticize the destruction of their cultural identities due to westernization and reflect this idea in their works. Both authors associate the experiences of their societies with westernization and modernization with a crisis that leads to the death of Lieutenant Shinji and Captain Şeref. In this respect, the thoughts and evaluations of the two writers on tradition and western culture are also important in terms of recognizing the social and psychological tension that feeds the idea of the westernization crisis reflected in their works.These texts are remarkable, because the writers experience westernization as a crisis, which is also reflected by the characters they fictionalized. In this regard, a relationship exists between the authors and their literary products. This study analyzes this relationship in the context of the relationship between the author and the literary works by applying the positivist analysis method. This relationship indicates that anti-westernization corresponds to a similar historical and social process in the context of modernization experience.This study introduced the term modernization and the problems related to its use from the view of non-western countries. It then provided general information on the modernization process of Japan and Turkey to understand the conflict experienced by the two countries. It also discussed changes due to westernization in both societies. In the following section, the study compares the attitudes of Mishima and Atsız toward westernization in the context of the cultural crisis created by these changes. The last section focuses on the westernization crisis in “Patriotism” and Ruh Adam through the characters as a projection of the views of the authors on westernization. Thus, the relationship between the literary works of the two authors and their lives is compared in the context of westernization.

Yukio Mishima’nın “Vatanperverlik” Ve H. Nihal Atsız’ın Ruh Adam Adlı Eserlerinde Batılılaşma Krizi

Uğur

Subsequent to the fall of the Eastern Uyghur Khaganate in Mongolia, which is commonly referred to as the Steppe Uyghur Khaganate, in 840, the Uyghur population residing in this area migrated to the Ganzhou and Turfan regions. Those who migrated to the Ganzhou region established the Ganzhou Uyghur Khaganate, which the Tanguts subsequently abolished circa 1035. Alternatively, the Uyghurs who migrated to the Turfan region established the Western Uyghur Khaganate, which is commonly known as the Qocho Uyghur Khaganate. This second group, which was later referred to as Turfan Uyghurs, was founded on the great trade route network known as the Silk Road in the Tarim Basin in which many ethnic structures and cultural traditions exist and various languages are spoken. The Uyghurs in this region changed their lifestyles and took a step toward the settled life due to this natural outcome. Nonreligious texts mainly document the linguistic data related to the settled life in Old Uyghur literature. In addition, the Old Uyghur religious texts on Buddhist themes occasionally mention Buddhist pilgrimage centers, important cities, religious buildings and, mystically divine palaces. The major focus of this article is the edition of seven previously unpublished Old Uygur fragments that pertain to Buddhism and discuss subjects such as the city, palace, and army. The fragments featured in this work are currently held in the Berlin Turfan Collection, which can be identified through corresponding archival numbers U 2077 (o. F.), U 2301 (T I D), U 2316 (T I D 505; T I D), U 5465 (T I D 622), U 2418 (T II 530), U 2332 (T I D 526; T I D), and U 4868 (T I D 643; T I D). Fragments in the article have been transcribed, transliterated, and translated into Turkish with explanations and a glossary/index.The first fragment included bears archive number U 2077. The phrase inner palace (Old Uyghur: ič saray) in the fragment suggests that this text identifies the cult of Maitreya. The archive number of the second fragment in the study is U 2301 with an older classification mark T I D. This undefined fragment refers to China (OU: ulug tavgač elintä) and its ruler (OU: tavgač han) and thousand-man army (OU: mıŋlıg alpagut). The third fragment has archive number U 2316 with older classification marks T I D 505 and T I D. The text mentions the city of Śrāvastī (OU: šrav(a)st känt). The fourth fragment bears archive number U 5465 and an old class mark T I D 622. An interesting aspect of this fragment in terms of vocabulary is from birds of prey (OU: talım k(a)ra kuš), this world (OU: čambudv(i)p), and city gate (OU: balık kapıgı) to speak. The archive number of the fifth fragment is U 2418, and its old classification mark is T II 530. The lexis of this fragment refers to Mount Sumeru (OU: sumer tag), sūtra jewel (OU: sudur ärdini), and magic power (OU: küü käliglig küči küsüni). The sixth fragment has archive number U 2332 and two old classification marks, namely, T I D 526 and T I D. This fragment features a lord (OU: bäg) and a crown prince (OU: taitse). The seventh and last fragment bears archive number U 4868 and two old class marks, namely, T I D 643 and T I D.The findings can be succinctly outlined as follows. The total number of lines of fragments included in the paper is 96. When the dictionary part of the study is examined, 160 entries can be found. Out of these entries, 34 (21.25%) are verbs and 126 (78.75%) are nouns. Considering the entire vocabulary of the text, the study identified 18 (11.25%) borrowed words out of which five (27.77%) are quoted from Sanskrit without identifying an intermediate language. Two (11.11%) words are directly quoted from Sogdian in the text. Moreover, two of the quoted words in this paper (11.11%) have a Sanskrit origin quoted from Tocharian. Moreover, the study observed that three borrowed words (16.66%) as Sanskrit words quoted from Sogdian. Two words (11.11%) were directly quoted from Chinese. In the text, the study documented one (5.55%) word of Greek origin quoted from Sogdian into Uyghur. Lastly, we noted that three (16.66%) entries in the vocabulary are words of Sanskrit origin quoted from Tocharian or Sogdian.

Şehir, Saray ve Ordu: Budist Uygur Edebiyatına İlişkin Muhtelif Fragmanlar

Yunus Emre

When making a historical evaluation of the genre in the post-1950 period of modern Turkish literature, one sees that the works of the literati who produced output other than original medium were unfortunately either ignored or not given their due in terms of literary art with an experimental pattern, regardless of the literary genre. This may be the reason why that, in addition to the poems of many names who have come to the fore with their novels and stories and that can be considered important, the stories, novels, and plays of those who became prominent with their poetry are not taken seriously. This approach is a situation that emerged after the Ikinci Yeni [The Second Renewal] and the 1950s’ generation of storytellers. After these generations, a general pattern emerged as if the story writer should not write poetry, and the poet should not turn to stories or novels. This must be due to the fact that the representatives of these two movements that have important effects on the next generations were only storytellers or only poets who did not write in other fields of literature. Although some classifications are found such as poet, story writer, and essayist, literature in fact requires writing in every field in which the pen gains merit, and Sezai Karakoç wrote works in genres such as poetry, plays, essays, and stories, just as previous generations had also produced works in different fields. From another point of view, when one considers Sezai Karakoç’s Diriliş [revival] thesis, it presents a unity; Karakoç has left a complete corpus like a mosque bringing together different yields on Islamic art and has revealed each piece he left as different manifestations of the same sensitivity. Of course, some works may be more in focus and others on the periphery, but the main thing is the sparkle of that art in each of them. When one thinks about the works of Sezai Karakoç, the place where the light hits the most is known to be in his poems’ but his stories, plays, opinions, and essays on fiction are also rare works that cannot be distinguished from one another in this context. Neither can one distinguish his poetry from stories, nor his stories from other genres.Sezai Karakoç cared about being fed from local sources in his views on stories. He thought that authors should have this sensitivity. He also thought that literature that does not feed on local sources is a pale literature. For this reason, he adopted an understanding that would reflect the traditional accumulation of Turkish literature, folkloric elements, belief forms, and customs of&nbsp;society without judgment and not with the eyes of an Orientalist. He thought that many names writing stories in Turkish literature had been unable to present an insider’s view of society. His sensitivity is most clearly observed in the articles titled “Romanla Hikâyenin Arası Açılıyor” and “Kasaba Edebiyatı.” This sensitivity did not remain just at the theoretical level; he also put it into practice in his stories. Many poets in Turkish literature have also written stories. As a poet, Sezai Karakoç may well be claimed to have also tried stories. However, considering that Sezai Karakoç is the pioneer of an idea movement that he had conceptualized as a revival, his stories can be thought to have a different aspect from other poets who’d written stories. This is because Sezai Karakoç, rather than being a poet who wrote with the idea of writing a story, can be said to have presented an example of the idea of revival in the art of the story. The idea of revival has different alternative ideas, from law, education, and economy to art and literature. Sezai Karakoç endeavored to reveal how stories should be from the perspective of revival in the art of literature.Sezai Karakoç’s stories must not be considered as a poet’s story experiment but as an example in the history of Turkish storytelling. Karakoç added a new aesthetic sensibility to the formal innovations carried from poetry to story and associated the weight of words’ meaning with traditional codes in his stories, just like in his poems. Thus, by associating the art of story with his poetic views, he wanted to offer examples to those who wanted to write stories around the idea of revival. In this context, the article tries to place Sezai Karakoç’s storytelling within this framework while also trying to place Sezai Karakoç’s views on fiction and the attitude of the artist in the emergence of works of art. Considering that Karakoç’s views were a result of his revival thesis, the article will try to show how Sezai Karakoç’s stories are the complement of the idea of revival.

Sezai Karakoç’un Hikâye Türüne Dair Görüşlerinin Hikâyelerine Yansımaları

Zehra

This article focuses on Armeno-Turkish proverbs. Proverbs are believed to reflect the societies in which they are produced and perpetuated, and Ottoman-era proverbs are assumed to also reflect the cultural interactions in Ottoman society in linguistic terms. Therefore, this article limits its scope to proverbs written in the Armenian alphabet. People from different linguistic and cultural backgrounds in Ottoman society facilitated communications using the Turkish language. Armenians in particular preferred Turkish in their daily lives. They not only frequently used Turkish proverbs but also compiled Turkish-Armenian dictionaries.&nbsp;This article examines three books containing Armeno-Turkish proverbs that have yet been analyzed in any other study. After identifying the proverbs and idioms in these three books, the article investigates whether they had been previously published as Armeno-Turkish proverbs. Additionally, the article determines if the same or similar proverbs can be found in commonly used Turkish proverb dictionaries.The first book examined in the article is Kıssadan Hisse [Moral of the Story]. Kıssadan Hisse does not function as a complete dictionary but rather includes proverbs alongside moral and religious topics. It has a total of 40 proverbs. What makes this book significant is that it provides the meanings of the proverbs along with the proverbs themselves. After presenting the proverb, the author also conveys its meaning through verses and a small number of quatrains. Recording proverbs with their meanings was uncommon in the pre-Republic era, making this book a rare examples. Furthermore, the brief introduction Dadıryan wrote about the proverbs before conveying them is valuable. He mentions that, while the proverbs are commonly used, their true meanings are often unknown.Some of the proverbs found in Kıssadan Hisse are still widely used in the Turkish language today. However, some proverbs in this book such as “Hastalar başında ölüler yatar” [The dying are laid at the head of the ill], “Ahz u ita mihenk taşıdır” [Keeping one’s word is the touchstone], and “Ölüm kaş ile kirpik arasındadır” [Death is between the eyebrow and eyelash] should be noted as absent in commonly used dictionaries. Additionally, some proverbs in this book have slightly different meanings from their modern interpretations. For instance, the proverb “Baskısız yongayı yel götürür” [A swing with no weight is carried away by the wind] is interpreted differently in the book. While the contemporary meaning emphasizes that young people not under strict guidance can go astray, Kıssadan Hisse emphasizes that leaving individuals to themselves leads to laziness. Apart from a few examples like this, most of the proverbs align with their modern interpretations.The second book examined in the article is Hazır Cevap [Readied Answers]. In Hazır Cevap, proverbs and idioms are presented under the headings of darb-ı mesel [strinking proverbs] and durub-ı emsal [similar idioms]. The book, written in Turkish with Armenian letters, includes a total of 30 proverbs and idioms. However, not all expressions presented as darb-ı mesel or durub-ı emsal can be classified strictly as proverbs or idioms. For example, the saying “Temiz lisan kişinin şanu şerefi olduğu gibi, fena söhbet dahi söyleyenin badi-i mezelleti olacağı aşikârdır” [Just as clean language shows one’s honor and glory, bad conversation clearly shows the speaker’s disgrace] is neither a proverb nor idiom. Nevertheless, these expressions are understood to have been colloquial phrases known and used at that time. Moreover, some expressions presented as darb-ı mesel in this book, such as “Kulak kalbin yoludur” [The ear is the path to the heart] and “İtaat etmek bilmeyene emr etmek lazım değildir” [Orders need not be given to one who does not understand obedience] should be noted to have been absent in the dictionaries examined herein.The third book this article examined is 50 Aradzabadum [Collection of 50 Proverbs]. This book contains 48 proverbs and their stories. The book states that the stories accompanying these proverbs were taken from La Fontaine, Ezop, Khigar, Krilov, and Nasreddin Hodja. Of these 48 proverbs, 42 are also written in Turkish using Armenian letters. The book does not specify which proverb belongs to which source. Only two of the proverbs with stories in this book are attributed to Nasreddin Hodja in Turkish sources. Additionally, some of the phrases presented here such as “Ya doğra, ya bas, ya çanakdan elini kes” [Either chop, squeeze, or cut your hand from the jug], “Sen kekligi endir yüze / Deveyi endirem düze” [You can’t lead quail to the front / I can’t lead camel straight], and “Göç yolının bekmezi, kimine yarar kimine yaramaz” [What is unexpected on the migration path, benefit some and not others] should also be noted as absent from Turkish dictionaries. In conclusion, Armeno-Turkish proverbs and idioms reflect the cultural interactions in Ottoman society. Armenians who used Turkish for common communication frequently used Turkish proverbs and at times even made changes to them.

Ermeni Harfli Türkçe Atasözleri ve Deyimler İhtiva Eden Üç Kitap

Asuman

Tonyukuk Yazıtı’nda “Äšir” Şeklinde Geçen İsim Hakkında

Dilara

Şakâ’ik Külliyatında Bir Tercümeden Ötesi

Dursun

İsenbike Togan’ın “Tarih ve Kurgu” adlı eserinin değerlendirilmesi

@JOURNAL_BOX_CURRENT

@JOURNAL_BOX_EARLYVIEW

Mustafa

Translation, though concerning quite many scientific disciplines such as medicine, pharmacy, mathematics, physics, philosophy, history, linguistics etc., and many other areas concerning practical lives like politics, trade, literature; for the most part, deals with interlinguistic connections.&nbsp;The interactions between Arabic and Turkish started to flourish after the Turks’ adoption of Islam. The translations from Arabic to Turkish stemmed mainly from the need to learn about the religion of Islam. Oghuz Turkish, in its formation process as a written language, was also fulfilling such a demand. Hence, the texts with religious content seriously predominated the ones that were produced in the early periods.&nbsp;The expansion of Oghuz Turks into larger lands under the Seljuk dominion, and their adoption of a new religion as large masses, took place in periods that are quite close to each other. Whereas the need for written correspondence in the state hierarchy was being fulfilled via Persian, it is obvious that Arabic or Persian would fall short of such a proper function in the case of spreading religious knowledge. For this reason, a small number of literate Turks went into the effort of producing texts in Turkish, which was the common spoken language among Oghuzs and other clans. One may argue that the endeavour to write in Turkish gradually spread towards the west, beginning in the Horasan region. The adoption of Islam by the Oghuzs, and the formation of a large state organization in a simultaneous way, both came into play in the flourishment of the Oghuz language in the written form. Though the need for an official language was met by correspondences that were being written in Persian, it was not sufficient for the learning of the new religion, and in corresponding the demand for knowledge, which came forward in various strata of society in differing proportions. The fact that Arabic was the language of the main religious source, and the official language being Persian was leading to a shortage of communication for the larges masses of Oghuzs, with both the state and religion. Though the official language, being Persian, did not constitute a serious problem for the people who did not have grave concerns about the state mechanism, their disconnection with religion was quite of an inconvenience.Firstly expanding to the Horasan region, and up to the inlands of Anatolia afterwards, Oghuz settlements necessitated their meeting with the new religion, and re-organizing their lives in accordance with the two motives, along with adapting to a new geography. Except&nbsp;for the migrant settler masses, religious knowledge had become a necessity for the Oghuzs, who adopted a sedentary life in their daily practices. The fact that it was religious motives behind the transmission of knowledge from Arabic to Turkish aggravated the responsibility of the translators who shouldered it. Any mistake that was to be made in the translation of a literary text would at worst vitiate the aesthetic flavour of the text. However, the translation of a religious text obviously requires much more sensitivity. Hence, one should admit that it requires a very special effort in the translation of such issues as the faith and the attributions of Allah, which also shape one’s conception of God. The Quranic translations that were produced with such a sensitivity as much served for the formation of the written Turkish as for the comprehension and teaching of the religion.&nbsp;The young Turkish scholars, who did not know any other written sources other the Arabic ones, must have used Arabic as a guide during their translations. We should admit that the translation of Arabic expressions to a language that had been used in written form before, must have been very difficult. Especially, the translation of some peculiar Arabic phrases to Turkish correctly, required the utmost prudence, so as to understand the source of religion in the most correct way.The underline translation method which was commonly used in the early periods, despite being a poor method for the phrases, was successful in producing comprehensible Turkish written texts. In the course of these translations, there were some peculiar elements in Arabic, such as ism-i fail (present participle), sıfat-ı müşebbehe and the exaggerative present participle, which were alien to Turkish to a great extent. Building the conception of God in accordance with the understanding of oneness (and unity), the Quran presents the idea of God as almighty andbenevolent, by often making use of the aforementioned peculiar expressions. It also uses those word structures in order to explain the condition of men in the face of orders and prohibitions to which it appeals in regulating human life. The suffix -IcI in Oghuz Turkish virtually seems to have taken on a very special task, so as to meet the peculiar expressions of Arabic in question. The suffix IcI, which did not usually come forward in the early years in Old Turkish and the Anatolian region, is now one of the most common elements, and it is one of the indicators of verb performers.We know that the suffixes -GlI and -GAn were being used for certain verb performers of Arabic in the Karakhanid and Khorezmian regions. Such a differentiation indicates the rising sensitivity in the Anatolian geography with regard to the translations of these aforementioned structures. It also shows that the written language in Anatolia developed quite separately from the Turkistan region. Although the Quranic translations that were written in Karakhanid and Khorezmian Turkish contain some occasional instances of the suffix -IcI (=ĠUçI), it seems to have been used far less in proportion to the Anatolian region.Besides the historical dialects such as Karakhanid and Khorezmian, there are some examples that it was from time to time corresponded by the suffixes -IcI (küçi and Kuçi) in Afghanistan Uzbek Turkish and Kazan Tatar Turkish.

Türkiye Türkçesinin Yazı Dili Olarak Kuruluşunda -IcI Ekinin Durumu

Gülten

Sibirya Sahası Türk Destanlarında Kadının Yeri ve Bu Bağlamda Eski Türklerin Kadına Bakışı

@JOURNAL_BOX_FEATURED

Latif

Fatma

While, in the first reading phase, reading as a language skill appears in the form of learning how the systematics of reading functions by making sense of certain writing symbols, it turns out to be the most fundamental means of acquiring knowledge and developing language in the later stages. Texts stand out as the most essential instrument used in the acquisition of four basic language skills in foreign language education. The reading passages used in both native language education and teaching Turkish as a foreign language are primarily regarded as teaching aids and materials. In Turkish teaching process, all texts ranging from the low-level texts such as warning and instruction signs on undergrounds and buses to the literary texts that involve deep meanings like poems have their own area of use in language education. For instance, in teaching Turkish to foreigners, a dialogue between a ticket officer and a passenger in the stage of buying a ticket for the underground or a column in a newspaper assumes a textual quality. Similarly, a poetry text containing figurative language and literary phrases or a text conveying information about a topic related to Turkish culture in a course book involves a textual characteristic with respect to a specific language skill. In other words, each meaning element that can be read, listened, written or spoken has a textual feature in terms of language teaching.&nbsp;Reading basically has the aim of communication and certain types of factors are present in the process of reading. These factors include the author, the text, the reader and the feedbacks. The most significant of all these during the process are the reading texts. In this respect, texts occupy a highly important place in teaching Turkish as a foreign language. The texts are not only involved in reading skill but also frequently used in the development stages of other language skills. When the sets designed to teach Turkish as a foreign language are closely examined, it is observed that the majority of the texts available in course books is made up of reading passages. As for the activities related to other language skills, a great majority of them is associated with the reading texts and their formation is based on the texts in question. To cite an example, in an activity aimed at the development of writing or reading skill, a dialogue or story text is given to the students to be read and they are asked to continue the text by speaking or writing.&nbsp;When texts are analyzed in terms of their types, it is seen that no association is present among the researchers with regard to the classifications of text types and that the categorizations have been achieved by the researchers in quite different ways. Despite the fact that each text classification is consistent and meaningful in itself, a variety of text type classification has come up due to the differences between the researchers’ points of view. Concerning language teaching, however, the concepts of texts and text types differ from the related classifications in some aspects. The reason for this is that the text to be used in the teaching of language involves a material quality. In this way, it is possible to regard every teaching material which can achieve the objectives and acquirements as a text.&nbsp;When the studies conducted upon text classifications are examined, it is observed that the related categorizations contain certain defects in terms of the field of language teaching. This being the case, a text type classification that can be used in language teaching has been performed in this study. In accordance with this classification, texts are divided into two as texts based on the aim of formation and those based on their functions. The former is also separated into two groups as fictional texts aimed directly at language teaching and original texts intended for the daily use of native language speakers and used indirectly in foreign language teaching. The texts formed on the basis of their functions, on the other hand, have been analyzed in terms of writing purpose and language use and gathered under two main titles as texts with utility function and literary texts. The original texts involved in the texts classified in accordance with their aim of formation are also divided into two in themselves as daily texts and literary texts. The daily texts contain such passages like menus, tickets, posters, warranty certificates and graffiti that are prepared with no aesthetic concern and that assign native language readers as their target group. As for the literary texts, they include novels, stories, tales, legends, etc that are put down on paper with an aesthetic concern and with native language readers being their target group. With respect to the texts based on their functions, the texts with utility function refer to all reading materials that can be readily experienced in daily life and that neither involve literary value in terms of the aim of writing or use of language nor aesthetic concern. The texts with utility function have been gathered within themselves under three titles as formal, instructive and communicative texts. The literary texts are those that are formed with an aesthetic concern in relation to the aim of writing and language use. These texts are also titled in three ways within themselves as instructive texts, texts based on expression/demonstration and poetry.&nbsp;Apart from the classification of text types, this study involves, as well, the analysis and comparison of the reading texts available in Yedi İklim Turkish Teaching Set and İstanbul Turkish Teaching Set for Foreigners along with recommendations related to which text type might be used in which language level.

Türkçenin Yabancı Dil Olarak Öğretiminde Metin Türlerinin Sınıflandırılması ve Ders Kitaplarında Yer Alan Okuma Metinlerinin Değerlendirilmesi

Home economics appeared as an independent field of research in the nineteenth century and began to be included in the curriculum of girls’ schools in many countries through the second half of the century. As a scientific field, home economics defines systematic, modern and pedagogical standards for housework with a particular focus on household chores being part of the daily routine and aims to increase productivity and professionalism at home. Standardization, discipline, order, rationality, pragmatism, and hygiene appeared as the main principles of home economics. These principles defined the reform programs of many states, which were initiating a modernization process in the realms of political, economic and sociocultural areas in the nineteenth century. These principles are also among the main criteria of Norbert Elias’s definition of the civilizing process, which he defined by focusing on the change and transformation of the standards of correct and proper behavior in Europe from the thirteenth to the nineteenth centuries. Therefore, the rational and scientific approach to house related issues and the introduction of home economics as a course to the curriculum of girls’ schools appear closely related to the modernization and civilizing attempts of the states.&nbsp;In the pre-modern Ottoman world, home administration (ilm-i tedbîr-i menzil), which was considered as a subject of ethics and included as a chapter in ethics books, began to be taken as an independent field as home economics (idâre-i beytiye) in books and periodicals after the second half of the nineteenth century as well as being taught as a course in girls’ schools through the last quarter of the century. Ottoman authors examined the decoration and physical conditions of the house, house-cleaning, health issues, heating, dressing, raising of children, eating and food, table manners, etiquette and all kinds of issues that may be related to the house under the title of home economics. The target of writing on home economics was the disciplining and rationalization of the Ottoman house life with definite standards. This literature criticized the traditional Ottoman house life as being scattered, irregular, and haphazard and proposed a new model of house management based on scientific, rational and pedagogical data, dominated by discipline, order, and hygiene.The opening of new schools for girls at different levels from primary schools to teachers’ schools was an important development for the participation of Ottoman women in the formal education process. Furthermore, the discussions to define the object and content of girls’ curriculum reveals that Ottoman authorities considered the education of women within&nbsp;the perspective of the traditional role and status of Ottoman women as housewife, wife, and mothers despite Ottoman women beginning to benefit from the possibilities of formal education and public life. It seems that the number and the weight of courses related to home economics increased in the curriculum of girls’ schools of the time and attempts were made to fill the girls’ curriculum with those sciences regarded as necessary and useful to femininity, housewifery, and motherhood. The language used in the Ottoman textbooks of home economics shows that the traditional female discourse continued in many aspects. It seems that this literature on home economics aims to reorganize the living space of the family, which is the nucleus of the society according to the scientific, rational, technological and pedagogical standards and approaches of the age.With the introduction of the home economics courses to the curriculum of Ottoman girls’ schools in different levels and the definition of women’s status as home managers, domestic life became a public issue and also a political matter on which state and public authorities developed policies. Because these books are textbooks for girls’ schools and each textbook is published with the permission of the Ministry of Education, it can be said that the woman’s discourse emerging from these books not only represents the idea of authors but also the policy of Ottoman political authorities. However, the introduction of home economics to the curriculum of girls’ schools both in the Ottoman and western world was not a result of an agenda to question or improve women status, rather it seems like a consequence of a process initiated by the state authorities to modernize all segments of life. In this context, the involvement of the course in the curriculums seems primarily related to the modernization and civilization process in almost every realm of Ottoman life from the second half of the nineteenth century, and the Ottoman house which was an area that needed to be reorganized in line with modern standards to serve and contribute to this change and transformation process.

Geç Dönem Osmanlı Kız Mekteplerinde Fennî Ev İdaresi Eğitimi: Müfredat ve Ders Kitapları

@JOURNAL_BOX_MOSTREAD

Türkiyat Mecmuası – Journal of Turkology, Cumhurbaşkanı Mustafa Kemal Atatürk’ün talimatıyla 1924’te Ord. Prof. Dr. Mehmed Fuad Köprülü tarafından kurulan İstanbul Üniversitesi Türkiyat Araştırmaları Enstitüsünün yayınıdır.

Türkiye Cumhuriyeti’nin sosyal bilimler alanında ilk akademik dergilerinden biri olan Türkiyat Mecmuası, yayın hayatına başladığı 1925 yılından beri yayın hayatına devam etmektedir. Türk Dili, Türk Edebiyatı, Türk Tarihi, Türk Sanatı ve genel olarak Türkoloji sahasında yapılmış akademik çalışmaları yayımlayan Türkiyat Mecmuası, açık erişimli, hakemli, ulusal ve uluslararası bilimsel bir dergidir. Yılda iki sayı olarak Haziran ve Aralık aylarında yayımlanır. Yayın dili Türkiye Türkçesi, Azerbaycan, Kazakistan, Kırgızistan, Özbekistan ve Türkmenistan Türkçeleri, Tatar ve Gagavuz Türkçeleri, Fransızca, Rusça, Almanca ve İngilizcedir. 

Dergi, ulusal ve uluslararası camiaları hedeflemekte, yayın kurulunda hem ulusal hem de uluslararası üyeler bulunmakta ve uluslararası yazar katkılarını artırmayı amaçlamaktadır.

Türkiyat Mecmuası – Journal of Turkology, uluslararası yayın standartlarına uygun yüksek kalitede makaleler yayınlayarak bilimsel bilginin yayılmasına katkıda bulunmayı ve Türkoloji alanında bilim camiasına katkı sunmayı amaçlamaktadır.

Dergiye gönderilen ya da yayın için kabul edilen makaleler için işlemleme ücreti ya da gönderim ücreti alınmaz. Derginin tüm giderleri İstanbul Üniversitesi tarafından karşılanmaktadır.

Ahmet

MLA International Bibliography

Scopus

EBSCO

TR Dizin

DOAJ

SOBIAD

@METRIC_VOLUMES

@METRIC_ISSUES

@METRIC_ARTICLES

@METRIC_OPENACCESS

Türkiyat Mecmuası

@INFO_TAB_ABOUT

Editor in Chief

Co Editor in Chief

Section Editor

Editorial Management Board Member

Editorial Assistant

Language Editor

Editorial Board Member

Advisory Board Member

@INFO_TAB_BOARDS

Türkiyat Mecmuası – Journal of Turkology, İstanbul Üniversitesi Türkiyat Araştırmaları Enstitüsü'nün yayınıdır. Açık erişimli, hakemli, bilimsel bir dergidir. Haziran ve Aralık aylarında yayınlanır. 1925 yılında kurulmuştur. Yayın dili Türkiye Türkçesi, Azerbaycan, Kazakistan, Kırgızistan, Özbekistan ve Türkmenistan Türkçeleri, Tatar Türkçesi, Fransızca, Rusça, Almanca, İngilizcedir.Dergi, ulusal ve uluslararası camiaları hedeflemekte, yayın kurulunda hem ulusal hem de uluslararası üyeler bulunmakta ve uluslararası yazar katkılarını artırmayı amaçlamaktadır. Türk Dili, Türk Edebiyatı, Türk Tarihi, Türk Sanatı ve genel olarak Türk Kültürü sahasında yapılmış bilimsel çalışmaları yayınlar. Uluslararası yayıncılık standartlarına uygun yüksek kaliteli makaleler yayınlayarak bilimsel bilginin yayılmasına katkıda bulunmayı ve nitelikli bilginin görünürlüğünü ve erişilebilirliğini artırarak Türkoloji alanında bilim camiasına katkıda bulunmayı amaçlamaktadır.

Amaç ve Kapsam

<ul><li>SCOPUS</li><li>TÜBİTAK-ULAKBİM TR Dizin</li><li>DOAJ</li><li>MLA International Bibliography</li><li>EBSCO (Academic Search Complete)</li><li>SOBIAD</li></ul>

Dizinler

Dergi yayın etiğinde en yüksek standartlara bağlıdır ve <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a> ve <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> tarafından yayınlanan etik yayıncılık ilkelerini benimser; Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing başlığı altında ifade edilen ilkeler için: <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a> Gönderilen makaleler derginin amaç ve kapsamına uygun olmalıdır. Orijinal, tamamı ya da bir bölümü yayımlanmamış ve başka bir dergide değerlendirme sürecinde olmayan, akademik araştırma ve etki değeri yüksek, ağırlıklı olarak birincil kaynaklara dayalı, her bir yazar tarafından içeriği ve gönderimi onaylanmış yazılar değerlendirmeye kabul edilir. Tezlerden üretilmiş ve yazarın tez konusu ile ilgili makaleler değerlendirmeye alınmaz.Bildirilerden üretilmiş veya genişletilmiş makaleler, sözlü sunumu yapılmış bildiriler -basımı gerçekleşmemiş olsa dahi- değerlendirmeye alınmaz.Makale yayımlanmak üzere Dergiye gönderildikten sonra yazarlardan hiçbirinin ismi, tüm yazarların yazılı izni olmadan yazar listesinden silinemez ve yeni bir isim yazar olarak eklenemez ve yazar sırası değiştirilemez.İntihal, duplikasyon, sahte yazarlık/inkar edilen yazarlık, araştırma/veri fabrikasyonu, makale dilimleme, dilimleyerek yayın, telif hakları ihlali ve çıkar çatışmasının gizlenmesi, etik dışı davranışlar olarak kabul edilir. Kabul edilen etik standartlara uygun olmayan tüm makaleler yayından çıkarılır. Buna yayından sonra tespit edilen olası kuraldışı, uygunsuzluklar içeren makaleler de dahildir.Editör Değerlendirmesi, İntihal Taraması ve Çift Kör HakemlikMakaleler editör tarafından özgünlük, metodoloji, konu ve biçim açılarından dergi kapsamına göre değerlendirilir. Ön kontrolden geçirilen makaleler, iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal/kendi kendine intihal tespit edilirse yazarlar bilgilendirilir. Editörler, gerekli olması halinde makaleyi değerlendirme ya da üretim sürecinin çeşitli aşamalarında intihal kontrolüne tabi tutabilirler. İntihal veya kendinden intihal tespit edilen yazılar yayımlanmaz. Benzerlik oranı %15’ten az olmalıdır.Baş editör, makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakemlikten geçmesini sağlar ve yazı yurtiçinden ve /veya yurtdışından en az iki hakemin değerlendirmesine sunulur. Hakemler gerek gördüğü takdirde yazıda istenen değişiklikler yazarlar tarafından yapıldıktan sonra Baş editör yayınlanmasına onay verir.Devam eden süreçte makalesi bulunan yazarlar süreç sonlanmadan tekrar makale gönderemezler. Baş Editör, editörler kurulu veya yazı kurulu değerlendirme sürecinin her aşamasında gerekli görüldüğü takdirde makalelerin iadesi veya düzenlenmesi yönünde karar verebilir.Araştırmacı, makalesi yayınlandıktan en az 4 sayı / 2 yıl sonra tekrar makale gönderimi yapabilir.

Politikalar

Dergi açık erişimlidir ve derginin tüm içeriği okura ya da okurun dahil olduğu kuruma ücretsiz olarak sunulur. Okurlar, ticari amaç haricinde, yayıncı ya da yazardan izin almadan dergi makalelerinin tam metnini okuyabilir, indirebilir, kopyalayabilir, arayabilir ve link sağlayabilir. Bu <a href="https://www.budapestopenaccessinitiative.org/translations/turkish-translation" target="_blank">BOAI</a> açık erişim tanımıyla uyumludur. Derginin açık erişimli makaleleri Creative Commons Atıf-GayrıTicari 4.0 Uluslararası (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.tr" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) olarak lisanslıdır.

Derginin tüm giderleri İstanbul Üniversitesi tarafından karşılanmaktadır. Dergide makale yayını ve makale süreçlerinin yürütülmesi ücrete tabi değildir. Dergiye gönderilen ya da yayın için kabul edilen makaleler için işlemleme ücreti ya da gönderim ücreti alınmaz.

Yazarlar dergide yayınlanan çalışmalarının telif hakkına sahiptirler ve çalışmaları  Creative Commons Atıf-GayrıTicari 4.0 Uluslararası (<a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.tr" target="_blank">CC BY-NC 4.0</a>) olarak lisanslıdır. CC BY-NC 4.0 lisansı, eserin ticari kullanım dışında her boyut ve formatta paylaşılmasına, kopyalanmasına, çoğaltılmasına ve orijinal esere uygun şekilde atıfta bulunmak kaydıyla yeniden düzenleme, dönüştürme ve eserin üzerine inşa etme dâhil adapte edilmesine izin verir.

Editörler, yayınlanan makalede, bulguları, yorumları ve sonuçları etkilemeyen küçük hatalar tespit edilirse düzeltme yayınlamayı düşünebilirler. Editörler, bulguları ve sonuçları geçersiz kılan büyük hatalar / ihlaller söz konusu olduğunda, makaleyi geri çekmeyi düşünmelidir. Yazarlar tarafından araştırma veya yayını kötüye kullanmaya yönelik olasılık söz konusu ise; bulguların güvenilir olmadığına ve yazarların kurumlarının olayı soruşturmadığına dair kanıtlar var veya olası soruşturma haksız veya sonuçsuz görünüyor ise, editörler endişe ifadesi yayınlamayı düşünmelidir. Düzeltme, geri çekme veya endişe ifadesi ile ilgili olarak <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/flowcharts/complete-set-english" target="_blank">COPE</a> ve <a href="https://www.icmje.org/recommendations/" target="_blank">ICJME</a> yönergeleri dikkate alınır.

Dergide yayınlanan tüm yazıların korunmasını ve kalıcı olarak erişilebilir olmasını sağlamak için makaleler, ulusal bir arşiv sitesi olarak hizmet veren ve aynı zamanda LOCKSS'in içeriği toplamasına, korumasına ve sunmasına izin veren Dergipark'ta saklanmaktadır.Ek olarak, yazarların kendilerinin makalelerinin son PDF sürümünü Open Archives Initiative (<a href="https://www.openarchives.org/" target="_blank">https://www.openarchives.org/</a>) standartlarına uygun açık elektronik arşivlerde arşivlemeleri önerilir. Yazarlar, yayınladıkları arşiv versiyonundan, İ.Ü. Yayınevinin dergi web sitesinin URL'sine bağlantı sağlamalıdır.

<div>Türkiyat Mecmuası–Journal of Turkology, yayın etiğinde en yüksek standartlara bağlıdır ve <a href="https://publicationethics.org/" target="_blank">Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE)</a>, <a href="https://doaj.org/apply/transparency/#principles-of-transparency-and-best-practice-in-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>, <a href="https://oaspa.org/" target="_blank">Open Access Scholarly Publishers Association (OASPA)</a> ve <a href="https://www.wame.org/" target="_blank">World Association of Medical Editors (WAME)</a> tarafından yayınlanan etik yayıncılık ilkelerini benimser; Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing başlığı altında ifade edilen ilkeler için: <a href="https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing" target="_blank">https://publicationethics.org/resources/guidelines-new/principles-transparency-and-best-practice-scholarly-publishing</a>Gönderilen tüm makaleler orijinal, yayınlanmamış ve başka bir dergide değerlendirme sürecinde olmamalıdır. Her bir makale editörlerden biri ve en az iki hakem tarafından çift kör değerlendirmeden geçirilir. İntihal, duplikasyon, sahte yazarlık/inkar edilen yazarlık, araştrma/veri fabrikasyonu, makale dilimleme, dilimleyerek yayın, telif hakları ihlali ve çıkar çatışmasının gizlenmesi, etik dışı davranışlar olarak kabul edilir.Kabul edilen etik standartlara uygun olmayan tüm makaleler yayından çıkarılır. Buna yayından sonra tespit edilen olası kuraldışı, uygunsuzluklar içeren makaleler de dahildir.Araştırmacı, makalesi yayınlandıktan en az 3 sayı sonra tekrar makale gönderimi yapabilir.</div>

Etik

Türkiyat Mecmuası– Journal of Turkology araştırma etiğinde en yüksek standartları gözetir ve aşağıda tanımlanan uluslararası araştırma etiği ilkelerini benimser. Makalelerin etik kurallara uygunluğu yazarların sorumluluğundadır.<ul><li>Araştırmanın tasarlanması, tasarımın gözden geçirilmesi ve araştırmanın yürütülmesinde, bütünlük, kalite ve şeffaflık ilkeleri sağlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma ekibi ve katılımcılar, araştırmanın amacı, yöntemleri ve öngörülen olası kullanımları; araştırmaya katılımın gerektirdikleri ve varsa riskleri hakkında tam olarak bilgilendirilmelidir.</li><li>Araştırma katılımcılarının sağladığı bilgilerin gizliliği ve yanıt verenlerin gizliliği sağlanmalıdır. Araştırma katılımcıların özerkliğini ve saygınlığını koruyacak şekilde tasarlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma katılımcıları gönüllü olarak araştırmada yer almalı, herhangi bir zorlama altında olmamalıdırlar.</li><li>Katılımcıların zarar görmesinden kaçınılmalıdır. Araştırma, katılımcıları riske sokmayacak şekilde planlanmalıdır.</li><li>Araştırma bağımsızlığıyla ilgili açık ve net olunmalı; çıkar çatışması varsa belirtilmelidir.</li><li>Deneysel çalışmalarda, araştırmaya katılmaya karar veren katılımcıların yazılı bilgilendirilmiş onayı alınmalıdır. Çocukların ve vesayet altındakilerin veya tasdiklenmiş akıl hastalığı bulunanların yasal vasisinin onayı alınmalıdır.</li><li>Çalışma herhangi bir kurum ya da kuruluşta gerçekleştirilecekse bu kurum ya da kuruluştan çalışma yapılacağına dair onay alınmalıdır.</li><li>İnsan öğesi bulunan çalışmalarda, “yöntem” bölümünde katılımcılardan “bilgilendirilmiş onam” alındığının ve çalışmanın yapıldığı kurumdan etik kurul onayı alındığı belirtilmesi gerekir.</li></ul>

Makalelerin bilimsel ve etik kurallara uygunluğu yazarların sorumluluğundadır. Yazar makalenin orijinal olduğu, daha önce başka bir yerde yayınlanmadığı ve başka bir yerde, başka bir dilde yayınlanmak üzere değerlendirmede olmadığı konusunda teminat sağlamalıdır. Uygulamadaki telif kanunları ve anlaşmaları gözetilmelidir. Telife bağlı materyaller (örneğin tablolar, şekiller veya büyük alıntılar) gerekli izin ve teşekkürle kullanılmalıdır. Başka yazarların, katkıda bulunanların çalışmaları ya da yararlanılan kaynaklar uygun biçimde kullanılmalı ve referanslarda belirtilmelidir.Gönderilen makalede tüm yazarların akademik ve bilimsel olarak doğrudan katkısı olmalıdır, bu bağlamda “yazar” yayınlanan bir araştırmanın kavramsallaştırılmasına ve dizaynına, verilerin elde edilmesine, analizine ya da yorumlanmasına belirgin katkı yapan, yazının yazılması ya da bunun içerik açısından eleştirel biçimde gözden geçirilmesinde görev yapan birisi olarak görülür. Yazar olabilmenin diğer koşulları ise, makaledeki çalışmayı planlamak veya icra etmek ve / veya revize etmektir. Fon sağlanması, veri toplanması ya da araştırma grubunun genel süpervizyonu tek başına yazarlık hakkı kazandırmaz. Yazar olarak gösterilen tüm bireyler sayılan tüm ölçütleri karşılamalıdır ve yukarıdaki ölçütleri karşılayan her birey yazar olarak gösterilebilir. Yazarların isim sıralaması ortak verilen bir karar olmalıdır. Tüm yazarlar yazar sıralamasını <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/1326D4913FDB4001996106E973E446A4" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formunda</a> imzalı olarak belirtmek zorundadırlar.Yazarlık için yeterli ölçütleri karşılamayan ancak çalışmaya katkısı olan tüm bireyler “teşekkür / bilgiler” kısmında sıralanmalıdır. Bunlara örnek olarak ise sadece teknik destek sağlayan, yazıma yardımcı olan ya da sadece genel bir destek sağlayan, finansal ve materyal desteği sunan kişiler verilebilir.Bütün yazarlar, araştırmanın sonuçlarını ya da bilimsel değerlendirmeyi etkileyebilme potansiyeli olan finansal ilişkiler, çıkar çatışması ve çıkar rekabetini beyan etmelidirler. Bir yazar kendi yayınlanmış yazısında belirgin bir hata ya da yanlışlık tespit ederse, bu yanlışlıklara ilişkin düzeltme ya da geri çekme için editör ile hemen temasa geçme ve işbirliği yapma sorumluluğunu taşır.

Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden,  uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirir. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar. Gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalacağını garanti eder. Baş editör içerik ve yayının toplam kalitesinden sorumludur. Gereğinde hata sayfası yayınlamalı ya da düzeltme yapmalıdır.Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve Dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemlerin araştırmayla ilgili, yazarlarla ve/veya araştırmanın finansal destekçileriyle çıkar çatışmaları olmamalıdır. Değerlendirmelerinin sonucunda tarafsız bir yargıya varmalıdırlar. Gönderilmiş yazılara ilişkin tüm bilginin gizli tutulmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar. Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir. Bazı durumlarda editörün kararıyla, ilgili hakemlerin makaleye ait yorumları aynı makaleyi yorumlayan diğer hakemlere gönderilerek hakemlerin bu süreçte aydınlatılması sağlanabilir.

Daha önce yayınlanmamış ya da yayınlanmak üzere başka bir dergide halen değerlendirmede olmayan ve her bir yazar tarafından onaylanan makaleler değerlendirilmek üzere kabul edilir. Gönderilen ve ön kontrolü geçen makaleler iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir.Seçilen makaleler en az iki ulusal/uluslararası hakeme çift taraflı kör hakemlik ile değerlendirmeye gönderilir; yayın kararı, hakemlerin talepleri doğrultusunda yazarların gerçekleştirdiği düzenlemelerin ve hakem sürecinin sonrasında baş editör tarafından verilir.

Hakemlik Hakkında

Baş editör, makaleleri, yazarların etnik kökeninden, cinsiyetinden, uyruğundan, dini inancından ve siyasi felsefesinden bağımsız olarak değerlendirirler. Yayına gönderilen makalelerin adil bir şekilde çift taraflı kör hakem değerlendirmesinden geçmelerini sağlar. Gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayınlanana kadar gizli kalacağını garanti eder. Baş editör içerik ve yayının toplam kalitesinden sorumludur. Gereğinde hata sayfası yayınlamalı ya da düzeltme yapmalıdır. Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve dergide yayınlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemler, araştırma, yazarlar ve/veya araştırmaya fon sağlayanlarla çıkar çatışması içinde olmamalıdır. Hakemler değerlendirmelerinin sonucunda tarafsız bir yargıya varmalıdırlar. Gönderilmiş yazılara ilişkin tüm bilginin gizli tutulmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar. Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar. Hakemlerin kimliğinin gizli kalmasına özen gösterilmelidir. Bazı durumlarda editörün kararıyla, ilgili hakemlerin makaleye ait yorumları aynı makaleyi yorumlayan diğer hakemlere gönderilerek hakemlerin bu süreçte aydınlatılması sağlanabilir.

Daha önce yayımlanmamış ya da yayımlanmak üzere başka bir dergide halen değerlendirmede olmayan ve her bir yazar tarafından onaylanan makaleler değerlendirilmek üzere kabul edilir. Gönderilen ve ön kontrolü geçen makaleler iThenticate yazılımı kullanılarak intihal için taranır. İntihal kontrolünden sonra, uygun olan makaleler baş editör tarafından orijinallik, metodoloji, işlenen konunun önemi ve dergi kapsamı ile uyumluluğu açısından değerlendirilir.Baş editör tarafından derginin yayın politikası açısından uygun görülen makaleler çift taraflı kör hakemlik sistemi gereğince en az iki ulusal/uluslararası hakeme değerlendirmeye gönderilir. Yayın kararı, hakemlerin değerlendirmeleri neticesinde yazarların gerçekleştirdiği düzenlemelerin ve hakem sürecinin sonrasında baş editör tarafından verilir.Baş editör; yazarlar, editörler ve hakemler arasında çıkar çatışmasına izin vermez. Hakem atama konusunda tam yetkiye sahiptir ve dergide yayımlanacak makalelerle ilgili nihai kararı vermekle yükümlüdür.Hakemlerin değerlendirmeleri objektif olmalıdır. Hakem süreci sırasında hakemlerin aşağıdaki hususları dikkate alarak değerlendirmelerini yapmaları beklenir.-Makale alana katkı sağlayacak nitelikte midir?-Öz, makalenin içeriğini net ve düzgün bir şekilde tanımlıyor mu?-Makale kurgusu ve araştırma yöntemi bütünlüklü ve anlaşılır şekilde tanımlanmış mı?-Yapılan yorum ve varılan sonuçlar bulgularla kanıtlanıyor mu?-Alandaki diğer çalışmalara yeterli referans verilmiş mi?-Dil ve ifade düzeyi  yeterli mi?Hakemler, gönderilen makalelere ilişkin tüm bilginin, makale yayımlanana kadar gizli kalmasını sağlamalı ve yazar tarafında herhangi bir telif hakkı ihlali ve intihal fark ederlerse editöre raporlamalıdırlar.Hakem, makale konusu hakkında kendini vasıflı hissetmiyor ya da zamanında geri dönüş sağlaması mümkün görünmüyorsa, editöre bu durumu bildirmeli ve hakem sürecine kendisini dahil etmemesini istemelidir.Değerlendirme sürecinde editör hakemlere gözden geçirme için gönderilen makalelerin, yazarların özel mülkü olduğunu ve bunun imtiyazlı bir iletişim olduğunu açıkça belirtir. Hakemler ve yayın kurulu üyeleri başka kişilerle makaleleri tartışamazlar.

Yayın dili Türkiye Türkçesi, Azerbaycan, Kazakistan, Kırgızistan, Özbekistan ve Türkmenistan Türkçeleri, Tatar ve Gagavuz Türkçeleri, Fransızca, Rusça, Almanca ve İngilizcedir. Gönderilen yazılarla ilgili tüm yazışmalar sorumlu yazarla yapılacaktır. Kurallar dâhilinde dergimize yayımlanmak üzere gönderilen çalışmaların her türlü sorumluluğu yazar/yazarlarına aittir.Makale gönderimi online olarak <a href="https://dergipark.org.tr/iuturkiyat" target="_blank">Türkiyat Mecmuası » Ana Sayfa</a> adresinden erişilen <a href="https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/login" target="_blank">http://dergipark.gov.tr/login</a> üzerinden yapılmalıdır.  Yazılar, 1. Makale Tam Metin Dosyası* *Microsoft Word 2003 ve üzerindeki versiyonlar kullanılmalıdır. Yazılar <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/40C5DB53039C4B8996FD526002044A97" target="_blank">Makale Şablonu</a> kullanılarak hazırlanmalıdır. Makale metninde, çift taraflı kör hakemlik süreci gereği,  yazarın / yazarların kimlik bilgileri yer almamalıdır. (Önemli not: Makale şablonunda yer alan ana başlıklar, sadece makalenin içeriğinin nasıl oluşması gerektiğini göstermektedir. Yazarlarımız bu başlıkları kullanmak zorunda değildir.<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/2C8208A31F0A44F086E9C3B8A0DD0E42" target="_blank">2. Kapak Sayfası*</a> *Kapak sayfasında, makale türü, makale başlığı (Makale dili / İngilizce),  yazar veya yazarların ünvan ve bağlı bulundukları kurum bilgileri, güncel adres ve telefon numaraları ile ORCID bilgileri ve e-posta adresleri yer almalıdır.*Finansal destek, çıkar çatışması ve teşekkür açıklaması bölümlerinin de hem makale dilinde hem de İngilizce olarak iki ayrı şekilde belirtilmesi gerekmektedir.<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/1326D4913FDB4001996106E973E446A4" target="_blank">3. Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu*</a> *Tüm yazarlar tarafından ıslak imza ile imzalanmış olmalıdır.olmak üzere üç dosya hâlinde gönderilmelidir. (Bk. <a href="https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/iuturkiyat/page/7810" target="_blank">Son Kontrol Listesi</a>)İngilizce makalelerde; İngilizce-Türkçe olmak üzere iki öz yer almalıdır. Geniş özet bulunmamalıdır.Diğer dillerde yazılan makalelerde ise makale dilinde-İngilizce-Türkçe olmak üzere üç öz ve İngilizce geniş özet yer almalıdır. Makalede bulunan öz sayısı ve dili kadar makale başlığı, öz sıralamasına uygun olarak verilmelidir. Örnek bir makale için <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/F985C0668F824D99BF77B994BF747B8C" target="_blank">bk. </a>ÖZ / ABSTRACT:  Çalışmanın amacını, yöntemini ve kapsamını içermeli; 200-250 kelime arasında olmalıdır. Özlerin altında çalışmanın içeriğini temsil eden  en çok  5 anahtar kelime / keywords yer almalıdır.EXTENDED ABSTRACT: Genişletilmiş özet; çalışmanın amacını, yöntemini, kapsamını ve sonuçlarını içermeli; 800-1000 kelime arasında olmalıdır. TABLO, ŞEKİL, RESİMLER VE GRAFİKLER: Yazı içindeki şekil, resim, tablo ve grafikler 1, 2, 3 şeklinde numaralandırılmalıdır. Metin içinde kullanılan fotoğraf, plan, harita vb. materyallerin “.jpg / .tiff” uzantılı kayıtları gönderilecek dokümanlara eklenmelidir. Bu tür belgelerin baskı tekniğine uygun çözünürlükte (en az 300 dpi) ve sayfa alanını aşmayacak büyüklükte olmasına dikkat edilmeli, ayrıca birden fazla olması hâlinde numaralandırılmalı ve başlık eklenmelidir. (Resim 1; Harita 1; Tablo, Figür 1, vb. ). Görseller metin içerisinde verilebilir, şayet metin içerisinde (EK1) şeklinde parantezle atıfta bulunuluyor ise görseller makalenin sonuna ek olarak eklenmelidir. Alıntılanmış görsellerin kaynağı, hem görselin altında hem de kaynakçada belirtilmelidir. **Referanslar derginin benimsediği <a href="https://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide/citation-guide-1.html" target="_blank">Chicago Style of Manual</a> stiline uygun olarak hazırlanmalıdır. **Transkripsiyonlu metinlerde Nevai Fontu kullanılmalıdır. **Araştırmacı, makalesi yayımlandıktan en az 4 sayı sonra tekrar makale gönderebilir.

Yazım Kuralları

Araştırma Makalesi:  Araştırma makalesi olarak derginin kapsamına uygun konularda özgün bilimsel sonuçlar sunan yazılar değerlendirilir. Araştırma makaleleri; öz, anahtar kelimeler, giriş, yöntem, bulgular, tartışma, sonuçlar, kaynaklar bölümleri ile tablo, grafik ve şekillerden oluşur. Derleme Makale: Alanında birikim sahibi ve bu birikimleri uluslararası literatüre yayın ve etki olarak yansımış uzmanlar tarafından hazırlanan yazılar değerlendirilir. Derleme yazı; başlık, öz ve anahtar kelimeler, ana metin bölümleri ve kaynaklardan oluşmalıdır.Çeviri Makale: Tercüme makalelerdir. Alanında uzman kişiler tarafından yazılmış, yaygın etki değeri yüksek olan yazılardan yapılan çeviriler değerlendirilir.Kitap Tanıtımı: Son 5 yıl içerisinde yayımlanmış kitapların tanıtım ve incelemesinin yapıldığı yazılar değerlendirilir. Kitap tanıtım yazıları, kitabın şekil ve muhteva özellikleri, konu / konuları işleyiş tarzı, yazılış amacına uygunluğu ve bunu gerçekleştirmedeki başarısı, eksik ve hatalarının giderilip daha iyi hâle getirilmesi için neler lazım geldiği gibi konuların değerlendirildiği bir yazı türüdür. Kitap tanıtım yazılarının tanıtım/inceleme şablonuna uygun hazırlanması gerekir. Kitabın yayımlandığı dil haricinde, başka bir dil ile yazılan tanıtım yazılarına öncelik verilir. (Örneğin Türkiye Türkçesi ile yayımlanmış bir kitap üzerine Kazakça yazılan kitap tanıtım yazısı)Kitap tanıtım yazılarında dikkat edilmesi gereken hususlar;- Tanıtım yazısına özgü “müstakil bir özgün başlık” konulmalıdır. - Tanıtımı yapılan kitabın künyesi eksiksiz olarak verilmelidir.- Türkçe ve İngilizce olmak üzere 5 anahtar kelime eklenmelidir.

Referans Stili ve FormatıTürkiyat Mecmuası – Journal of Turkology Chicago Style of Manual 16. Edisyonunu kullanır.Dergiye katkıda bulunacak yazarların, aşağıdaki örneklere dayanarak dipnotları düzenlemeleri ve kaynakça oluşturmaları rica olunur. Bu örnekler, yazarlara kolaylık sağlamak amacıyla, Chicago Style of Manual kılavuzundan (<a href="http://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide/citation-guide-1.html" target="_blank">http://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide/citation-guide-1.html</a>) ilavelerle derlenmiştir. Dipnot-kaynakça yöntemi hakkında ayrıntılı bilgi ve çok sayıda örnek Chicago Manual of Style’ın 16. baskısının 14. ve 15. bölümlerinde yer almaktadır.Örnekler:İD ilk dipnot, SD sonraki/kısa dipnotlar, K kaynakçaKitap, tek, iki ve üç yazarlıDört ve daha fazla yazar için Kaynakça’da bütün yazarlar belirtilir, dipnotlarda yalnızca birinci yazar belirtilip ardına “ve diğerleri” anlamında “vd.” yazılır.İD Laurie Bauer, A Glossary of Morphology (Edinburg: Edinburg University Press, 2004), 55.SD Bauer, A Glossary of Morphology, 55.K Bauer, Laurie. A Glossary of Morphology. Edinburg: Edinburg University Press, 2004.İD Mustafa Özkan ve Veysel Sevinçli, Türkiye Türkçesi Söz Dizimi (İstanbul: 3F Yayınevi, 2008), 90.SD Özkan ve Sevinçli, Türkiye Türkçesi Söz Dizimi, 90.K Özkan, Mustafa ve Veysel Sevinçli. Türkiye Türkçesi Söz Dizimi. İstanbul: 3F Yayınevi, 2008.İD  Abdurrahman Özkan, Mustafa Toker ve Ufuk Deniz Aşçı, Türkiye Türkçesi Söz Dizimi (Konya: Palet Yayınları, Konya, 2016), 78.SD Özkan, Toker, Aşçı, Türkiye Türkçesi Söz Dizimi, 25.K Özkan, Abdurrahman, Mustafa Toker ve Ufuk Deniz Aşçı. Türkiye Türkçesi Söz Dizimi. Konya: Palet Yayınları, 2016.KİTAP, yazara ek olarak çevirmen, hazırlayan veya editör varsaHazırlayan varsa, dipnotta “çev.”, “haz.”, &#34;ed.&#34;; kaynakçada “Çeviren”, “Hazırlayan” ve &#34;Editör&#34; kullanılır.İD Peter B. Golden, Türk Halkları Tarihine Giriş, çev. Osman Karatay (İstanbul: Ötüken Yayınları, 2002), 45.SD Golden, Türk Halkları Tarihine Giriş, 45.K Golden, Peter B. Türk Halkları Tarihine Giriş. Çeviren Osman Karatay. İstanbul: Ötüken Yayınları, 2002.KİTAP, çok ciltliİD A. Zeki Velidî Togan, Umumî Türk Tarihi’ne Giriş, (İstanbul: Enderun Kitabevi, 1981), 2: 100.SD A. Zeki Velidî Togan Umumî Türk Tarihi’ne Giriş, 1: 90.K Togan, A. Zeki Velidî, Umumî Türk Tarihi’ne Giriş. 2 cilt. İstanbul: Enderun Kitabevi, 1981.Kitap içinde bölüm veya kitabın bir kısmıİD Şinasi, Tekin, “Eski Türkçe”, Türk Dünyası El Kitabı, Dil-Kültür-Sanat içinde, II (Ankara: Türk Kültürünü Araştırma Enstitüsü, 2002), 69-119.SD Tekin, “Eski Türkçe”, 69-119.K Tekin, Şinasi. “Eski Türkçe”, Türk Dünyası El Kitabı, Dil-Kültür-Sanat içinde, II, 69-119. Ankara: Türk Kültürünü Araştırma Enstitüsü, 2002.Kitap içinde önsöz, sunuş, giriş ve benzeri kısımlarİD İsmail Aka, Timur ve Devleti adlı kitabına önsöz (Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayınları, 2017), 9.SD Aka, önsöz, 9.K Aka, İsmail. Timur ve Devleti adlı kitabına önsöz, 9. Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayınları, 2017.Kitap, elektronik olarak yayımlanmışEğer kitap birden fazla formatta yayımlanmış ise, kullanılan formatı referans verilir. Online başvurulmuş kitaplar için URL verilir. İstenirse erişim tarihi eklenir. Eğer sayfa numarası yoksa, bölüm başlığını veya başka bir sayı eklenebilir.İD Emin Özdemir, Türk ve Dünya Edebiyatı (Ankara: Ankara Üniversitesi Yayınları, 1980) Erişim 7 Eylül 2019, <a href="http://kitaplar.ankara.edu.tr/detail.php?id=128" target="_blank">http://kitaplar.ankara.edu.tr/detail.php?id=128</a>.SD Özdemir, Türk ve Dünya Edebiyatı, 206.K Özdemir, Emin. Türk ve Dünya Edebiyatı. Ankara: Ankara Üniversitesi Yayınları, 1980. Erişim 7 Eylül 2019.  http://kitaplar.ankara.edu.tr/detail.php?id=847.Dergi makalesi, telifİD Filiz Meltem Uçar Erdem, “Çağatay Türkçesi'nde Eski Türkçe'nin İzleri”, Turkish Studies 6/1 (2011), 1827-1834.SD Uçar Erdem, “Çağatay Türkçesi'nde Eski Türkçe'nin İzleri”,  1827-1834.K Uçar Erdem, Filiz Meltem. “Çağatay Türkçesi'nde Eski Türkçe'nin İzleri”, Turkish Studies 6/1 (2011): 1827-1834.Dergi makalesi, çeviriİD A. K. Borovkov, “Özbek Yazı Dilinin Kurucusu Ali Şir Nevaî”, çev. Rasime Uygun, TDAY-Belleten, (1954), 59-96.SD Borovkov, “Özbek Yazı Dilinin Kurucusu Ali Şir Nevaî”, 59-96.K Borovkov, A. K. “Özbek Yazı Dilinin Kurucusu Ali Şir Nevaî”, Çeviren Rasime Uygun. TDAY-Belleten  (1954): 59-96.Dergi makalesi, elektronikEğer DOI (Digital Object Identifier) numarası verilmiş ise eklenir. Eğer yoksa ve yayıncı veya bilim dalı gerekli kılıyor ise erişim tarihi eklenir.İD Murat Yümlü, “Yarım Asra Ulaşan Basın Emeği Işığında Gazeteci Abidin Dâver”,  Türkiyat Mecmuası 29/1 (2019): 244, erişim 7 Eylül 2019, <a href="https://doi.org/10.18345/iuturkiyat.560284" target="_blank">doi.org/10.18345/iuturkiyat.560284</a>.SD Yümlü, “Yarım Asra Ulaşan Basın Emeği Işığında Gazeteci Abidin Dâver”, 244.K Yümlü, Murat. “Yarım Asra Ulaşan Basın Emeği Işığında Gazeteci Abidin Dâver”,  Türkiyat Mecmuası 29/1 (2019): 249-299. Erişim 7 Eylül 2019. <a href="https://doi.org/10.18345/iuturkiyat.560284" target="_blank">doi.org/10.18345/iuturkiyat.560284</a>.Gazete makalesi, baskıİD Adnan Adıvar, “Fikir Hareketleri ve Yabancı Diller,” Cumhuriyet, 13 Ağustos 1948, 2.SD Adıvar, “Fikir Hareketleri,” 2.K Adıvar, Adnan. “Fikir Hareketleri ve Yabancı Diller.” Cumhuriyet, 13 Ağustos 1948.Gazete haberi, elektronikGazete makale ve haberleri genellikle kaynakçaya alınmaz. Alındığı takdirde yukarıdaki gösterimler kullanılır. Makalenin veya haberin yazarı belli değilse referansa haber veya makalenin başlığı ile başlanır.İD “Bugün, Dünyanın En Çekici Sayısı 'Pi'nin Günü,” Cumhuriyet, 14 Mart 2018, erişim 14 Mart 2018, http://www.cumhuriyet.com.tr/haber/teknoloji/50565/Bugun__dunyanin_en_cekici_sayisi__pi_nin_gunu.html.SD “Bugün, Dünyanın En Çekici Sayısı 'Pi'nin Günü.”K “Bugün, Dünyanın En Çekici Sayısı 'Pi'nin Günü.” Cumhuriyet, 14 Mart 2018. Erişim 14 Mart 2018. http://www.cumhuriyet.com.tr/haber/teknoloji/50565/Bugun__dunyanin_en_cekici_sayisi__pi_nin_gunu.html.Kitap tanıtımıİD Muhammed Doruk, “Derbendnâme”, Gökçe Yükselen Peler’in Derbendnâme adlı eserinin tanıtımı, Türkiyat Mecmuası, 28/2 (2018),  333, <a href="https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/download/article-file/597501" target="_blank">https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/download/article-file/597501</a>SD Doruk, “Derbendnâme”, 334.K Doruk, Muhammed. “Derbendnâme”. Gökçe Yükselen Peler’in Derbendnâme adlı eserinin tanıtımı. Türkiyat Mecmuası, 28/2 (2018): 333-338. <a href="https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/download/article-file/597501" target="_blank">https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/download/article-file/597501</a>.TezİD Emine Temel, Doğu Türkçesi Kur'an Tefsiri (Nur ve Furkan Sureleri) (İnceleme-Dizin-Tenkitli Metin-Tıpkıbasım) (Yüksek Lisans tezi, Marmara Üniversitesi, 2013), 90.SD Temel, “Doğu Türkçesi Kur'an Tefsiri (Nur ve Furkan Sureleri) (İnceleme-Dizin-Tenkitli Metin-Tıpkıbasım),” 90.K Temel, Emine. “Doğu Türkçesi Kur'an Tefsiri (Nur ve Furkan Sureleri) (İnceleme-Dizin-Tenkitli Metin-Tıpkıbasım). Yüksek Lisans tezi, Marmara Üniversitesi, 2013.Ansiklopedi maddesiİD Ahmet Temir, “Moğol (Veya Türk-Moğol) Hanlığı”, Türkler Ansiklopedisi, c. 8, (Ankara: Yeni Türkiye Yayınları, 2002), 416-432.SD Temir, “Moğol (Veya Türk-Moğol) Hanlığı”, 416-432.K Temir, Ahmet. “Moğol (Veya Türk-Moğol) Hanlığı”. Türkler Ansiklopedisi. 8: 416-432. Ankara: Yeni Türkiye Yayınları, 2002.Yayımlanmamış bildiriİD Erdal İnönü ve Harun Doğan, “Türk Bilimcilerinin Adlarıyla Anılan Bazı Buluşlar” (Bilim Tarihi, Felsefesi ve Sosyolojisi Çalışma Grubu’nun II. Ulusal Sempozyumu'nda sunulan bildiri, Assos, 18-20 Haziran 2004).SD İnönü ve Doğan, “Türk Bilimcilerinin.”K İnönü, Erdal ve Harun Doğan. “Türk Bilimcilerinin Adlarıyla Anılan Bazı Buluşlar.” Bilim Tarihi, Felsefesi ve Sosyolojisi Çalışma Grubu’nun II. Ulusal Sempozyumu'nda sunulan bildiri, Assos, 18-20 Haziran 2004.Yazma eserİD Feyzi, Muhadarat-ı Feyzi, İstanbul, İstanbul Üniversitesi Nadir Eserler Kütüphanesi, T6833, 48a.SD Feyzi, Muhadarat-ı Feyzi, T6833, 51b.K Feyzi, Muhadarat-ı Feyzi, İstanbul, İstanbul Üniversitesi Nadir Eserler Kütüphanesi, T6833, 1a-70b.İD Salih b. Nasrullah, Ghayat al-itqan fi tabdir badan al-insan, İstanbul, Süleymaniye Kütüphanesi, Ayasofya 3682, 26a.SD Salih b. Nasrullah, Ghayat al-itqan, Ayasofya 3682, 23b.K Salih b. Nasrullah, Ghayat al-itqan fi tabdir badan al-insan, Istanbul, Süleymaniye Kütüphanesi, Ayasofya 3682, 1a-311a, Kopyalanma tarihi 10 Rebiülevvel 1135 (19 Aralık 1722).Arşiv belgesiİD Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi (BOA), Cevdet Askeriye (C.AS.) 71/3352, 9 Şevval 1211 (7 Nisan 1797).SD BOA, C.AS. 71/3352.K Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi (BOA). Cevdet Askeriye (C. AS) 71/3352, 9 Şevval 1211 (7 Nisan 1920).İD Topkapı Sarayı Müzesi Arşivi (TSMA), E. 3202-2=597-2-7.SD TSMA, E. 3202-2=597-2-7.K Topkapı Sarayı Müzesi Arşivi (TSMA). E. 3202-2=597-2-7.Web sitesiİD “Bilginin İzinde,” Bilim Tarihi, erişim 14 Mart 2018, http://www.bilimtarihi.org/bilginin_izinde.htmlSD “Bilginin İzinde.”K Bilim Tarihi. “Bilginin İzinde.” Erişim 14 Mart 2018.http://www.bilimtarihi.org/bilginin_izinde.html.E-posta veya metin iletisiGenellikle yalnızca dipnotlarda verilir. Kaynakçada yer alma zorunluluğu yoktur.d Ahmet Temir, yazara e-posta iletisi, 16.10.2015.

<a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/1326D4913FDB4001996106E973E446A4" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a> <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/35F780AA655C4EE781BCD8B3BFD97D50" target="_blank">Yazar Formu</a> <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/2C8208A31F0A44F086E9C3B8A0DD0E42" target="_blank">Kapak Sayfası</a>​​​

Aşağıdaki listede eksik olmadığından emin olun:<ul><li>Makalenin türünün belirtilmiş olduğu</li><li>Başka bir dergiye gönderilmemiş olduğu</li><li>Sponsor veya ticari bir firma ile ilişkisi varsa, bunun belirtildiği</li><li>İngilizce yönünden kontrolünün yapıldığı</li><li>Referansların derginin benimsediği Chicago Style of Manual 16. edisyonuna uygun  olarak düzenlendiği</li><li>Yazarlara Bilgide detaylı olarak anlatılan dergi politikalarının gözden geçirildiği</li></ul>● <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/1326D4913FDB4001996106E973E446A4" target="_blank">Telif Hakkı Anlaşması Formu</a>● Daha önce basılmış materyal (yazı-resim-tablo) kullanılmış ise izin belgesi● <a href="https://cdn.istanbul.edu.tr/file/JTA6CLJ8T5/4A4C616D064847BC88E13E38A77F2FDC" target="_blank">Kapak sayfası</a><ul><li>Makalenin kategorisi</li><li>Makale dilinde ve İngilizce başlık</li><li>Yazarların ismi soyadı, unvanları ve bağlı oldukları kurumlar (üniversite ve fakülte bilgisinden sonra şehir ve ülke bilgisi), e-posta adresleri</li><li>Sorumlu yazarın e-posta adresi, açık yazışma adresi, iş telefonu, GSM, faks nosu</li><li>Tüm yazarların ORCID’leri</li></ul>● Makale ana metni<ul><li>Önemli: Ana metinde yazarın / yazarların kimlik bilgilerinin yer almamış olması gerekir.</li><li>Türkçe ve İngilizce başlık</li><li>Özetler: 200-250 kelime Türkçe, 200-250 kelime İngilizce öz ile 750-800 kelime İngilizce geniş özet.</li><li>Anahtar Kelimeler: 5 adet Türkçe ve 5 adet İngilizce</li><li>Makale ana metin bölümleri</li><li>Finansal destek (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Çıkar çatışması (varsa belirtiniz)</li><li>Teşekkür (varsa belirtiniz)      </li><li>Kaynaklar</li><li>Tablolar-Resimler, Şekiller (başlık, tanım ve alt yazılarıyla)</li></ul>